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THE 


CHURCH    HISTORY   OF 
-     '      BRITAIN  5 


FKOM 


THE  BIRTH  OF  JESUS  CHRIST  UNTIL 
THE  YEAR  M.DC.KLVIII. 


UNDEAVOURKD 

BY    THOMAS    FULLER,  D.D. 


PRBBENDARY  OP  8ARUM. 


A  NEW  EDITION.  IN  tsIX  VOLl'MBB. 

BY  THE  REV.  J.  S!^  BREWER.  M.A. 


VOLUME  I. 


OXFORD: 

AT   THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 
M.TKX<:.XLV. 


/ 


EDITOR'S   PREFACE. 


IN  preparing  this  new  edition  of  Fuller's  Church 
History,  the  principal  object  has  been  to  ex- 
amine and  correct  the  references.  If  attention  to 
this  point  be  incumbent  on  every  editor  of  an 
historical  work,  it  is  eminently  so  in  the  present 
instance.  The  vivacity  of  Fuller's  style,  his  wit, 
his  moderation,  the  exuberance  of  his  fancy,  have 
made  him  a  general  favourite;  but  the  praise  for 
these  excellencies  has  often  been  qualified  by  in- 
sinuations affecting  his  veracity.  From  the  days 
of  Heylyn,  his  literary  competitor,  to  those  of 
Warburton,  and,  still  later,  up  to  the  present 
time,  it  has  been  fashionable  to  decry  the  History 
of  the  Church,  not  so  much  for  those  errors  which 
are  incidental  to  all  works  of  this  nature,  and 
might  be  excused  considering  the  disadvantages 
under  which  Fuller  laboured,'  as  for  the  more 
serious  faults  of  partiality  and  disingenuity. 

Now  without  entering  into  a  laboured  refutation 
of  these  charges,  it  may  be  sufficient  to  remark, 
that  a  careful   examination   of  Fuller's  authorities 


^ 


iv  EDITOR^S  PREFACE. 

with  the  statements  made  in  his  narrative,  has 
ended  in  a  result  favourable  to  his  industry, 
judgment,  and  accuracy. 

To  the  far  more  serious  imputation  of  intentional 
dishonesty,  the  work  itself  seems  to  furnish  a  suffi- 
cient answer.  Had  Fuller  wished  to  gain  favour 
with  the  rising  powers,  how  could  he  hope  to  pro- 
mote his  object  by  dedicating  the  different  Books 
and  Sections  of  his  History  to  such  of  his  friends 
and  patrons  as  were  notorious  for  their  loyalty 
and  adherence  to  the  church?  When  the  work 
was  first  printed,  the  power  and  influence  of  the 
republicans  were  at  their  greatest  height;  nothing 
was  to  be  gained  by  a  needless  profession  of  loy- 
alty or  religious  principles:  yet  so  far  was  he 
from  seeking  favour  with  the  uppermost  party,  or 
shrinking,  like  many  others,  from  the  avowal  of 
his  sentiments,  that  there  is  scarcely  one  among 
those  whom  he  has  thus  recorded  as  his  friends, 
who  had  not  suffered  in  his  person  or  his  property, 
for  adherence  to  the  royal  party. 

Tlie   truth   of  these   remarks  might  be  further 
shewn   by  reference   to   the  Life   prefixed   to   this 
volume;  a  work  which  has  now  become  compara- 
tively rare,  notwithstanding  that  it  passed  through 
two  editions  within  two  years  after  its  publicatic 
It  was   thought    that    a   biography,  written   by 
contemporary,  was  likely  to  be  more  interesting 
the   reader,   than    toy   more   recent   memoir, 
withstanding  its   numerous   affectations   and   o 
sioual  obscurity  of  style.     Besides  its  value,  at 
accurate   summary   of  events,    it   is   important 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE.  v 

this  respect,  as  shewing  the  estimation  in  which 
Fuller  was  held  by  some  of  his  contemporaries ; 
and  how  little  that  estimation  was  affected  by  the 
disparaging  remarks  of  his  opponents. 

To  this  Life  a  few  notes  haye  been  added,  con- 
sisting chiefly  of  extracts  from  his  various  writings, 
supplying  deficiencies  in  the  dates,  or  correcting 
occasional  inaccuracies. 

In  compliance  with  the  rule  uniformly  adopted 
at  the  University  Press,  the  spelling  of  words  has 
been  remodelled  throughout  the  present  work. 
In  the  orthography  of  proper  names,  especially  of 
tho0e  which  occur  in  the  earlier  volumes,  spelled 
sometimes  in  one  way,  sometimes  in  another,  such 
forms  have  been  adopted  as  were  warranted  by 
the  best  manuscripts,  or,  if  possible,  by  letters  and 
public  documents.  On  some  occasions  it  has  been 
found  impossible  or  inexpedient  to  adhere  strictly 
to  this  rule,  more  particularly  in  the  names  of 
Fuller's  contemporaries. 

In  settling  the  chronology,  and  determining  the 
marginal  dates,  the  editor  has  allowed  himself 
greater  liberty;  for  this  obvious  reason  : 

In  the  folio  edition  of  the  work,  published  at 
various  presses,  and  bearing  evident  marks  of  haste, 
the  dates  were  arranged  in  parallel  columns,  oppo- 
site the  paragraphs  to  which  they  referred.  By  this 
means  it  frequently  happened  that  a  date  seemed  to 
apply  to  an  entire  page  or  section,  which  in  reality 
was  intended  only  for  part  of  it ;  from  the  careless- 
ness of  the  printer,  or  haste  in  the  composition  of 
the  work,  the  numbers  sometimes  became  misplaced. 


I 


vi  EDITOR^S    PREFACE. 

and  attached  to  the  wrong  paragraph;  an  over- 
sight which  has  led  the  readers  of  Fuller  into 
serious  errors  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

Another  very  fruitful  source  of  error  was  the 
method  of  reckoning,  not  by  the  civil  but  the 
ecclesiastical  year.  To  obviate  such  difficulties  as 
were  likely  in  this  way  to  perplex  the  reader,  it 
was  necessary  to  correct  the  chronology  through- 
out, to  adopt  the  modem  notation,  and  to  insert 
fresh  dates  where  they  were  requisite. 

The  great  uncertainty  which  pervades  all  our 
earlier  annals  is  obvious  to  any  one  who  is  slightly 
acquainted  with  this  portion  of  English  History. 
Not  only  was  it  usual  for  different  writers  to 
commence  their  years  with  different  months,  but 
even  the  same  writer,  for  example  Matthew  Paris, 
when  compiling  from  different  sources,  either  from 
carelessness  or  design,  adopted  different  modes  of 
computation  in  one  and  the  same  chronicle.  Of 
this  uncertainty  Fuller  has  given  a  remarkable 
instance  in  this  volume.  It  is  not  decided  whether 
we  must  refer  such  an  event  as  the  conversion  of 
a  whole  nation  to  the  year  99»  or  to  a  hundred 
years  later.* 

After  a  careful  examination  of  the  different 
systems  of  chronology  adopted  by  different  writers, 
it  has  been  deemed  advisable  in  the  earlier  por- 
tion of  the  work  to  follow  the  arrangement  of 
Florence  of  Worcester,  or  rather  the  MS.  copy  o 
Florence,  preserved  in  Corpus  Christi  College 
Oxford.     For  the  use  of  this  valuable  MS.  (whic^ 

'  See  Church  History,  i.  26. 


EDITOR^S    PREFACE.  vii 

IB  free  from  the  errors  of  the  printed  copy)  he 
has  to  thank  the  Roy.  E.  Greswell,  fellow  of  that 
college.  Florence  is  succeeded  by  Nicholas  Trivet, 
a  most  exact  and  careful  annalist;  public  papers, 
rolls,  and  documents  have  served  as  a  guide  from 
the  period  of  the  Reformation;  especially  the 
notes  to  Godwin's  treatise  De  Prsesulibus  Anglise, 
edited  by  Dr.  Richardson ;  a  work  of  the  utmost 
value  to  the  student  of  ecclesiastical  history. 

The  editor  has  now  only  to  acknowledge  his  ob- 
ligations to  the  Rev.  R.  H.  Barham,  of  8t.  Paul's 
Cathedra],  for  such  genealogical  notes  in  the  first 
volume  as  are  signed  with  the  letter  B.  These, 
as  well  as  all  other  additions  to  the  original  work, 
are  distinguished  by  brackets. 


KlNG*8    COLLBGK, 
May,  1845. 


THE 


LIFE    AND    DEATH 


OF  THAT 


REVEREND  DIVINE 


AND 


EXCELLENT   HISTORIAN, 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


'<  Si  post  Fata  venit  Gloria,  tic  propero.** — Mart. 


OXFORD: 
Printed  for  R.  Hoptok,  and  are  to  be  Sold  at  the  Royal  Exchange, 


Wesitminnter  Hall,  and  Fleet  Street. 
1662.  ' 


r 


FULLKR9  VOL.  I. 


THE   LIFE 

OF  THE  REVEREND  AND  EXCELLENT 

DE.  THOMAS  FULLER*. 


THE    ample    subject  of  this  incompetent  relation   is 
doctor  Thomas  Fuller,  to  whose  dust  we  do  avowedly 
consecrate  this  elogy — the  doctor  of  famous  memory. 

He  was  born  at  Alwincle,  an  obscure  town  in  North- 
amptonshire, some  five  miles  from  Oundel,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1608^,  a  place  now  equalled  to,  and  vying 
honour  with  any  seed-plot  (in  that  county)  of  virtue, 
learning,  and  religion ;  of  which  hereafter  to  its  glory  it 
shall  be  said,  that  this  man  was  bom  there. 

*  In  hi8  preface  printed  in  this  "  virtuea,  erected  in  the  memory 

note,  the  author  speaks  as  foUows :  *'  and  fame  of  worthy  men,  whicn 

"  To  the  reader.    This  reverend  "  are  alwavs  shewed  by  lamp,  or 

"  person  deceased,  who  while  he  **  some  otner  fsecacious  and  bor- 

"  shined  here  gave  a  full  meridian  «  rowed  light,  that  only  directs  to' 

*'  li^ht  to  all  kind  of  history,  sets  *'  the  solemnity,  and  invites  vene- 

"  with  this  shadow  in  his  own,  the  ''  ration,    but   cannot  contribute 

"  dark  side  of  that  lanthorn  to  '^  nor  add  any  real  estimate  and 

*'  himself,  whose  lucidations  had  "  honour  to  the  saint  himself." 

"  discovered   all   before   it,    and  **  The  account  of  this  reverend 

"  rescued  so  many  brave  memoirs  '*  doctor  deceased  states  itself  in 

"  from  the  violence  of  time.  Pity  it  **  this  apology :  it  pretends  not  to 

"  is  that  such  excdlent  persons  *'  be  any  of  nis  least  and  inconsi- 

"  (for  it   is  their  common  fate)  **  derablereUc,  and  it  doth  alike  jns- 

**  should  be  so  neglectful  of  them-  '**  tify  itself  from  being  his  legend; 

"  selves,  while  they  are  so  sendee-  *'  merely  the  worth  of  so  deserving 

"  able  to  the  world,  which  reaps  **  a  person,  (which  no  pen  hath  yet 

"  all,  with  a  careless  or  ungratenil  "  undertook  or  attempted,)  for  d- 

"  return  to  the  authors  of  their  "  vility's  sake,  hath  obliged  this 

"  store  and  increase.  "  essay,  which  to  your  easiest  cen- 

"  And  as  the  intrinsical  worth  of  "  sure  is  here  submitted." 

"  diamonds,  exerts  not  its  lustre  ^  According  to  the  computation 

**  without  a  foil ;  so  it  fareth  with  in  the  Biographia  Britannica;  and 

"  the  most  costly  and  rich  shrines  a  MS.  note  in  a  copy  of  his  life  in 

'*  of  those  resplendent  and  shining  the  British  Museum. 

bS 


iv  THE  LIFE  OF 

He  was  the  son  of  Mr.  The.  Fuller,  the  minister  of  the 
same  town**,  a  man  of  a  blameless  and  as  private  life,  who 
spent  himself  in  the  discharge  of  his  pastoral  office  to 
which  God  had  called  him,  without  embarking  himself  in 
the  busy  controversies  of  his  time,  that  laboured  under  the 
fatigues  of  most  importunate  puritanism  and  pleading 
popery. 

Part  of  this  privacy  bestowed  itself  fruitfully  upon  the 
youth  of  the  venerable  doctor,  (who  had  lost  some  time 
under  the  ill  menage  of  a  raw  and  unskilful  schoolmaster,)  so 
that  in  a  little  space,  such  a  proficiency  was  visibly  seen  in 
him,  that  it  was  a  question,  whether  he  owed  more  to  his 
father  for  his  birth  or  education;  both  which  had  so 
happily  and  so  easily  concurred,  that  he  was  admirably 
learned  before  it  could  be  supposed  he  had  been  taught ; 
and  this  will  seem  no  paradox  to  those  who  knew  his 
felicity  of  memory,  which  he  owed  not  to  the  lubricity  of 
art,  but  the  certainty  of  nature **. 

Having  under  this  tuition  passed  the  just  time  of  ado- 
lescency  in  those  puerile  studies,  at  twelve  years  of  age®, 
this  hopeful  slip  was  translated  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
first  settled  in  Queen's  College,  of  which  a  near  kinsman  of 
his.  Dr.  [Davenant],  was  then  president.  This  was  a  sphere 
wherein  his  relucent  virtues  and  conspicuous  abilities  had 
room  to  exert  themselves,  so  that  he  filled  the  eyes  of  that 
university  with  a  just  expectation  of  his  future  lustre. 

Here  he  successively  passed  the  degrees  of  bachelor  and 
master  of  arts^,  with  such  general  commendation,  and  at 


c  Of  St.  Peter's.    To  which  he  "  wit,  and  when  Bp.  Davenant  and 

was  presented  by  William  Cecily  "  his  father  were  discoursing,  he 

earl  of  Exeter.   Biog.  ib.     Fuller  "  wouldbebyandhearken,nowand 

mentions  his  father  in  his  Church  "  then  put  in,  and  sometimes  be- 

History,  and  speaks  of  his    ac-  "  yond  expectation  or  his  ^ears. 

quaintance  with  Greenham  the  ce-  Letters  from  the  Bodleian,  ii.  354. 
lebrated  puritan.     Ch.  Hist.  V.        «  A.  D.  1620.  In  163 1  his  unci' 

p.  103.  was  promoted  to  the  see  of  Salit 


>9 


'uller's  mother  was  a  sister  to  bury,  having  been  succeeded  in  tl 

Dr.  John    Davenant,    afterwards  headship  by  Dr.  John  Mansel. 
bishop  of  Salisbury,  to  whom  un-        '  Bachelor  of  arts  in  1624 ;  ma 

doubtedlyhe  was  much  indebted  for  ter  of  arts  1628.  The  Biogr.  B 

his  early  education.  Aubrey  says :  from  the  University  Register. 
"  that  he  was  a  boy  of  a  pregnant 


DR,  THOMAS  FULLER.  v 

such  unusual  age,  that  6uch  a  commencement  was  not 
within  memory  s. 

During  his  residence  in  this  college,  a  fellowship  was 
vacant,  for  which  the  doctor  became  candidate,  prompted 
thereunto  by  a  double  plea  of  merit  and  interest,  besides 
the  desire  of  the  whole  house ;  but  a  statute  of  the  college 
prevailing  against  them  all,  which  admitted  not  two  fellows 
of  the  said  county  of  Northampton,  the  doctor  quitted  his 
pretensions  and  designation  to  that  preferment.  And 
though  he  was  well  assured  of  a  dispensation  from  the 
strict  limitation  of  that  statute  to  be  obtained  for  him,  yet 
he  totally  declined  it,  as  not  wilh'ng  to  owe  his  rise  and 
advancement  to  the  courtesy  to  so  ill  a  precedent,  that 
might  usher  in  more  immodest  intrusions  upon  the  privi- 
leges and  laws  of  the  college*'. 

But  this  gave  him  a  fair  occasion  to  transfer  himself  to 
Sidney  college S  whither  by  some  of  his  choice  and  learned 
friends  he  had  often  been  invited.  He  had  not  long  been 
here,  but  he  was  chosen  minister  of  St.  Bennet's  parish  in 
the  town  of  Cambridge^,  in  whose  church  he  offered  the 

s  He  stayed  at  this  college  eight  "  last  eight  years  in  this  univer- 

years,  according  to  his  own  state-  "  sitv.     May  her  lamp  never  lack 

ment,  in  the  History  of  the  Uni-  "  lignt  for  the  oil,  or  oil  for  the 

versity  of  Cambridge,  p.  123.  **  light  thereof!  '  Zoar,  is  it  not  a 

^  His  uncle  however,  Bp.  Dave-  "  little  one  ?*    Yet  who  shall  de- 

nant,  used  much  entreaty  with  the  "  spise  the  day  of  small  things  ?" 

master,  to  obtain  a  fellowship  for  p.  217.     From  this  then  we  may 

hia  nephew;  as  may  be  seen  by  infer  that  Fuller's  stay  at  the  uni- 

his  letters,  in  the  Tanner  Collec-  versity  lasted  about  sixteen  years, 

tion,  in  the  Bodleian.  which  would  make  him  twenty* 

'  Sidney  was  a  very  poor  college,  eight  at  the  time  of  leaving  it. 
In  his  History  of  the  University,        It  is  most  probable  that  Fuller 

Fuller  says  :"  It  is  as  yet  but  early  was  received  at  Sidney,  through 

da3r8  with  this  college,  which  the  influence  of  Bp.  Davenant  with 

hath  not  seen  sixty  years;  yet  Dr.  Ward,  the  master  of  it,  his 

hath  it  been  fruitful  in  worthy  most    dear    and  intimate  friend, 

men  proportionably  to  the  age  And  if  the  computation  in    the 

thereof,  and  I  hope  it  will  daily  previous  notes  be  correct,  he  mi* 

increase.   Now  though  it  be  only  grated  thither  in  1628,  the  year  in 

the  place  of  the  parents,  and  which  he  took  his  n^aster's  decree, 
proper  to  him  as  the  greater  to        ^  In  his  History  of  the  Univer- 

•*  bless  his  child  (Heb.  vii.  6.),  yet  sity  of  Cambridge,  referring  to  his 

"  it  is  the  duty  of  the  child  to  pray  presentation.  Fuller  states  a  fact 

*'  for  his  parents,  in  which  relation  which  seems  to  have  escaped  the 

my  best  desires  are  due  to  this  notice    of   his  biographers:    "I 

foundation,  my  mother  for  my  "  most  thankfully  confess  myself, 

b3 


«( 

M 

(i 
M 
i( 
M 
it 
K 


VI 


THE  LIFE  OF 


primity  of  his  ministerial  fruits,  which,  like  apples  of  gold 
in  pictures  of  silver,  (sublime  divinity  in  the  most  ravishing 
elegancies,)  attracted  the  audience  of  the  university,  by 
whose  dilated  commendations  he  was  generally  known  at 
that  age  at  which  most  men  do  but  peep  into  the  world. 

These  his  great  sufficiencies  (being  now  but  about  the 
age  of  twenty-three  years)  tendered  him  a  prebendary  of 
Salisbury',  and  at  the  same  time  a  fellowship  in  Sidney 
college.  They  were  both  eximious  preferments  as  the 
times  then  were,  the  estimation  of  either  being  equally 
great  mutatis  mutafidis ;  but  the  doctor's  inclination 
biassed  him  to  the  more  active  and  profitable  incumbency, 
into  which  his  inbred  piety  and  devotion  had  from  the 
first  of  his  resolutions  induced  him.  Whereupon  he  retired 
from  that  university,  and  betook  himself  to  the  priestly 
function,  being  thereunto  ordained  by  the  right  reverend 
father  in  God  the  bishop  of  Salisbury. 

This  being  the  king's  donation,  was  some  further  reason 
for  abandoning  his  most  pleasant  studies  and  conversation 
in  Cambridge,  for  that  also  by  the  statutes  of  both  univer- 
sities it  is  provided,  that  no  person  who  shall  have  ten 
pound  per  annum  in  the  king's  books  shall  be  capable  of 
a  fellowship  in  either  of  them.  So  Providence  was  pleased  to 
dispose  of  him  in  each  of  these  academical  honorary  intend- 
ments, that  his  fluent  should  not  run  silently  in  those  streams, 
contribute  only  to  their  emanations,  but  with  fame  dis- 
charge itself  into  the  ocean,  reciprocate  honour  and  desert 
with  the  world. 

Having  thus  launched  and  being  so  furnished,  he  set 
forth  in  the  course  of  the  ministry,  exchanging  those  de- 
lightful privacies  of  his  college  studies   (which  laid  the 


(he  says,) once  a  member  at  large 
of  this  house  (Bennett  college) 
when  they  were  pleased,  above 
twenty  years  since,  freely  (with- 
"  out  my  thou||[ht8  thereof)  to 
"  choose  me  minister  of  St.  Bene- 
dict's church,  the  parish  adjoin- 
ing and  in  their  patronage."  p. 


<( 


*t 


it 


74.  The  History  of  Cambridgi 
was  published  in  1655.  The  living 
was  then  valued  at  4/.  95.  6d. 

»  «  Of  Netkerbmy  in  Ecclesp 
"  to  which  he  was  collated  up 
"  the  decease  of  Dr.  John  Rj 
*'  linson    on    the    i8th  of  Ju 
"  1631."  Biog.  Brit. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER,  vii 

happy  foundations  and  beginnings  of  those  excellent  books  ■"y 
which  successively  teemed  those  productions  and  propaga- 
tions of  divine  learning  and  knowledge,  of  which  more 
hereafUr)  for  the  troublesome  cure  of  a  parish  and  impor- 
tunate pulpit. 

That  prebend  of  Salisbury  was  a  commodious  step  to 
another  more  profitable  place,  which  for  its  vicinity  to  that 
cathedral,  and  being  in  the  same  diocese,  did  easily  com- 
mend itself  without  the  aid  and  instance  of  the  patron  or 
other  inducements  to  the  doctor's  acceptance ;  but  yet  he 
did  not  over-readily  entertain  the  kindness  of  the  proffer, 
till  after  a  serious  scrutiny  of  himself  and  his  abilities  to 
discharge  the  requisite  duties  the  place  called  for ;  and  after 
a  very  fiill  and  satisfactory  inquiry  of  his  parishioners. 

It  was  the  rectory  of  Broad  Windsor  in  Dorsetshire,  a 
place  far  distanced  from  his  native  country,  and  remoter 
from  his  university.  "  A  prophet  hath  no  honour  of  his 
own  ;*'  and  therefore  it  was  doubled  to  him  in  another.  The 
accommodation  both  in  reference  to  his  maintenance  and 
respect  from  this  people  was  very  noble,  and  which  afforded 
great  expedience  to  the  doctor's  other  labours,  which  were 
bountifrilly  cherished  under  the  tuition  of  the  ministry. 

After  some  while  employed  here  in  the  pastoral  office, 
the  doctor  was  desired  by  some  friends  to  dignify  his 
desert  with  the  degrees  which  his  time  and  standing  by 
the  rules  of  the  university  afforded  him :  whereunto  the 
doctor  out  of  a  reverence  to  his  honourable  calling  was 
well  inclined,  and  accordingly  prepared  for  his  departure 
to  Cambridge  to  take  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  divinity  ". 

Having  taken  care  therefore  to  supply  his  place  for  the 
time  of  his  absence,  at  his  setting  forth  he  was  acquainted 
that  four  of  his  chief  parishioners,  with  his  good  leave, 
were  ready  to  wait  on  him  to  Cambridge,  to  testify  their 
exceeding  engagements,  it  being  the  sense  and  request  of 
his  whole  parish.     This  kindness  was  so  present  and  so 

™  The  first  of  which  was  a  poem,  1631 .   See  the  list  of  his  works  at 

entitled  "  David's    heinous    Sin,  the  end  of  this  Biographv. 

"  hearty  Repentance,  and  heavy  "  In  16^5.      Bioffrapnia    Brit. 

"  Punishment."      Published     in  from  the  University  Register. 

b4 


viii  THE  LIFE  OF 

resolutely  pressed,  that  the  doctor,  with  many  thanks  for 
that  and  other  demonstrations  of  their  love  towards  him, 
gladly  accepted  of  their  company,  and  with  his  customary 
innate  pleasantness  entertained  their  time  to  the  journey's 
end. 

At  his  coming  to  Cambridge  he  was  most  welcomely 
treated  and  saluted  by  his  friends  and  acquaintance,  and 
visited  almost  by  all  considerable  persons  of  the  university 
and  town ;  especially  of  his  parishioners  of  St.  Bennet : 
fame  and  love  vying  which  should  render  him  most  ad- 
dresses, to  the  great  delight  and  satisfaction  of  his  fellow- 
travellers  and  neighbours  in  having  a  minister  who  was  so 
highly  and  yet  no  less  deservedly  honoured,  but  to  the 
trouble  of  the  modest  doctor,  who  was  then  forced  to  busy 
his  invention  with  compliments,  to  which  he  was  most 
naturaUy  averse. 

At  this  commencement  there  proceeded  with  him  in  the 
same  degree  of  bachelor  of  divinity  three  other  reverend 
persons,  all  with  general  applause  and  commendation ;  and 
therefore  to  do  them  no  wrong,  must  forbear  to  give  the 
deceased  doctor  his  particular  due :  only  thus  much  by 
the  way  may  be  added,  that  this  commencement  cost  the 
doctor  for  his  particular,  the  sum  of  sevenscore  pounds,  an 
evidence  of  his  liberality  and  largeness  of  mind  proportion- 
able to  his  other  capacities,  and  yet  than  which  nothing  was 
less  studied. 

At  his  departure  he  was  dismissed  with  as  honourable 
valedictions,  and  so  he  returned  in  the  same  company  (who 
had  out  of  their  own  purse  contributed  another  addition 
of  honour  to  that  solemnity)  to  his  said  rectory  at  Broad- 
Windsor,  resolving  there  to  spend  himself  and  the  time  of 
his  pilgrimage  amongst  his  dear  and  loving  charge. 

In  the  amenity  and  retirements  of  this  rural  life  some 
perfection  was  given  to  those  pieces  which  soon  after 
blessed  this  age  (an  account  of  all  which  is  reserved  to  the 
conclusion  of  these  collections  <>) :  from  this  pleasant  pro- 

o  The  first  of  these  was  dated  the  author  styles  himself,  "  B.  D. 

from  "Broad-Windsor,  March  6.  **  Prebendaiy  of  Sanun,  late  of 

**  1638;'*  i.  e.  1639,  according  to  "  Sidnev  College  in  Cambridge." 

our  computation.    In  the  titlepage  The  Pis^h  Sight  was  a  much 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  ix 

spect  he  drew  that  excellent  piece  of  the  Holy  War,  Pisgah 
Sight;  and  other  tracts  relating  thereto ;  so  that  what  was 
said  bitterly  of  some  tyrants,  that  they  made  whole  coun- 
tries vast  solitudes  and  deserts,  may  be  inverted  to  the 
eulogy  of  this  doctor,  that  he  in  these  recesses  made  de- 
serts the  solitudes  of  Israel,  the  frequented  path  and  track 
of  all  ingenuous  and  studious  persons. 

But  contemplation,  and  the  immurement  of  his  vast 
spirit  within  the  precincts  of  his  parish,  (although  both  de- 
lightful and  profitable,  those  foreign  travails  of  his  brain 
above  mentioned*  affording  the  one,  and  his  pious  labours 
at  home  yielding  the  other,)  grew  tedious  and  wearisome 
to  his  active  and  free  genius,  which  was  framed  by  nature 
for  converse  and  general  intelligence,  not  to  be  smothered 
in  such  an  obscurity. 

To  this  inclination  also  the  unquietness  and  trepidations 
of  those  times  (then  scared  with  the  news  of  a  war  about 
religion  and  reformation  which  the  Scots  pretended)  did 
oversway  him.  He  was  very  sensible  whither  those  first 
commotions  did  tend,  and  that  some  heavy  disaster  did,  in 
those  angry  clouds  which  impended  over  the  nation,  more 
particularly  threaten  the  clergy.  He  was  then  also  mar- 
ried unto  a  virtuous  young  gentlewoman,  and  by  her  had 
born  there  his  eldest  son,  now  a  hopeful  plant  in  the  same 
college  and  university  where  his  father  had  his  educa- 
tion P.  These  motives,  concurring  with  that  general  fame 
and  esteem  of  him,  drew  him  to  the  consultation  of  a  city 
life,  where  both  security,  honour,  and  the  advantages  of 
learning,  did  demonstratively  promise  the  completion  of 
his  desires  and  intended  tranquillity,  destined  already  to 
some  public  works  which  were  then  in  designment. 

Removing  therefore  to  London,  having  obtained  his  fair 
dismission  firom  that  charge  in  the  country,  he  continued 
his  pious  endeavours  of  preaching  in  most  of  the  voiced 
pulpits  of  London,  (being  cried  up  for  one  of  the  most 
excellent  preachers  of  his  age,)  but  most  usually  in  the 
inns  of  court. 

later  production^  the    dedication     "  bev,  July  7.  1650." 
liearing  the  date,  "  Waltham  Ab-        p  Named  John. 


X  THE  LIFE  OF 

He  was  from  thence^  by  the  master  and  brotherhood  of 
the  Savoy^  (as  well  as  earnestly  desired  and  entreated  by 
that  small  parish,)  complimented  to  accept  of  the  lecturer's 
place;  which  having  undertaken  after  some  instance^  he 
did  most  piously  and  effectually  discharge,  witness  the 
great  confluence  of  aflfected  hearers  &om  distant  congre- 
gations^ insomuch  that  his  own  cure  were^  in  a  sense,  ex- 
communicated from  the  church,  unless  their  timous  dili- 
gence kept  pace  with  their  devotion ;  the  doctor  aflfording 
them  no  more  time  for  their  extraordinaries  on  the  Lord's 
day,  than  what  he  allowed  his  habituated  abstinence  on  all 
the  rest.  He  had  in  his  narrow  chapel  two  audiences,  one 
without  the  pale,  the  other  within ;  the  windows  of  that 
little  church  and  the  sextonrv  so  crowded,  as  if  bees  had 
swarmed  to  his  mellifluous  discourse. 

He  continued  here  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  his  people 
and  the  neighbouring  nobility  and  gentry,  till  our  unhappy 
unnatural  wars  had  made  a  dismal  progress  through  the 
whole  nation;  labouring  all  that  while  in  private  and  in 
public  to  beget  a  right  understanding  among  all  men  of 
the  king's  most  righteous  cause,  which  through  seduction 
and  popular  fury  was  generally  maligned.  His  exhorta- 
tions to  peace  and  obedience  were  his  constant  subjects  in 
the  church,  (all  his  sermons  were  such  liturgies,)  while  his 
secular  days  were  spent  in  vigorously  promoting  the  king's 
aflfairs  either  by  a  sudden  reconciliation  or  potent  assist- 
ance <1. 

To  this  end,  on  the  anniversary  day  of  his  late  majesty's 
inauguration,  which  was  the  [27th]  day  of  March,  1642, 
he  preached  at  St.  Peter's,  Westminster,  on  this  text, 
2  Sam.  xix.  30 :  Yea,  let  him  take  all,  so  that  my  lord  the 
king  return  in  peace.  A  theme  so  distasteful  to  the  ring- 
leaders of  the  rebellion  (who  had  on  pui-posc  so  scandal- 
ously driven  him  from  his  court  and  parliament,  that  hf 
might  never  with  any  pleasure  think  of  returning  to  the 

^  -About  this  time,  that  is,  in  of  the  bishops  by  the  parliamei 

1640,  the  celebrated   convocation  Our  author's  own  part  on  this  f 

began  at  Westminster,  in  which  occasion    may    be    seen    in 

the  new  canons  were  passed,  lliis  Church  History,  vol.  vi.  p.  if 
gave  occasion  to  the  impeachment 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xi 

till  he  had  yindicated  his  honour  upon  the  abettors  of 
those  tumults),  and  so  well  and  loyally  enforced  by  him, 
that  drew  not  only  a  suspicion  from  the  moderate  misled 
party  of  parliament,  but  an  absolute  odium  on  him  from 
die  grandees  and  principals  in  the  rebellion  r. 

There  were  few  or  none  of  the  orthodox  clergy  then 
remaining  within  their  lines  of  communication  (new  in- 
Tented  limits  for  the  city's  old  liberties),  some  being  dead 
in  restraint,  or  through  more  harsh  and  cruel  dealing,  the 
rest  outed  and  silenced;  so  that  their  inspection  and 
espial  was  confined  almost  to  the  doctor's  pulpit  as  to 
public  assemblies;  where,  nevertheless,  he  desisted  not, 
nor  altered  from  his  main  course,  the  doctrine  of  allegi- 
ance,  till  such  time  as  the  covenant  was  obtruded  upon  his 
conscience,  and  must,  through  his  persuasions,  be  likewise 
pressed  upon  his  people. 

Several  false  rumours  and  cavils  there  are  about  his  car- 
riage and  opinion  touching  that  sacrilegious  thing  by  per- 
sons, who  were  distanced  as  far  from  the  knowledge  of 
those  passages,  as  fortunately  from  being  concerned  and 
engaged  within  the  reach  of  that  snare ^.     It  was  not  only 

'  To  the  troubles  then  becloud-  '*  and  what  heretofore  bath  run  out 

in^  this  kingdom,  and  the  oppo-  "  in  writing  shall  hereafter  (God 

sition  which  he  expected  to  en-  *'  willing^  be  improved  in  constant 

counter,    Fuller    alluded    in    his  "  preacmng,  in  what  place  soever 

Holy  State,  which,  though  printed  "  God's  providence  and  friends' 

in  1642,  was,  as  he  tells  us  in  his  "  good  will  shall  fix  [me]." 
address  to  the  reader,  prepared  a        *  The    author    unquestionably 

year  before.  alludes,  among  others,  to  the  ce- 

•*  Now  (he  says)   I  will  turn  lebrated  William  Lilly  the  astro- 

**  my  pen  into  praver,  that  God  loger.    He  had  accused  Fuller  of 

*'  would  be  pleasea   to  discloud  dishonesty,  in  first  taking  the  so- 

"  these    gloomy   days    with    the  lemn    league    and    covenant,    in 

beams  of  his  mercy :  which  if  I  compliance  with  the  orders  of  the 

may  be  so  happy  as  to  see,  it  parhament,  and  then  taking  re- 

"  will  then  encourage  me  to  coimt  fuge  with  the   king   at  Oxford, 

it  freedom  to  serve  two  appren-  **  He  took  the  covenant  twice  for 

ticeships  (God  spinning  out  the  "  the  parliament,  before  my  face 

thick  thread  of  my  life  so  long)  "  in  the   Savoy  church ;   invited 

in  writing  the  Ecclesiastical  His-  "  others  to  it,  yet,  apostate-like, 

tory  from  Christ's  time  to  our  "  ran  within  few  days  to  Oxford, 

days,  if  I  shall  from  remoter  '*  and  then  whined  to  his  compan- 

perts  be  so  planted  as  to  enjoy  **  ions,  and  protested  the  countess 

**  the  benefit  of  walking  and  stand-  "  of  R made  him  take  it." 

"  ii^f    Ubraries. Meanwhile   I  LiUy's  Hist.  p.  172.  ed.  1774. 

**  will  stop  the  leakage  of  my  soul,        The  statement  is  very  positive, 


M 
M 
€€ 
«< 
M 
€€ 


xii  THE  LIFE  OF 

easy,  but  most  prudential,  for  other  ecclesiastical  persons 
to  quit  their  livings  who  were  out  of  the  gripes  and 
clutches,  of  those  ravenous  reformists,  in  order  to  keep 
their  conscience  inviolable;  but  it  was  difficulty  enough 
of  itself  for  the  doctor  to  escape  and  get  out  of  that 
place,  where  the  next  preferment  would  have  been  a 
dungeon. 

Some  velitations,  transient  discourses,  he  made  about 
that  frequent  and  thumbed  subject  of  the  reformation,  the 
rather  to  suspend  the  busy  censures  of  the  parliament  and 
their  party;  wherein  though  he  seemed  to  comply  (but  as 
far  as  the  rule  and  example  would  allow),  and  indulge  the 
misapprehension  of  those  men,  yet  these  his  charitable  dis- 
guises could  not  obscure  him  from  the  severe  animadver- 
sions of  several  ministers  eminent  in  those  reforming  times, 
particularly  Mr.  Saltmarsh.  The  contest  betwixt  them  is 
so  known  in  print  that  it  will  be  needless  to  trouble  the 
reader  with  it  here';  only  thus  much  by  digression  in 
honour  of  this  venerable  doctor :  Mr.  Saltmarsh  being  long 
long  since  dead,  he  hath  in  his  book  of  the  "Worthies  Ge- 
neral of  England  (of  which  hereafter)  given  him  a  most 
honourable  mention,  and  assigned  him  the  place  of  his 

and  not  a  little  malicious ;  yet,  if        Upon  this  our  author  observes, 

we  may  believe    Fuller  himself,  that  he  himself  has  no  cause  to 

was  founded  on  a  mistake.     See  be    angrv    with    fame   for  such 

his  Church  Hist.  vi.  p.  267.  a    favorable    falsehood.      "May 

*  As  for  the  controversy  be-  "  I  make  this  true  (says  he)  of 

tween  our  author  and  Mr.  John  "  that  false  report,  to  die  daily. 

Saltmarsh,  it  was  occasioned  by  "  See  how  Providence  has  crosseid 

the  Sermon  of  Reformation,  whicn  "  it !  The  dead  reported  man  is 

Fuller  had  preached  at  the  Savoy  "  still  living ;  the  then  living  man 

(Heb.  ix.  X.  in  1643).     Against  **  dead ;  and  seeing  I  survive  to 

this  sermon  Saltmarsh  published  "  go  over  his  grave,  I  will  tread 

some  animadversions,  wherein  he  "  the  more  gently  on  the  mould 

charged  Fuller  with  several  points  "thereof;  using  that  civility  on 

of  popery ;  and   Fuller  defended  "  him,    which    I    received    from 

the  arguments  which  he  had  de-  "  him."   (Biog.   Brit.)    This  was 

liveredinatractsetforth,underthe  written   May  20,  1661.     See  the 

title  of  Trvth  Maintained,  In  this  Worthies,  iii.  p.  435.    Saltmarsh 

tract  he  challenged  Saltmarsh  to  a  died  in  1647,  in  a  state  of  insanity, 

reply,  but  he  appeared  in  the  lists  He  was  a  man  of  considerable  abi- 

no  more ;  giving  his  reason  after-  lity  and  acuteness,  but  wild  and 

wards  for  it,  that  he  would  not  extravagant,  as  might  be  expected, 

shoot  his  arrows  against  a  dead  See  the  Biogr.  Brit.  ib.  and  Wood's 

mark.  He  had  been  informed  that  Athen.  ii.  288. 
Fuller  was  dead  at  Exeter. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xiii 

birth,  education,  and  burial,  registering  him  for  an  oma- 
ment  of  them  all :  so  resplendent  and  durable  was  the  doc- 
tor's charity.  I  may  not  omit  one  thing,  that  the  doctor  in 
recording  and  relating  of  the  death  of  the  said  Mr.  Salt- 
marsh,  doth  passionately  reflect  on  the  shortness  of  his  life, 
and  the  acuteness  of  that  fever  which  so  violently  ended 
him,  reducing  and  applying  it  to  the  uncertainty  of  his 
own  state ;  and  we  now  imhappily  see  those  curious  pre- 
sages of  his  pen  verified  and  accomplished  in  his  most 
immature  and  sudden  decease. 

To  return  to  our  subject ;  in  the  beginning  of  the  year 
1643  the  said  covenant  was  generally  pressed,  and  a  very 
great  persecution  soon  after  followed  it.  The  doctor  was 
settled  in  the  love  and  affections  of  his  own  parish,  besides 
other  obligations  to  his  numerous  followers;  so  that  the 
Covenant  then  tendered  might  seem  like  the  bright  side  of 
that  cloud  (promising  serenity  and  prosperity  to  him,  as  was 
insinuated  to  the  doctor  by  many  great  parliamentarians) 
which  showered  down,  after  a  little  remoteness,  such  a 
black  horrible  tempest  upon  the  clergy,  nay,  the  church 
and  three  kingdoms.  But  the  good  doctor  could  not  bow 
down  his  knee  to  that  Baal-Berith,  nor  for  any  worldly 
considerations  (enough  whereof  invited  him  even  to  fall 
down  and  worship,  men  of  his  great  parts  being  infinitely 
acceptable  to  them)  lend  so  much  as  an  ear  to  their  ser- 
pentine charms  of  religion  and  reformation. 

Since  therefore  he  could  not  continue  with  his  cure 
without  his  conscience,  and  every  day  threatened  the  im- 
position of  that  illegal  oath,  he  resolved  to  betake  himself 
to  God's  providence,  and  to  put  himself  directly  imder  it, 
waving  all  indirect  means  and  advantages  whatsoever 
towards  his  security.  In  order  thereunto,  in  April  1643, 
he  deserted  the  city  of  London  and  privately  conveyed 
himself  to  Oxford,  to  the  no  less  sudden  amazement  of 
the  faction  here,  who  yet  upon  recollection  quickly  found 
their  mistake,  than  to  the  unexpected  content  and  joy  of 
the  loyal  party  there,  who  had  every  day  Job's  messengers 
of  the  plundering,  ruins,  and  imprisonments  of  orthodox 
divines. 


xiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

Oxford  was  then  the  common  refuge  and  shelter  of  such 
persecuted  persons,  so  that  it  never  was  nor  is  like  to  be 
a  more  learned  university,  (one  breast  being  dried  up  by 
Cromwell's  visitation",  the  milk  resorted  to  the  other,)  nor 
did  ever  letters  and  arms  so  well  consist  together,  it  being 
an  accomplished  academy  of  both. 

Among  the  multitude  of  those  new  comers,  like  the 
clean  beasts  to  the  ark  when  the  waters  increased,  the 
king  (the  most  excellent  intelligent  prince  of  the  abilities 
of  his  clergy)  vouchsafed  the  doctor  the  honour  of  preach- 
ing before  him  in  St.  Mary's,  where,  with  the  like  modera- 
tion, he  laid  open  the  blessings  of  an  accommodation,  as 
being  too  too  sensible,  and  that  so  recently,  of  the  vim- 
lency  and  impotent  rage,  though  potent  arms,  of  the 
disloyal  Londoners ;  which,  as  the  doctor  then  Christianly 
thought,  could  not  better  be  allayed  than  by  a  fair  con- 
descension in  matters  of  church  reformation. 

It  seems  some  particulars  in  that  sermon  gave  offence  to 
some  at  court,  as  if  the  good  doctor  were  a  lukewarm 
royalist,  and  did  not  throughly  own  his  majesty's  cause ; 
which  ill-grounded  conceit  (though  he  were  well  satisfied 
in  that  his  plea  for  composure)  did  not  a  little  trouble 
him:  to  explain  and  free  himself,  an  opportunity  was 
wanting  both  of  press  and  ptdpit,  and  the  hurry  of  the 
war  gave  not  his  prejudiced  hearers  leisure  for  his  par* 
ticular  vindication.  He  resolved  therefore  strenuously  to 
evince  his  faithful  loyalty  to  the  king  by  another  kind  of 
argument;  by  appearing  in  the  king's  armies  to  be  a 
preacher  militant  to  his  soldiers^. 

This  resolution  Providence  was  pleased  to  favour  by  an 
honourable  friend's  recommendation  of  the  doctor  to  my 
lord  Hopton  /,  who  was  then  to  choose  a  chaplain.     This 

^  He  means  the  university  of  coin.  Probably-  about  this  time 
Cambridge,  which  was  nearly  an-  also  he  lost  his  books  and  papers, 
nihilated  by  the  worthless  earl  of  of  which  he  so  frequently  corn- 
Manchester,  plains.     See  particularly  his  dedi- 

»  The  writer  of  Fuller's  life  in  cation  to   lord   Cranfield   in  the 

the  Biographia  Britannica  thinks  Church  Hist.  iii.  p.  i.  and  other 

with  very  good  reason,  that  during  passages  quoted  in  the  Biography 

his  stay  in  the  university  Fuller  ib. 

was  for  a  time  entertained  at  lin-  y   Sir  Ralph  Hopton,   creat 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xr 

noble  lord,  though  as  courageous  and  expert  a  captain,  and 
successful  withal,  as  the  king  had  any,  was  never  averse  to 
an  amicable  closure  of  the  war  upon  fidr  and  honourable 
terms,  and  did  therefore  well  approve  of  the  doctor  and 
his  desires  and  pursuit  after  peace.  The  good  doctor  was 
likewise  infinitely  contented  in  his  attendance  on  such  an 
excellent  personage,  whose  conspicuous  and  noted  loyalty 
could  not  but  derive  the  same  reputation  to  his  retainers, 
especially  one  so  near  his  conscience  as  his  chaplain,  and 
so  wipe  off  that  stain  which  the  mistakes  of  those  men  had 
cast  on  him.  In  this  intendment  God  was  pleased  to  sue- 
ceed  the  doctor  and  give  him  victory  (proper  to  the  camp 
he  followed)  against  this  first  attempt  on  his  honour. 

During  the  campania,  and  while  the  army  continued  in 
the  field,  he  performed  the  duty  of  his  holy  function  with 
as  much  solemn  piety  and  devotion  as  he  used  before  in 
places  consecrated  to  God's  worship,  and  according  to  the 
form  used  and  appointed  by  the  Church  of  England :  in 
all  emergencies  and  present  enterprises  using  no  other 
prayers  than  what  the  care  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church 
had  in  those  miserable  exigencies  newly  directed.  To  this 
he  added  constant  preaching  on  the  Lord's  day,  animating 
in  his  sermons  the  soldiers  to  fight  courageously,  and  to 
demean  themselves  worthy  of  that  glorious  cause  with 
which  God  had  honoured  them. 

With  the  progress  of  the  war  he  marched  from  place  to 
place,  and  wherever  there  happened  for  the  better  accom- 
modation of  the  army  any  reasonable  stay,  he  allotted  it 
with  great  satisfaction  to  his  beloved  studies.  Those  ces- 
sations and  intermissions  begot  in  him  the  most  intentness 
and  solicitous  industry  of  mind ;  which  as  he  never  used 
to  much  recreation  or  diversion  in  times  of  peace,  which 
might  loose  and  relax  a  well  disciplined  spirit,  so  neither 

lord  Hopton,  May-  i6,  1643,   for        I  may  add  that  this  lord  be- 

his  victory  at  Stratton  in  Cornwall,  longed  to  Lincoln  college,  and  was 

See  his  patent  in  the  Worthies,  i.  brought  up  under  the  eye  of  the 

^i,  and  a  larger  account  of  him  celebrated  Bp.  Sanderson,  which 

in  Lloyd's  Memoirs,  p.  341.    One  makes  the  suggestion  stated  in  the 

other  such  a  man  had  saved  king  former  note  stm  more  probable. 
Charles. 


xvi  THE  LIFE  OF 

did  the  horror  and  rigidness  of  the  war  stiffen  him  in  such 
a  stupidity  (which  generally  posses t  all  learned  men)  or 
else  distract  him,  but  that  in  such  lucid  intervals  he  would 
seriously  and  fixedly  come  to  himself  and  his  designed 
business. 
]  Indeed  his  business  and  study  then  was  a  kind  of 
errantry,  having  proposed  to  himself  a  more  exact  col- 
lection of  the  worthies  general  of  England,  in  which  others 
had  waded  before,  but  he  resolved  to  go  through.  In 
what  place  soever  therefore  he  came,  of  remark  especially, 
he  spent  frequently  most  of  his  time  in  views  and  researches 
of  their  antiquities  and  church  monuments,  insinuating  him- 
self into  the  acquaintance  (which  frequently  ended  in  a 
lasting  friendship)  of  the  learnedest  and  gravest  persons 
residing  within  the  place,  thereby  to  inform  himself  fully 
of  those  things  he  thought  worthy  the  commendation  of 
his  labours.  It  is  an  incredible  thing  to  think  what  a 
numerous  correspondence  the  doctor  maintained  and  en- 
joyed by  this  means. 

Nor  did  the  good  doctor  ever  refuse  to  light  his  candle 
in  investigating  truth  from  the  meanest  person's  discovery. 
He  would  endure  contentedly  an  hour's  or  more  imper- 
tinence from  any  aged  church  officer  or  other  super- 
annuated people  for  the  gleaning  of  two  lines  to  his  pur- 
pose. And  though  his  spirit  was  quick  and  nimble,  and 
all  the  faculties  of  his  mind  ready  and  answerable  to  that 
activity  of  dispatch,  yet  in  these  inquests  he  would  stay 
and  attend  those  circular  rambles  till  they  came  to  a  point ; 
so  resolute  was  he  bent  to  the  sifling  out  of  abstruse 
antiquity.  Nor  did  he  ever  dismiss  any  such  feeble  adju- 
tators  or  helpers  (as  he  pleased  to  style  them)  without 
giving  them  money  and  cheerful  thanks  besides. 

After  the  fight  at  Cheriton  Down*  my  lord  Hopton 
drew  down  with  his  army  and  artillery  to  Basing,  and  so 
marched  that  way  to  Oxford,  intending  to  take  up  winter 
quarters  as  soon  as  he  had  consulted  with  the  king,  and 
lefl  the  doctor  in  that  as  courageously  manned  as  well 
fortified  house ;  where  he  had  scarce  begun  to  reduce  his 

'  On  March  39, 1644. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


XVII 


marching  observations  into  form  and  method,  bat  sir 
William  "Waller,  having  taken  in  Winchester,  came  to 
besiege  the  doctor's  sanctuary.  This  no  way  amated  or 
terrified  him,  but  only  the  noise  of  the  canon  playing  from 
^  the  enemy's  leaguer  interrupted  the  prosecution  of  digest- 
ing his  notes ;  which  trouble  he  recompensed  to  them  by 
an  importunate  spiriting  of  the  defendants  in  their  sallies ; 
which  they  followed  so  close  and  so  bravely,  suffering  the 
besiegers  scarce  to  eat  or  sleep,  that  sir  William  was  com- 
pelled to  raise  his  siege  and  march  away,  leaving  above  a 
thousand  men  slain  behind  him,  and  the  doctor  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  that  strong  effort  of  rebellion  in  some  way  by  his 
means  repulsed  and  defeated,  and  in  being  free  to  proceed 
in  his  wonted  intendments  \ 

What  time  the  doctor  continued  here  is  very  uncertain ; 
sure  we  may  be  he  was  not  an  unemployed  or  an  unac- 
ceptable guest  to  that  loyal  garrison,  and  that  as  noble  and 
honourable  marquis**  the  proprietary  of  the  place;  the  de- 
molishing of  which  princely  edifice  then  standing  in  spite 
of  their  potent  arms,  yet  afterwards  through  the  fortune 
of  war  being  fallen  into  their  hands  and  razed  by  their 
more  impotent  revenge  <^,  he  doth  heartily  lament  in  his 
"  Worthies  general  **,"  preferring  it  while  it  fiourished  for 
the  chiefest  fabric  in  Hampshire.  This  his  kindness  to  the 
place  of  his  refuge  though  no  doubt  true  and  deserved 
enough,  yet  no  questionless  was  endeared  in  him  by  some 
more  peculiar  obliging  regards  and  respects  he  found 
during  his  abode  there;  though  indeed  his  worth  could 
want  and  miss  them  nowhere. 

The  next  removal  of  the  doctor  was  to  his  charge  in  the 
army,  and  his  particular  duty  of  chaplain  to  his  said  lord. 


^  This  happened  in  the  No- 
vember following. 
^  The  marquis  of  Worcester. 
^  Bj  Cromwell,  in  Sept.  1645. 
"  Basing  house  (says  Sanderson) 
"  had  been  first  attempted  in  Au- 
gust 1643;  again  by  Waller  in 
Novemb^  after;  and  then  with 
**  considerable  forces,  from  June 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


« 


€€ 
U 


14,  in  the  year  1644,  and  relieved 
II  September  after,  then  con- 
tinue very  considerable  forces, 
constantly  besieging  it, — ^till  now 

''  Cromwell    comes."    Reign    of 

Charles  I.  p.  834. 
^  Vol.  ii.  p.  4.  At  the  time  of  its 

capture,  however.  Fuller  seems  to 

have  been  at  Exeter. 


xviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  war  was  then  at  its  zenith  ^,  hotter  and  more  dilated, 
raging  everywhere  both  in  this  and  the  two  neighbouring 
kingdoms,  so  that  there  was  no  shelter  or  retirement  which 
it  had  not  invaded  and  intruded  into  by  unruly  garrisons^ 
while  the  country  became  a  devastated  solitude^  so  that  the 
doctor's  design  could  proceed  nowhere. 

But  that  fatal  war  hasting  to  a  sad  and  miserable  end« 
success  not  answering  the  merit  of  the  cause,  the  king's 
field  forces  being  everywhere  engaged,  and  part  of  the 
loyal  army  driven  into  Cornwall,  under  the  command  of 
that  skilful  captain,  the  good  doctor  took  refuge  betimes 
in  Exeter,  having  taken  his  cong^  and  dismission  of  his 
beloved  lord*^. 

Here  again  he  resumed  his  task  of  the  aforesaid  Wor* 
thies,  not  minding  the  cloud  impending  on  that  place,  nor 
no  way  intermitting  the  duty  of  his  calling,  preaching  con- 
stantly to  those  truly  loyal  citizens :  it  is  a  supernumerary 
labour  to  acquaint  the  reader  with  how  great  satisfaction 
and  content ;  that  always  and  everywhere  being  annexed  to 
his  meanest  endeavours. 

During  his  stay  in  Exeter,  the  queen  having  been  deli- 
vered of  her  last  burthen  (saving  her  sorrows  and  dis- 
tresses) by  the  birth  of  the  princess  Henriettas,  the  learned 
doctor  was  preferred  to  be  the  infant  lady's  chaplain;  her 
royal  father's  intendment  being,  as  he  had  educated  the 
rest  of  his  princely  issue,  to  have  her  brought  up  in  the 
protestant  religion.  To  that  end,  the  good  doctor,  in  re- 
gard of  his  soundness  and  sincerity  in  that  profession,  and 
eminent  famous  assertion  of  it,  was  designed  to  attend  on 


c  In  1645.  forces,  and  defeated.    Withdraw- 

'  Lord   Hopton,  after  leaving  ma  into  Cornwall,  he  again  raised 

Basing  house,  retired  to  Oxford ;  a  body  of  5000  horse.     But  being 

and    thence,  after  collecting  re-  summoned  by  Fairfax  to  siuren- 

cruits,  he  made  a  descent  upon  der  at  Tresilian  bridge,  he  deli- 

Taunton,  but  being  compelled  to  vered  up  his  arms,  and  retired 

raise  the  siege  upon  the  approach  heyond  sea.    Ludlow,  p.  65,  and 

of  the   parliamentary  forces,   he  Lloyd's  Mem.  p.  346.  Exeter  aur- 

tumed  his  thoughts  to  the  relief  renaered    about  the  same    time, 

of  Exeter.    At  Torrington  how-  April  13,  1646. 
ever  he  was  met  by  lord  Fairfax        »  Afterwards    duchess    of  Or- 

commanding  twice  the  number  of  leans.     See  the  Worthies,  i.  144. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xix 

her^  to  instil  unto  her  tender  mind  (if  Qod  had  pleased  to 
continue  her  with  safety  within  the  limits  of  this  kingdom) 
the  principles  and  belief  of  the  English  catholic  church. 
This  for  the  present  was  altogether  honorary,  and  pointed 
only  at  his  merit,  which  indeed  was  as  much  as  the  iniquity 
of  those  times  would  afford  to  any  the  most  deserving  per- 
sonages. But  yet  the  king,  to  signify  his  approbation  of 
the  doctor's  excellent  worth  by  a  farther  testimony  of  it, 
soon  afterwards  gave  him  a  patent  for  his  presentation  to 
the  town  of  Dorchester  in  Dorsetshire,  a  living  valued  to 
be  worth  400/.  per  annum* 

This  royal  and  bounteous  favour  the  doctor  modestly 
declined,  continuing  his  attendance  on  the  princess  till  the 
rendition  of  the  city  of  Exeter  to  the  parliament;  not- 
withstanding the  doctor  accepted  not  of  that  other  prefer- 
ment of  Dorchester ;  for  that  London  was  in  his  eye,  as 
the  most  necessary  and  expedient  place  for  finishing  his 
aforesaid  book,  to  which  place  the  expiration  of  the  war 
promised  some  kind  of  access,  which  since  it  could  not 
otherwise  be,  the  doctor  did  gladly  submit  to. 

For  general  Fairfax,  having  by  treaty  reduced  and  dis- 
banded my  lord  Hopton's  army  in  Cornwall,  came  directly 
back  to  besiege  Exeter,  which  garrison,  upon  considera* 
tion  that  no  relief  could  be  expected,  and  that  resistance 
would  but  defer  the  resettling  of  the  king  and  kingdom, 
(pressed  also  by  the  enemy  as  a  cogent  argument  for  their 
rendition,)  having  very  honourable  and  comprehensive  ar- 
ticles, both  for  their  conscience  and  estates,  delivered  up 
the  city  to  the  parliament  forces.  • 

In  these  articles  the  doctor  was  included,  and  by  the 
benefit  of  them  was,  without  molestation  or  hinderance,  per- 
mitted to  come  to  the  city  of  London,  where  he  presently 
recommenced  his  laborious  enterprise,  and  by  the  addi- 
tional helps  of  books,  the  confluence  and  resort  of  learned 
men,  his  acquaintance,  to  their  fleecing  tyrannical  courts 
and  committees  newly  erected,  made  such  a  progress,  that 
firom  thence  he  could  take  a  fair  prospect  of  his  whole 
work. 

Upon  his  first  arrival  he  came  to  his  oton^  (the  parish  of 

c  2 


XX  THE  LIFE  OF 

Sayoy^)  biU  they  receif>ed  him  not^  the  face  of  things  was  so 
altered;  many  of  his  parishioners  dead,  others  removed, 
all  of  them  generally  so  overawed  by  an  imperious  rabbi 
of  both  factions,  presbytery  and  independency,  one  Mr. 
Bond  *»,  formerly  a  preacher  at  Exeter,  then  made  by  the 
pretended  powers  master  of  the  Savoy.  The  doctor  and 
he  having  countermarched,  and  changed  ground,  wherein 
different  seed  was  sown  of  loyal  obedience  and  treasonable 
sedition,  that  the  doctor  might  have  said  of  his  parish  what 
a  learned  historian  said  in  another  greater  case,  Parochia 
in  parochia  qucerenda  erat. 

But  a  living  was  not  the  design  of  the  good  doctor,  who 
knew  how  incompatible  the  times  and  his  doctrine  must 
needs  be.  However  as  ofb  as  he  had  private  opportunities, 
he  ceased  not  to  assert  the  purity  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, bewailing  the  sad  condition  into  which  the  grievous 
abominable  sins  of  the  nation  had  so  far  plunged  it,  as  to 
make  it  more  miserable  by  bearing  so  many  reproaches 
and  calumnies  groimded  only  upon  its  calamity.  But 
some  glimmering  hopes  of  a  settlement  and  understanding 
betwixt  the  king  and  the  pretended  houses  appearing ;  the 
pious  doctor  betook  himself  to  earnest  prayers  and  petitions 
to  God,  that  he  would  please  to  succeed  that  blessed  work, 
doing  that  privately  as  a  christian,  which  he  might  not 
publicly  do  as  a  subject,  most  fervently  imploring  in  those 
families  where  his  person  and  devotions  were  alike  accept- 
able, the  blessing  of  restoration  in  this  afflicted  church, 
and  its  defenceless  defender,  the  king  ^. 

That  desired  stffair  went  on  slowly  and  uncertainly,  but 
so  did  not  the  doctor's  book,  for  having  recommended  the 
first  to  the  almighty  Wisdom,  he  stood  not  still  expecting 
the  issue,  but  addressed  himself  to  his  study,  affording  no 
time  but  the  leisure  of  his  meals,  which  was  short,  to  the 
hearing  of  news,  with  which  the  minds  and  mouths  of  men 

b  John  Bond,  D.  D.  of  St.  and  an  assistant  to  the  commie- 
John's  college,  Cambridge,  made  sioners  for  ejecting  scandalous  and 
master  of  Trinity  hall,  bv  the  par-  malignant  ministers.  See  Wood's 
liamentary  faction,  at  the  visita-  Ath.  i.  379. 
tion  of  that  University.  He  was  ^  In  1048.  See  the  Church  His- 
one  of  the  assembly  of  divines,  tory,  vi.  335. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


XXI 


were  then  full  employed  by  the  changeableness  of  the 
army,  who  played  fast  and  loose  with  the  king  and  parlia- 
ment, till  in  conclusion  they  destroyed  both. 

Then  indeed  such  an  amazement  struck  the  loyal  pious 
doctor,  when  he  first  heard  of  that  execrable  design  in- 
tended against  the  king's  person,  and  saw  the  villany  pro- 
ceed so  uncontrollably,  that  he  not  only  surceased,  but 
resolved  to  abandon  that  luckless  work  (as  he  was  then 
pleased  to  call  it).  For  what  shall  I  write,  said  he,  of  the 
worthies  of  England,  when  this  horrid  act  will  bring  such 
an  infamy  upon  the  whole  nation,  as  will  ever  cloud  and 
darken  all  its  former  and  suppress  its  future  rising  glories  ? 

But  when  through  the  seared  impiety  of  those  men  that 
parricide  was  perpetrated,  the  good  doctor  deserted  not 
his  study  alone,  but  forsook  himself  too,  not  caring  for  or 
regarding  his  concerns,  (though  the  doctor  was  none  of  the 
most  providential  husband,  by  having  store  beforehand,) 
until  such  time  as  his  prayers,  tears  and  fasting,  having 
better  acquainted  him  with  that  sad  dispensation,  he  began 
to  revive  from  that  dead  pensiveness  to  which  he  had  so 
long  addicted  himself. 

He  therefore  now  again  renewed  his  former  study,  set- 
ting about  it  with  unwearied  diligence.  About  this  time 
also  it  happened  that  the  rectory  of  Waltham  Abbey 
being  vacant,  and  in  the  disposal  of  the  right  honourable 
earl  of  Carlisle'^,  since  deceased,  he  voluntarily  and  de- 
sirously conferred  it  on  the  doctor,  and  together  made  him 
his  chaplain,  both  which  he  very  piously  and  profitably 
performed,  being  highly  beloved  by  that  noble  lord,  and 
other  gentlemen  and  inhabitants  of  the  parish. 

About  this  time  also,  many  of  the  orthodox  clergy  began 


i  James  Hay,  earl  of  Carlisle, 
and  baron  of  Waltham.  He  was 
presented  to  Waltham  in  1648, 
according  to  the  Biographia.  To 
this  earl,  who  died  in  1660,  Fuller 
dedicated  various  pieces.  See  the 
Dedication  to  the  History  of  Wal- 
tham, the  Pisffah  Sight,  237.  and 
this  Work,  vol.  ii.  p.  311. 

In  the  Dedication  ofhis  Sermon, 
On  Assurance,  to  sir  John  Danvers, 


he  speaks  in  such  a  manner,  as 
if  he  expected  to  be  suspended. 
That  he  nad  at  this  time  no  fixed 
cure,  may  be  inferred  from  what 
is  stated  in  the  Pisgah  Sight, 
as  Quoted  above;  viz.  that  the 
earl  kindly  gave  him  the  living  of 
Waltham,  with  a  more  than  ade- 
quate salary;  at  that  time  when 
he  was  wandering  from  place  to 
place. 


r 


xxii  THE  LIFE  OF 

to  appear  again  in  the  pulpits  of  London,  through  the  zeal 
of  some  right  worthy  citizens,  who  hungered  after  the  true 
and  sincere  word,  from  which  they  had  so  long  been 
restrained ;  among  the  chief  of  whom  was  our  good  doctor, 
being  settled  lecturer  for  a  time  at  St.  Clement's  lane  near 
Lombard  street,  where  he  preached  every  Wednesday  in 
the  afternoon,  to  a  very  numerous  and  christian  audience ; 
and  shortly  after,  from  thence  he  was  removed  to  St. 
Bride's  in  Fleet  street  in  the  same  quality  of  lecturer,  the 
day  being  changed  to  Thursday,  where  he  preached  with 
the  same  efficacy  and  success*'. 

^  At  this  time  also,  he  printed  '*  reflected  so  favourably  upon  me. 

his    Abel    Redivivus.  4to  Lond.  "  Otherwise  how  cometn  it  to  pass, 

1 65 1.     Like    the    Pisgah   Sight,  **  that  mv  fleece,  like  Gideon's,  is 

which  appeared  the  year   before,  "  dry,  when  the  rest  of  my  bre- 

it  is  dated  from  Waltham  Abbey.  "  thren  of  the  same  party,  are  wet 

It  may  perhaps  seem  strange  **  with  their  own  tears  ?  I  being 
that  Fuller  should  be  allowed  to  "  permitted  preaching,  and  peace- 
pursue  his  calling  unmolested,  "  able  enjoying  of  a  parsonage, 
when  the  clergy  in  general  were  "  I  anjswer,;  first,  I  impute  thfs 
silenced  by  the  tyranny  of  Crom-  "  peaceableness  I  enjoy,  to  God's 
well.  And  it  was  even  objected  "  undeserved  goodness  on  my  un- 
against  him  by  his  opponents  as  a  **  worthiness.  '  He  hath  not  dealt 
proof  of  his  want  of  loyalty  and  "  thus  with  all^my  brethren,'  above 
affection  to  the  church.  To  this  "  me  in  all  respects.  God  maketh 
he  replies  in  his  appeal.  "  I  have  "  people  sometimes  potius  reperire 
"  endeavoured  (he  says)  to  steer  "  quam  invenire  gratiam,  *  to  find 
**  my  carriage  by  the  compass  **  the  favour  thev  sought  not  for.* 
"  aforesaid  (that  is,  bearing  and  "  If  I  am  one  of  them  whom  God 

forbearing ;)  and  my  main  mo-  "  hath  made  '  to  be  pitied  of  those 

tive  thereunto  was,  that  I  might  "  who  carried  me  away  captive,' (Ps. 

enjoy  the  benefit  of  my  ministry,  "  cvi.  46.)  I  hope  I  snail  be  thaiil(- 

"  the  bare  using  whereof  is  the  "  ful  unto  Him;    and  others,   1 

"  greatest  advancement  I  am  capa-  "  hope,  will  not  be  envious  at  me 

**  ble  of  in  this  life.     I  know  all  "  for  so  great  a  mercy. 

"  stars  are  not  of  the  same  big-  "  Next  to  the  fountain  of  God's 


« 

<c 

« 


« 
it 
it 


**  ness     and     brightness ;     some  "  goodness,  I  ascribe  my  liberty 

"  shine,  some  only  twinkle :  and  "  of  preaching,  to   the  favour  of 

allowing  myself  of  the  latter  size  "some   great    friends   God   hath 

and  sort,  1  would  not  willingly  "  raised  up  for  me.     It  was  not 

put  out  my  own  (though  dim)  "  a  childish  answer,  though   the 

"  light  in  total  darkness,  nor  wonla  "  answer  of  a  child  to  his  father, 

"  bury  my  half-talent,  hoi)ing  by  "  taxing  him  with  being  proud  of 

"  putting  it  forth,  to  gain  another  "  his  new  coat :  '  I  am  glad  (said 

"  half-talent  thereby,  to  the  glory  "  he),  but  not  proud  of  it.'     Give 

"  of  God  and  the  good  of  others.  "  me  leave  to  oe  glad  and  joyful 

"  But  it  will  be  objected  against  "  in  myself,  for  my  good  friends ; 

"  me,  that  it  is  suspicious,  at  the  "  and  to  desire  and  endeavour  their 

"  least,   that   I   have    bribed   the  "  continuance  and   increase.     *  A 

"  times  with  some  base  compliance  *'  friend  in  the  court'  hath  always 

"  with  them,  because  they  have  "  been  accounted  *  as  good  as  a 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


XXIU 


The  doctor  having  continued  some  twelve  years  a 
widower,  the  war  finding  him  so,  had  the  better  relished 
the  loss  of  his  first  wife,  by  how  much  the  freer  it  rendered 
him  of  care  and  trouble  for  her  in  those  tumultuous  times  ; 
so  as  by  degrees  it  had  almost  settled  in  him  a  persuasion 
of  keeping  himself  in  that  state.  But  now  an  honourable 
and  advantageous  match  presenting  itself,  and  being  recom- 
mended to  him  by  the  desires  of  his  noble  friends,  he  con- 
sented to  the  motion,  taking  to  wife  one  of  the  sisters  of 
the  right  honourable  the  Viscount  Baltinglass ;  by  whom 
he  hath  issue  one  only  son,  now  six  years  old,  a  very 
hopeful  youth ;  having  had  by  his  former  wile  another  son, 
of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  or  thereabouts,  now  a  hope- 
ful student  in  Cambridge. 

In  the  year  1655,  when  the  usurping  protector  had  pub- 
lished an  interdict  against  ecclesiastical  persons,  school- 
masters and  others,  who  had  adhered  to  his  late  sacred 
majesty  or  assisted  the  present;  whereby  they  were  pro- 
hibited to  perform  any  ministerial  office,  teach  school,  &c. 
upon  several  pains  and  forfeitures,  the  good  doctor  forbore 
not  to  preach  as  he  did  before;  the  convincing  power 
either  of  his  doctrine  or  his  worth  defending  and  keeping 
him  out  of  the  hands  of  that  unreasonable  man. 

This  unchristian  barbarous  cruelty  of  that  trial  sorely 
afflicted  the  good  doctor  in  his  first  apprehensions  of  it, 
though  after  a  little  consultation  and  the  encouragement 
of  friends,  and  the  strong  persuasions  of  his  own  con- 
science, he  came  to  a  resolution  to  do  his  duty  as  a 
minister  of  Christ,  and  leave  the  issue  to  God.     But  he 


penny  in  the  council,  or  a  pound 

in  the  purse.' 

"  I  must  not  forget,  *  The  Arti- 
ticles  of  Exeter,'  whereof  I  had 
the  benefit,  living  and  waiting 
there  on  the  king's  daughter,  at 
**  the  rendition  thereof :  articles, 
which,  both  as  penned  and  per- 
formed, were  the  best  in  £ng- 
*'  land ; — thanks  to  their  wisdom 
"  who  so  warily  made,  and  honesty 
"  who  so  well  observed  them  !  Nor 
was  it  (though  last-named)  least 


« 


<« 


•< 


« 


« 


€f 


« 


"  causal  of  my  quiet,  that  (happy 
**  criticism  to  myself  as  I  may  call 
"  it !)  I  never  was  formally  seques- 
"  tered,  but  went,  before  driven 
"  away,  from  my  living ;  which 
"  took  oflf  the  edge  of  the  ordi- 
"  nance  against  me,  that  the  weight 
*'  thereof  fell  but  slantingly  upon 
"  me.  Thus  when  God  will  fasten 
a  favour  on  any  person  (though 
never  so  unworthy)  he  ordereth 
the  conciurrences  of  all  things 
"  contributive  thereunto."  p.  303. 


« 


« 


« 


J 


xxiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

did  not  only  look  upon  this  prohibition  in  general  as  a 
severe  punishment  inflicted  upon  the  nation,  by  removing 
their  teachers  into  corners,  nay  remote  corners  of  the 
world,  if  they  disobeyed  that  edict,  but  in  particular  (at 
first  view  of  it)  as  some  punishment  or  infliction  on  him- 
self, as  if  God  had  refused  him  and  laid  him  aside  as  not 
fit  to  serve  him  ;  and  this  he  referred  to  his  former  remiss- 
ness in  the  discharge  of  that  high  function  whereunto  he 
was  separated  and  called. 

And  now  did  he  superabundantly  exercise  that  grace  of 
charity  to  all  persons  distressed  and  ruined  by  this  sad 
occasion;  what  his  own  small  estate  could  not  do,  he 
helped  out  by  exhorting  and  persuading  all  men  of  his 
acquaintance  or  congregation,  (for  so  was  the  church  of 
England  reduced,  even  in  that  to  the  form  of  that  schism 
that  ruined  it,)  or  select  auditory;  so  that  what  by  his 
powerful  example  and  as  strong  persuasions,  he  did 
minister  eflfectually  to  their  relief. 

Not  to  omit  one  particular  charitable  office  of  this  doctor 
to  the  same  kind  of  sufferers :  from  the  expiration  of  the 
war,  he  constantly  retained  one  that  had  been  a  captain  in 
the  royal  army,  and  whose  fortunes  and  condition  could 
neither  keep  him  according  to  that  degree,  nor  sustain  or 
relieve  him  in  any  other.  This  the  good  doctor  did  out 
of  a  loyal  and  honourable  sense  of  such  persons'  suflerings 
and  contempts  far  unworthy  their  cause  or  their  desert: 
and  did  therefore  allow  him  lo/.  yearly  besides  diet  and 
lodging,  till  the  captain  died. 

About  this  time  the  doctor  became  chaplain  to  the  right 
honourable  the  lord  [George]  Berkeley^,  having  quitted 
Waltham,  in  lieu  whereof  this  lord  presented  him  with 
the  living  of  Cranford  in  Middlesex"  where  his  body 
is  now   deposited.     How  infinitely  well  beloved  he  was 

^  Of  this  very  noble  patron,  and  parliamentary  jurors,  at  80/.  per 

bountiful  protector  of  the  clergy,  annum,  with  15  acres  of  glebe.  At 

see  the  Dedication  in  the  Church  that  time  it  was  held  by  Mr.  Ash- 

Hist.  iv.  252,  and  the  Appeal  of  ford.  Fuller  was  presented,  March 

injured  Innocence.  3,  1658,  and  was  succeeded  in  it 

™  He  dates  the  Appeal  from  by    the    celebrated    Dr.  Wilkins, 

Cranford   Moat-house.     In   1650  afterwards  bishop  of  Chester.  See 

this  rectory  was  returned  by  the  Lyson's  Environs,  p.  37. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxv 

there  needs  not  be  added  to  those  accumulations  of  re- 
spect he  found  everywhere,  for  fear  especially  of  resus- 
citating the  recent  grief  of  those  parishioners  for  his  late 
lamented  loss. 

He  was  a  little  before  wooed  also  to  accept  of  a  living 

at in  Essex,  which  for  some  respects  he  owed  the 

patron,  and  to  employ  that  rich  talent  with  which  God  had 
so  bountifully  trusted  him,  he  undertook,  and  piously  there 
continued  his  labours  till  his  settlement  at  London  °.  ^ 

In  the  interim  came  out  a  book  of  Dr.  Heylyn's,  called 
"  Animadversions  upon  Mr.  Fuller's  Ecclesiastical  His- 
"  tory  <>,"  wherein  somewhat  tartly  (though  with  that  ju- 
dicious learning  for  which  that  doctor  is  most  deservedly 
honoured)  he  taxed  that  book  of  some  errors,  &c.  To 
this  the  doctor  replied  by  a  book  styled  "  The  Appeal  of 
**  injured  Innocence  to  the  learned  and  ingenious  Reader," 
being  a  very  modest,  but  a  most  rational  and  polite  defence 
to  the  aforesaid  exceptions  against  that  elaborate  piece. 
The  dispute  and  controversy  was  soon  ended;  the  oil  the 
doctor  bestowed  on  this  labour  being  poured  into  the  fresh 
wound  of  this  quarrel  did  so  assuage  the  heat  of  the  con- 
test, that  it  was  soon  healed  into  a  perfect  amicable  closure 
and  mutual  endearment  p. 


^  He  seems  to  have  had  two  says :  "  It  is  questionable  whether 

great  deliverances  from  death  while  "  the  making  of  gunpowder  be 
e  was  in  this  county ;  for  where  "  more  profitable  or  more  dan- 
he  is  speaking  of  the  saffiron  in  it,  "  gerous,  the  mills  in  my  parish 
which  grows  so  plentifully  about  "  having  been  five  times  blown  up 
the  town  of  Walden,  he  calls  it  an  "  within  seven  years ;  but  blessed 
admirable  cordial ;  adding,  that  "  be  God,  without  the  loss  of  any 
"  under  God  I  owe  my  life  when  "  one  man's  life."  (Worthies,  p, 
"  sick  of  the  small  pox  to  the  effi-  319,  or  i.  495.) 
"  cacy  thereof;''  and  Dr.  Baldwin  Before  he  left  Essex  he  made, 
Hamey,  afterwards  knighted,  seems  as  we  are  told,  his  last  will.  Biog. 
to  have  been  his  physician  in  this  Brit.  ib.  2061. 
illness.  (Fuller's  Worthies  in  Es-  ^  In  1^9. 
sex,  p.  31 7,  or  i.  492.  See  also  his  p  The  Church  History  was  print- 
Latin  inscription  on  the  copper  ed  in  1655.  Heylyn's  Animadver- 
plate  of  Jewish  idols,  to  Dr.  Hamey  sions  in  1659.  It  was  answered  by 
m  his  Pisffah  Sight,  &c.  iv.  p.  120.  Fuller  in  his  Appeal  the  same  year. 
Also  his  Latin  dedication  to  him  and  closed  by  a  letter  from  Dr. 
in  his  Church  History,  f.  138,  or  Heylvn  in  his  Certamen  Epistolare, 
>•  3^.5')  datea  from  "  Lacie's  court  in 
fhe  other  deliverance  we  have  **  Abingdon,  May  16, 1659."  Al- 
also  in  his  own  words,  where  he  luding  to  the  length  of  time  which 


xxvi  THE  LIFE  OF 

Indeed  the  grace  that  was  supereminent  in  the  good 
doctor  was  charity,  both  in  giving  and  forgiving;  as  he 
had  laboured  during  our  civil  broils  after  peace,  so  when 
that  could  not  through  our  sins  be  attained,  did  he  with 
the  same  earnestness  press  the  duty  of  love,  especially 
among  brethren  of  the  same  afflicted  and  too  much  already 
divided  church;  and  therefore  was  most  exemplary  in 
keeping  the  band  of  it  himself,  though  in  a  matter  that 
most  nearly  concerned  his  credit  and  fame,  the  chiefest 
worldly  thing  he  studied  and  intended. 

This  constrained  retrospection  of  the  doctor's  to  secure 
and  assist  the  far  advanced  strength  of  his  foremost  works, 
did  a  little  retard  and  impede  the  arrear  of  his  labours, 
which  consisted  of  the  flower  and  choice  of  all  his  abilities, 
and  wherein  his  Worthies  were  placed ;  howbeit  this 
proved  but  a  halt  to  those  encumbrances  and  difficulties 
which  he  had  all  along  before  met,  and  soon  set  that  book 
on  foot  again  ^, 


had  elapsed  from  the  publication  "  Solomon's  words :    Of  making 

of  the  fchurch  History  to  that  of  "many  books  there  is  no  end,"  (Ecc\, 

Heylyn's  Animadversions,  Fuller  "  xii.  12.)  Not  but  that  all  perfect 

says :  that  after  some  one  had  told  "  books  (I  mean  perfect  in  sheets, 

him  that  Heylyn  would  i)robably  **  otherwise   none   save   scripture 

have  answered  his   book  had  it  "  perfect)  have  finis  in  the  close 

not  been  for  his  blindness,  "  not  "  thereof ;  or  that  any  author  is 

"  hearing    any    more    for    many  "  so  irrational,  but  he  propounds 

months  after,  I  conceived  myself  "  an  end  to  himself  before  he  be- 

secure  from  any  wind  in  that  "  gins  it ;  but  that  in  making  many 

quarter."  p.  280.  "  books  there  is  no  end  ;  that  is,  the 

<i  Respecting  this  work  the  au-  "  writers  of  them  seldom  or  never 

thor  makes  the  following  happy  "  do  attain  that  end  which  they 

and  ingenuous  confession  in  his  "  propound  to  themselves,  espe- 

Appeal,  p. 300.  "Mothers  minding  "  ciaUy  of  squinting  at   sinister 

"  to  wean  their  children  use  to  put  "  ends,  as  who  is  not  flesh  and 

"  soot,  wormwood,  or  mustard  on  "  blood  ?   Such  as  project  wealth 

"  the  nipples  of  their  breasts.  God  '*  to  themselves  are  commonly  by 

"  foresaw  I  might  suck  to  a  surfeit  "  unwise  managing  or  casual  mis- 

"  in  writing  histories,  which  hath  "  carriage,    impaired    thereby   in 

**  been  a  thief  in  the  lamp  of  my  "  their  estates.     Others  who  de- 

"  life,  wasting  much  oil  thereof.  "  signed  to  themselves  (with  the 

"  My  head  and  hand  had  robbed  "  builders  of  Babel)  to  get  them 

"  my    heart    in    such    delightful  "  a  name,   commonly  meet  with 

**  studies.  Wherefore  he  raised  the  **  shame  and  disgrace.     Or  else 


« 
« 


bitter  pen  of  the  Animadvertor  *'  when  their  books  are  ended,  yet 

to  wean  me  from  such  digressions  "  they  are   not   ended ;    because 

from  my  vocation.     1  now  ex-  "  though  never  so  cautiously  writ- 

"  perimentally  find  the  truth  of  "  ten,  some  antagonists  will  take 


tt 

€€ 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxvii 

This  was  the  last  remora  to  it,  the  doctor  going  on  a 
smooth  swift  pace  while  all  things  else  were  retrograde  in 
the  kingd(Hn^  through  the  tyrannical  plots  and  stratagems 
of  the  usurper  Cromwell;  so  as  toward  the  beginning 
of  that  mirahilis  armtis  1660  he  had  it  ready  for  the  press ; 
to  which  as  soon  as  the  wonders  of  his  majesty's  restitution 
were  over,  (in  the  thankful  contemplation  whereof  the  good 
doctor  was  so  piously  fixed  as  nothing  else  might  presume 
to  intrude  upon  his  raise  dgladded  spirits,)  he  brought  it, 
taking  the  auspicia  of  that  happy  and  famous  jimcture  of 
time  for  the  commencement  of  this  everlasting  monument 
of  himself,  as  well  as  all  other  English  noble  deceased 
persons. 

A  while  before,  to  complete  the  doctor's  contentment  as 
to  his  ministry  also,  he  was  invited  to  his  former  lecturer's 
place  at  the  Savoy,  who  even  from  his  departure  had  suf- 
fered under  an  insufficient  or  disloyal  and  malicious  clergy ; 
and  therefore  stood  in  need  of  an  able  and  dutiful  son  of 
the  church  to  reduce  and  lead  them  in  the  right  way  and 
the  old  paths;  for  this  people  (his  ancient  floe  I;)  the  doctor 
had  always  a  more  especial  respect  and  kindness,  which 
was  the  rather  heightened  in  him  out  of  a  compassion  to 
their  state  and  condition.  Nor  did  he  more  tenderly  aflfect 
them  than  they  universally  respect  him,  receiving  him  (as 
indeed  he  was)  as  an  angel  of  God,  sent  to  minister  unto 
them  heavenly  things,  in  exchange  whereof  they  freely 
gave  him  their  hearts  and  hands. 

"  up  the  bucklers  against  them,  "  I  will  never  meddle  more  with 

"  80  that  they  must  begin  again  "  making  any  more  books  of  this 

"  after  they  have  ended,  (or  sink  "  nature.     It  is  a  provident  way 

•*  in  their  credits,)  to  write  in  their  "  before  writing  leaves  us  to  leave 

"  own  vindication :  which  is  my  "  off  writing,  and  the  rather  be- 

"  case,  enough  to  take   off  my  *' cause  scribbling  is  the  frequenta- 

**  edge,    formerly    too    keen,    in  "  tive  thereof, 

making  multiplicity  of  books.  *'  If  therefore   my   petitioning 

"  I  confess  I  have  yet  one  His-  "  and  optative  Amen  shall  meet 

tory  [the  Worthies]   ready  for  "  with  God's  commissioning  and 

"  the  press,  which  I  hope  will  be  "  imperative  Amen,  I  will  hereafter 

"  for  God's  glory  and  nonour  of  "  totally  attend  the  concernments 

"  our  nation.  ITiis  new  built  ship  **  of  my  calling,  and  what  directly 

is  now  on  the  stocks,  ready  to  "  and  immediately  shall  tend  to 

be  launched ;  and  being  a  vessel  **  the  advance  of  devotion  in  my- 

of  great  burthen,  God  send  me  *'  self  and  in  others,  as  preparatory 

some  good  adventurers  to  bear  *' to  my  dissolution  out  of  this  state 

**  part  of  the  expense.    This  done  "  of  mortality." 


(( 


4< 


« 
ft 
<• 
•C 


^ 


xxviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

The  doctor,  through  the  injury  and  iniquity  of  the  times, 
had  for  near  twenty  years  been  barred  of  all  profits  of  his 
prebendaryship  of  Salisbury, '  (of  which  before,)  but  upon 
the  return  of  the  king,  those  revenues  and  possessions,  so 
sacrilegiously  alienated  from  the  church,  reverted  also  to 
their  rightful  proprietors.  This  accession  and  additional 
help  did  very  much  encourage  the  doctor  in  the  carrying 
on  of  his  book,  which  being  large  would  require  an  able 
purse  to  go  through  with,  and  he  was  very  solicitous  (often 
presaging  he  should  not  live  to  see  it  finished,  though  satis- 
fied of  his  present  healthy  constitution)*  to  have  it  done 
out  of  hand ;  to  which  purpose  part  of  the  money  accruing 
to  him  from  his  Salisbury  prebendaryship  was  designed. 

He  therefore  hastened  his  book  with  all  expedition; 
and  whereas  he  had  intended  to  continue  it  but  till  1659, 
and  had  therefore  writ  it  in  such  language  as  those  times 
of  usurpation  (during  the  most  part  of  which  it  was  com- 
piled) would  suffer  such  a  subject  and  concerning  matter 
to  be  drest  in ;  he  now  reviewed  it  over,  giving  truth  and 
his  own  most  excellent  fancy  their  proper  becoming  orna- 
ments, scope  and  clearness.  But  neither  the  elevation  of 
the  usurpers,  nor  the  depression  of  the  royalists,  and  the 
vice  versa  of  it  did  ever  incline  or  sway  him  to  additions, 
intercalations,  or  expunctions  of  persons,  whom  he  hath 
recommended  for  "  Worthies ;"  no  such  thing  as  a  Pym 
or  Protector,  whom  the  mad  world  cried  up  for  brave : 
drops  of  compassionate  tears  they  did  force  from  him,  but 
his  resolute  ink  was  not  to  be  stained  by  their  black  ac- 
tions. A  pen  ftdl  of  such  would  serve  to  blot  out  the 
whole  roll  of  fame. 

This  constancy  of  the  doctor's  to  his  first  model  and 
main  of  his  design  doth  most  evidently  argue  his  firm  per- 
suasion and  belief  of  the  reviving  of  the  royal  cause,  since 
he  wrote  the  most  part  during  those  improbable  times  of 
any  restitution ;  and  he  had  very  ill  consulted  his  own  ad- 
vantage if  he  had  not  well  consulted  the  oracles  of  God. 

'  Alluding  to  this,  he  says  in  his  *  The  presage  was  unfortunately 

Appeal, ''  for  king  Charles'  sake  I  verified ;    for  the  work  was  not 

lost  none  of  the  worst  livings,  published  till  1663,  and  the  doc- 

and  one  of  the  best  prebends  in  tor  died  August  16,  1661. 
Engbind."— p.  286. 


« 

<4 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxix 

As  the  last  felicity  of  this  doctor's  life,  he  was  made 
chaplain  in  extraordinary  to  his  majesty,  being  also  in  a 
well  grounded  expectation  of  some  present  further  advance- 
ment; but  here  death  stept  in,  and  drew  the  curtain 
betwixt  him  and  his  succeeding  ecclesiastical  dignities.^ 

And  would  a  curtain  were  drawn  here  too,  that  the  sad 
remainder  of  this  task  were  enjoined  to  the  last  trump, 
when  we  shall  know  likewise  wherefore  God  was  pleased 
to  take  him  from  us,  and  be  satisfied  with  his  providence  ! 
Pity  the  envious  should  find  such  an  imperfection  in  him 
as  death ;  pity  the  grateful  should  mourn  so  long  and  so 
much  for  the  loss  of  him,  and  his  most  incomparable  giils 
and  endowments,  without  any  redress;  but — vnfandos  FuU 
lerejubes  renovare  ddores — we  must  continue  our  discourse 
though  upon  a  discontinued  subject,  and  write  the  much 
deplored  death  of  Dr.  Fuller. 

Having  in  August  returned  from  Salisbury,  whither  he 
went  to  settle  and  let  his  revenue  as  prebend  of  that  dean- 
ery, he  returned  to  his  charge  at  London.  It  was  a  very 
sickly  time  in  the  country,  the  distempers  most  rife  were 
feverish  agues,  the  disease  of  which  our  doctor  died  ;  and 
therefore  it  was  judged,  that  he  had  brought  the  infection 
of  his  disease  thence,  which  broke  out  violently  upon  him 
soon  after  his  return,  Dr.  Nicholas  the  reverend  dean  of 
Paul's  dying  near  the  same  time  upon  his  coming  from  the 
same  place.  For  being  desired  to  preach  a  marriage  ser- 
mon on  Sunday  the  twelfth  of  August  to  a  kinsman  of  his, 
who  was  to  be  wedded  the  day  after,  the  good  doctor  lov- 
ingly undertook  it ;  but  on  that  Sunday  at  dinner  felt  him- 
self very  much  indisposed,  complaining  of  a  dizziness  in 

^  At  the  Restoration  Fuller  wrote  "  vancement,  that  had  he  lived 

a  poem  on  Charles  II.,  published  *'  about  a  twelvemonth  longer,  it 

in  the  Worthies,  iii.  385.    At  the  "  was  thought  he  would  have  been 

same  time  "  he  was  chosen  chap-  *'  made,  upon  the  translation  of 

lain  in  extraordinary  to  his  ma-  *'  Dr.  Gauden    from    £xeter    to 

jesty,  created  doctor  of  divinity  "  Worcester,    on  his  death  soon 

oy  the  king's  letters  of  recom-  "  after,  bishop  of  one    of  those 

mendation  to  the  University  of  "  sees,  through  the  Berkeleys'  in- 


« 
if 


"  Cambridge,    dated    August  2,    '*  terest  with  the  queen  mother." 
"  1660;  and  so  well-grounded  was    Biog.  Brit.  2065. 


his    expectation  of  higher  ad- 


i€ 

€€ 


XX  THE  LIFE  OF 

his  head :  whereapon  his  son  intreated  him  that  he  would 
go  and  lie  down  on  bed,  and  forbear  preaching  that  after- 
noon, informing  him  how  dangerous  those  symptoms  were ; 
but  the  doctor  would  not  be  persuaded,  hut  to  church  he 
would  go,  and  perform  his  promise  to  his  friend;  sajring, 
he  had  gone  up  often  into  the  pulpit  sick,  but  always  came 
down  well  again,  and  he  hoped  he  should  do  as  well  now 
through  God's  strengthening  grace. 

Being  in  the  pulpit  he  found  himself  very  ill,  so  that  he 
was  apprehensive  of  the  danger ;  and  therefore  before  his 
prayer,  addressed  himself  thus  to  his  congregation :  "  I 
find  myself  very  ill,  but  I  am  resolved  by  the  grace  of 
God  to  preach  this  sermon  to  you  here  though  it  be  my 
last."  A  sad  presage,  and  more  sadly  verified ! 
He  proceeded  in  his  prayer  and  sermon  very  perfectly, 
till  in  the  middle  (never  using  himself  to  notes,  other  than 
the  beginning  word  of  each  head  or  division)  he  began  to 
falter,  but  not  so  much  out,  but  that  he  quickly  recollected 
himself,  and  very  pertinently  concluded.  After  he  had 
a  while  sat  down,  he  was  not  able  to  rise  again,  but  was 
&in  to  be  led  down  the  pulpit  stairs  by  two  men  into  the 
reading  place.  He  had  promised  also  to  christen  a  child 
(of  a  very  good  friend  of  his)  then  in  the  church,  and  the 
parent  did  earnestly  importune  him  to  do  it,  and  the  good 
doctor  was  as  willing  as  he  desiring ;  but  the  doctor's  son  ^ 
shewing  him  the  extreme  danger  there  was  of  his  father, 
he  desisted  from  his  request. 

Much  ado  there  was  to  persuade  the  doctor  to  go  home 
in  a  sedan;  he  saying  still  he  should  be  well  by  and  by, 
and  would  go  along  with  them ;  but  at  last,  finding  himself 
worse  and  worse,  he  yielded  to  go,  but  not  to  his  old  lodg- 
ings, (which  were  convenient  to  him  in  the  Savoy,)  but  to 
his  new  one  in  Covent  Garden.  Being  come  thither,  they 
had  him  to  bed,  and  presently  sent  for  Dr.  Scarborough,  * 

^  John,  who  set  forth  the  Wor-  hrated    Hobbes.     Lyson,  ib.  24. 

thies .  Letters  from  the  Bodleian,  ii.  p.  368. 

'  This  sir  Charles  Scarborough,  Dr.  Charlton  who  was  physician 

the  favourite  pupil  of  Dr.  Harvey,  in  ordinary  to  Charles  I.  and  II., 

was  physician  to  the  duke  of  York,  according  to  Wood,  was  the  son 

and  an  intimate  friend  of  the  cele-  of  Walter  Charlton,  M.A.,  some- 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


XXXI 


but  he  being  in  the  country  Dr.  Charlton  came,  who  with 
the  exactest  skill  and  care  possible,  addressed  himself  to 
the  recovery  of  the  good  doctor*  The  disease  was  judged 
by  him  to  be  a  malignant  fever,  such  as  then  raged  every 
where,  and  was  better  known  by  the  name  of  the  New  dis- 
ease, which  like  a  plague  had  swept  away  a  multitude  of 
people  throughout  the  kingdom.  Therefore  phlebotomy 
was  directed,  and  some  twenty  ounces  of  blood  taken  from 
him,  and  yet  nevertheless  the  paroxysms  continued,  hav- 
ing totally  bereft  the  doctor  of  all  sense,  so  much  as  to  give 
any  the  least  account  of  his  condition ;  the  physicians  now 
being  at  a  loss,  and  not  able  to  advise  any  further  against 
the  insuperable  violence  and  force  of  the  distemper. 

Yet  in  this  sad  and  oppressed  condition,  some  comfort- 
able signs  and  assurances  were  given  by  the  good  doctor, 
by  his  frequent  lifting  up  his  hands  and  his  eyes ;  which 
devotion  ended  in  the  folding  of  his  arms,  and  sighs  fetched 
questionless  from  a  perfect  contrition  for  this  life,  and  from 
an  earnest  desire  after  and  hope  of  that  to  come. 

Tuesday,  August  14.  The  good  doctor  gave  sad  sjrmp- 
toms  of  a  prevailing  disease,  and  Dr.  Charlton  despaired  of 
his  recovery,  his  fever  being  so  fierce  and  pertinacious,  and 
which  resisted  all  remedies.  As  was  said  almost  from  the 
very  fixst  decumbency,  which  was  near  as  soon  as  he  was 
ill,  his  senses  were  seized  and  surprised,  with  little  or  no 
remission  of  the  distemper,  which  caused  him  to  talk  some- 
times, but  of  nothing  more  frequently  than  his  books,  call- 
ing for  pen  and  ink,  and  telling  his  sorrowful  attendants 


time  vicar  of  Ilminster,  and  after- 
wards rector  of  Shepton-Mallet  in 
Somersetahire.  He  was  bom  Feb. 
2,  1619,  at  the  latter  place,  became 
a  commoner  of  Magdalen-hall, 
Oxford,  in  1635,  at  which  time  he 
was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the 
celebrated  Dr.  Wilkins,  afterwards 
bishop  of  Chester.  By  the  favour 
of  Charles  I.  he  obtained  the  de- 
gree of  doctor  in  physic,  in  1643, 
bein^  at  the  same  time  appointed 
physician  in  ordinary  to  his  ma- 
jesty. When  the  royal  cause  de- 
clined he  retired  to  London,  and 


pursued  his  practice,  obtaining 
considerable  eminence.  In  1689 
he  was  chosen  president  of  the 
College  of  Physicians;  and  died 
in  1707.  Wood  characterises  him 
as  "  a  learned  and  an  unhappy 
''  man,  a^ed  and  grave,  yet  too 
"  much  given  to  romance."  Athen. 
ii.  1 1 12.  Among  other  things  he 
was  a  ffreat  antiquarian,  and  cor- 
responded with  the  celebrated 
Olaus  Wormius.  See  a  list  of  his 
writings  in  Wood,  ib.  Letters  from 
the  Bodleian,  i.  5.  ii.  630. 


xxxii  THE  LIFE  OF 

that  by  and  by  he  should  be  well,  and  would  write  it  out, 
&c.  But  on  Wednesday  noon  the  presages  of  a  dislodging 
soul  were  apparent  in  him  ;  for  nature  being  overpowered, 
the  vitals  burnt  up  by  such  a  continual  heat ;  his  lamp  of 
life  began  to  decay,  his  fever  and  strength  abating  toge- 
ther, so  that  it  pleased  God  to  restore  to  him  the  use  of  the 
faculties  of  his  soul,  which  he  very  devoutly  and  thank- 
fully employed  in  a  Christian  preparation  for  death,  earn- 
estly imploring  the  prayers  of  some  of  his  reverend  bre- 
thren with  him,  who  then  were  sorrowful  visitors  of  him 
in  these  his  last  agonies,  which  accordingly  was  performed, 
the  good  doctor  with  all  the  intentness  of  piety  joining 
with  them,  and  recommending  himself  with  all  humble 
thankfulness  and  submission  to  God's  welcome  providence. 
Nay,  so  highly  was  he  affected  with  God's  pleasure  con- 
cerning him,  that  he  could  not  endure  any  person  to  weep 
or  cry,  but  would  earnestly  desire  them  to  refrain,  highly 
extolling  and  preferring  his  condition,  as  a  translation  to  a 
blessed  eternity. 

Nor  would  he  therefore  endure  to  hear  any  thing  of  the 
world  or  worldly  matters,  for  the  settling  and  disposition 
whereof  he  had  before  made  no  provision,  and  was  desired 
by  some  to  give  some  present  direction  for  the  better  ac- 
commodating the  several  concerns  of  his  family :  but  the 
doctor  totally  rejected  any  thoughts  of  those  matters,  hav- 
ing his  mind  engaged  and  prepossessed  with  things  of  ra- 
vishing and  transcendent  excellencies.  Even  his  beloved 
book  aforesaid,  the  darling  of  his  soul,  was  totally  neglected, 
not  a  syUable  dropping  from  him  in  reference  to  the  per- 
fecting  and  finishing  thereof,  which  he  had  now  brought 
so  near  to  the  birth.  Nothing  but  heaven  and  the  perfec- 
tions thereof,  the  consummations  of  grace  in  glory,  must 
fill  up  the  room  of  his  capacious  soul,  which  now  was  flit- 
ting and  ready  to  take  wing  to  those  mansions  of  bliss. 

For  on  Thursday  morning,  August  16,  1661,  this  re- 
verend and  painful  minister  of  Christ  Jesus,  having  finished 
his  course,  and  run  the  race  that  was  set  before  him,  and 
fought  a  good  fight,  breathed  out  his  wearied  spirit  into 
the  hands  of  his  Redeemer  to  his  own  everlasting  fruition 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


xxxm 


«Dd  consolation^  but  to  the  irreparable  loss  and  very  ex- 
ceeding sorrow  of  all  men,  to  whom  religion,  piety,  virtue, 
and  supereminent  learning  were  ever  acceptable.  And 
whatever  the  present  envious  world  may  think,  unpreju- 
diced posterity  will  undoubtedly  erect  him  a  shrine,  and 
pay  him  those  Justa  of  honour  and  fame,  which  to  his  me- 
mory most  duly  and  rightly  do  belong* 

After  he  had  laid  a  while  dead,  an  eruption  of  blood 
burst  from  his  temples,  whic^  was  conjectured  to  have 
been  long  settled  there,  through  too  much  study,  in  the 
methodizing  and  completing  those  various  pieces  in  his 
*'  Worikiei  Oeneraly^  of  which  he  was  prophetically  afraid 
he  should  never  live  to  see  the  finishing. 

He  was  buried  at  the  desire  and  at  the  costs  of  the  right 
honourable  his  noble  patron  the  lord  Berkeley,  at  his 
parish  of  Cranford  in  Middlesex,  in  the  chancel  of  the 
said  churchy,  and  attended  thither  by  at  least  two  hundred 
of  his  brethren  of  the  ministry,  such  a  solemn  assembly 
being  scarce  to  be  paralleled,  where  the  reverend  dean  of 
Rochester,  Dr.  Hardy,  preached  his  funeral  sermon ;  being 
a  very  elegant  and  extraordinary  pathetical  deploration  of 
so  great  a  loss,  which  hath  not  yet  (though  it  is  hoped  and 
much  desired  may)  passed  the  press;  to  which  learned 
piece  with  all  humble  submission  be  referred  the  praises 
and  commendations  of  the  deceased  doctor,  being  thereby 
so  excellently  well  transmitted  to  his  everlasting  rest. 


Though  we  have  now  brought  this  venerable  doctor  to 
his  repository,  and  laid  him  in  his  silent  grave :  yet  there 
remain  some  fiirther  offices  due  to  his  yet  speaking  virtues 
and  graces.  The  smooth  and  iaxx  track  whereof  could  not 
be  so  well  insisted  on  in  the  foregoing  considerations  of 
him,  as  in  rta,  and  that  so  salebrose  and  difficult  by  the 


rlliis  inscription  was  placed 
upon  his  monumeiit :  "  Hie  jacet 
**  Thomas  Fuller,  e  CoU^o  Syd- 
**  neiano  in  Academia  UantaDri- 
giensi  S.S.T.D.  hujus  Ecclesise 
rector:  ingenii  acumine,  memo- 
riae felicitadte»  momm  probitate, 
omnigena  doctiina,  historia  prse- 

FULLEB,  VOL.  I. 


tt 


«« 


4€ 


€€ 


tt 


sertiin,  uti  vana  ejus  gumma 
"  a^quanimitate  composita  testan- 
"  tur,celeberrimu8.  Qui  dumviros 
^  Anglise  illustres  opere  poethumo 
"  immortalitati  consecrare  medi- 


"  tatus  est,  ipse  immortalitatem 
''  consecutus  est*  Aug.  15,  1661." 
Lysons,  ib.  p.  23. 

d 


xxxiv  THE  LIFE  OF 

unevenness  and  asperity  of  the  times  he  lived  in  :  but  do 
now  orderly  lead  us  without  any  diversion,  as  he  is  in 
glory,  to  the  pursuit  of  his  fame  and  memory. 

In  tendency  whereunto  it  is  requisite,  to  enliven  that 
portrait  of  him  prefixed  to  this  manual,  with  some  of  those 
natural  graces  which  were  unexpressible  in  him  by  the 
pencil ;  withal  to  shew  what  a  convenient  habitation  learn- 
ing and  virtue  had  chosen,  in  which  nothing  could  be  com- 
plained of  and  faulted,  but  that  they  took  it  for  so  short  a 
term. 

He  was  of  stature  somewhat  tall,  exceeding  the  mean, 
with  a  proportionable  bigness  to  become  it,  but  no  way  in- 
clining to  corpulency :  of  an  exact  straightness  of  the 
whole  body,  and  a  perfect  symmetry  in  every  part  thereof. 
He  was  of  a  sanguine  constitution,  which  beautified  his 
face  with  a  pleasant  ruddiness,  but  of  so  grave  and  serious 
an  aspect,  that  it  awed  and  discountenanced  the  smiling 
attracts  of  that  complexion.  His  head  adorned  with  a 
comely  light- coloured  hair,  which  was  so,  by  nature  exactly 
curled,  (an  ornament  enough  of  itself  in  this  age  to  deno- 
minate a  handsome  person,  and  wherefore  all  skill  and  art 
is  used,)  but  not  suffered  to  overgrow  to  any  length  un- 
seeming  his  modesty  and  profession. 

His  gait  and  walking  was  very  upright  and  graceful,  be- 
coming his  well-shapen  bulk :  approaching  something  near 
to  that  we  term  majestical ;  but  that  the  doctor  was  so  well 
known  to  be  void  of  any  affectation  or  pride.  Nay,  so  re- 
gardless was  he  of  himself  in  his  garb  and  raiment,  in 
which  no  doubt  his  vanity  would  have  appeared,  as  well 
as  in  his  stately  pace ;  that  it  was  with  some  trouble  to 
himself  to  be  either  neat  or  decent;  it  mattered  not  for 
the  outside,  w^hile  he  thought  himself  never  too  curious 
and  nice  in  the  dresses  of  his  mind. 

Very  careless  also  he  was  to  seeming  inurbanity  in  the 
modes  of  courtship  and  demeanour,  deporting  himself 
much  according  to  the  old  English  guise,  which  for  its 
ease  and  simplicity  suited  very  well  with  the  doctor,  whose 
time  was  designed  for  more  elaborate  business ;  and  whose 
motto  might  have  been  "  Sincerity." 


bR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxxv 

As  inobservant  he  was  of  persons,  unless  business  with 
them,  or  his  concerns  pointed  them  out  and  adverted 
him;  seeing  and  discerning  were  two  things.  Often  in 
several  places  hath  he  met  with  gentlemen  of  his  nearest 
and  greatest  acquaintanice,  at  a  full  rencounter  and  stop, 
whom  he  hath  endeavoured  to  pass  by,  not  knowing,  that 
is  to  say,  not  minding  of  them,  till  rectified  and  recalled  by 
their  familiar  compellations. 

This  will  not  (it  may  be  presumed)  and  justly  cannot  be 
imputed  unto  any  indisposedness  and  unaptness  of  his  na- 
ture, which  was  so  far  from  rude  and  untractable,  that  it 
may  be  confidently  averred  he  was  the  most  complacent 
person  in  the  nation,  as  his  converse  and  writings,  with 
such  a  freedom  of  discourse  and  quick  jocundity  of  style, 
do  sufficiently  evince. 

He  was  a  perfect  walking  library,  and  those  that  would 
find  delight  in  him  must  turn  him ;  he  was  to  be  diverted 
from  his  present  purpose  with  some  urgency ;  and  when 
once  unfixed  and  unbent,  his  mind  freed  from  the  incum- 
bency of  his  study,  no  man  could  be  more  agreeable  to 
civil  and  serious  mirth,  which  limits  his  most  heightened 
fancy  never  transgressed. 

He  had  the  happiness  of  a  very  honourable,  and  that 
very  numerous  acquaintance,  so  that  he  was  no  way  un- 
disciplined in  the  arts  of  civility ;  yet  he  continued  stmper 
identy  which  constancy  made  him  always  acceptable  to  them. 

At  his  diet  he  was  very  sparing  and  temperate,  but  yet 
he  allowed  himself  the  repasts  and  refreshings  of  two 
meals  a  day ;  but  no  lover  of  dainties,  or  the  inventions  of 
cookery ;  solid  meats  better  fitting  his  strength  of  consti- 
tution: but  from  drink  very  much  abstemious,  which 
questionless  was  the  cause  of  that  uninterrupted  health  he 
enjoyed  till  this  his  first  and  last  sickness.  Of  which  feli- 
city as  he  himself  was  partly  the  cause  by  his  exactness  in 
eating  and  drinking,  so  did  he  the  more  dread  the  sudden 
infliction  of  any  disease,  or  other  violence  of  nature,  fearing 
this  his  care  might  amount  to  a  presumption  in  the  eyes  of 
the  great  Disposer  of  all  things ;  and  so  it  pleased  God  it 
should  happen. 

d2 


xxxvi  THE  LIFE  OF 

But  his  great  abstinence  of  all  was  from  sleep;  and 
strange  it  was,  that  one  of  such  a  fleshy  and  sanguine  com- 
position could  overwatch  so  many  heavy  propense  inclina« 
tions  to  rest.  For  this  in  some  sort  he  was  beholden  to 
his  care  in  diet  aforesaid^  (the  full  vapours  of  a  repletion 
in  the  stomach  ascending  to  the  brain  causing  that  usual 
drowsiness  we  see  in  many^)  but  most  especially  to  his 
continual  custom,  use,  and  practice,  which  had  so  subdued 
his  nature,  that  it  was  wholly  governed  by  his  active  and 
industrious  mind. 

And  yet  this  is  a  further  wonder ;  he  did  scarcely  allow 
himself,  from  his  first  degree  in  the  university,  any  recrea- 
tion  or  easy  exercise,  no  not  so  much  as  walking,  but  very 
rare  and  seldom ;  and  that  not  upon  his  own  choice,  but 
as  being  compelled  by  friendly  yet  forcible  invitations; 
till  such  time  as  the  war  posted  him  from  place  to  place, 
and  afler  that  his  constant  attendance  on  the  press  in  the 
edition  of  his  books ;  when  was  a  question  which  went  the 
fastest,  his  head  or  his  feet :  so  that  in  efiect  he  was  a  very 
stranger,  if  not  an  enemy  to  all  pleasure. 

Riding  was  the  most  pleasant,  because  his  necessary 
convenience ;  the  doctor's  occasions,  especially  his  last 
work,  requiring  travel,  to  which  he  had  so  accustomed  him- 
self;  so  that  this  diversion  (like  princes'  banquets,  only  to 
be  looked  upon  by  them,  not  tasted  of)  was  rather  made 
such  than  enjoyed  by  him. 

So  that  if  there  were  any  felicity  or  delight  which  he 
can  be  truly  said  to  have  had,  it  was  either  in  his  relations 
or  in  his  works.  As  to  his  relations,  certainly  no  man  was 
a  more  tender,  more  indulgent  a  husband  and  a  father. 
His  conjugal  love  in  both  matches  being  equally  blessed 
with  the  same  issue,  kept  a  constant  tenor  in  both  mar- 
riages, which  he  so  improved,  that  the  harmony  of  his 
afiections  stilled  all  discord  and  charmed  the  noise  of 
passion. 

Towards  the  education  of  his  children  he  was  exceeding 
careful,  allowing  them  any  thing  conducing  to  that  end, 
beyond  the  present  measure  of  his  estate ;  which  it  is  well 
hoped  will  be  returned  to  the  memory  of  so  good  a  father, 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxxvii 

in  their  early  imitation  of  him  in  all  those  good  qualities 
and  literature^  to  which  they  have  now  such  an  hereditary 
claim. 

As  to  his  books^  which  we  usually  call  the  issue  of  the 
brain,  he  was  more  than  fond,  totally  abandoning  and  for- 
saking all  things  to  follow  them.  And  yet,  if  correction 
and  severity  (so  this  may  be  aUowed  the  gravity  of  the 
sabject)  be  also  the  signs  of  love,  a  stricter  and  more 
careful  hand  was  never  used.  True  it  is,  they  did  not 
grow  up  without  some  errors,  like  the  tares :  nor  can  the 
most  refined  pieces  of  any  of  his  antagonists  boast  of  per- 
fection. He  that  goes  an  unknown  and  beaten  track  in  a 
dubious  way,  though  he  may  have  good  directions,  yet  if 
m  the  journey  he  chance  to  stray,  cannot  well  be  blamed ; 
they  have  perchance  ploughed  with  his  heifer,  and  been 
beholden  to  those  authorities,  for  their  exceptions,  which 
he  first  gave  light  to. 

To  his  neighbours  and  friends  he  behaved  himself  with 
that  cheerfulness  and  plainness  of  afiection  and  respect  as 
deservedly  gained  him  their  highest  esteem.  From  the 
meanest  to  the  highest  he  omitted  nothing  what  to  him 
belonged  in  his  station,  either  in  a  familiar  correspondency 
or  necessary  visits ;  never  suffering  intreaties  of  that  which 
either  it  was  his  duty,  or  in  his  power  to  perform.  The 
quickness  of  his  apprehension,  helped  by  a  good  nature, 
presently  suggested  xinto  him  (without  putting  them  to  the 
trouble  of  an  innuendo)  what  their  several  afiairs  required, 
in  which  he  would  spare  no  pains ;  insomuch  that  it  was  a 
piece  of  absolute  prudence  to  rely  upon  his  advice  and 
assistance.  In  a  word,  to  his  superiors  he  was  dutifiilly 
respectful,  without  ceremony  or  officiousness ;  to  his  equals 
he  was  discretely  respectful,  without  neglect  or  unsociable- 
ness;  and  to  his  inferiors  (whom  indeed  he  judged  Chris- 
tianly  none  to  be)  civilly  respectful,  without  pride  or  dis- 
dain. 

But  all  these  so  eminent  virtues,  and  so  sublimed  in 
him,  were  but  as  foils  to  those  excellent  gifts  wherewith 
(jod  had  endued  his  intellectuals.  He  had  a  memory  of 
that  vast  comprehensiveness,  that  he  is  deservedly  known 

d3 


xxxvin  THE  LIFE  OF 

for  the  first  inventor  of  that  noble  art,  whereof  having  left 
behind  him  no  rules  or  directions,  save  only  what  fell  firom 
him  in  discourse,  no  further  account  can  be  given  but  a 
relation  of  some  very  rare  experiments  of  it  made  by 
him. 

He  undertook  once,  in  passing  to  and  fro  from  Temple- 
bar  to  the  frirthest  conduit  in  Cheapside,  at  his  return 
again,  to  tell  every  sign  as  they  stood  in  order  on  both 
sides  of  the  way,  repeating  them  either  backward  or  for- 
ward as  they  should  choose,  which  he  exactly  did,  not 
missing  or  misplacing  one,  to  the  admiration  of  those  that 
heard  him.^ 

The  like  also  would  he  do  in  words  of  different  lan- 
guages, and  of  hard  and  difficult  prolation,  to  any  number 
whatsoever.  But  that  which  was  most  strange,  and  very 
rare  in  him,  was  his  way  of  writing,  which,  something  like 
the  Chinese's,  was  from  the  top  of  the  page  to  the  bottom. 
The  manner  thus.  He  would  write  near  the  margin  the  first 
words  of  every  line  down  to  the  foot  of  the  paper ;  then 
would  he,  beginning  at  the  head  again,  fill  up  every  one  of 
these  lines,  which,  without  any  interlineations  or  spaces, 
but  with  the  full  and  equal  length,  would  so  adjust  the 
sense  and  matter,  and  so  aptly  connex  and  conjoin  the  ends 
and  beginnings  of  the  said  lines,  that  he  could  not  do  it 
better,  as  he  hath  said,  if  he  had  writ  all  out  in  a  conti- 
nuation. 

The  treasury  of  this  happy  memory  was  a  very  great 
advantage  to  his  preaching;  but  being  assisted  with  as 
rich  invention  and  extraordinary  reading,  did  absolutely 
complete  him  for  the  pulpit.  His  great  stores  both  of 
school  and  case  divinity,  both  of  history  and  philosophy, 
of  arts  and  tongues,  his  converse  in  the  scriptures,  the 
fathers  and  human  writings,  had  so  abundantly  furnished 
him,  that  without  the  other  additaments  he  had  been  very 
eminent  among  his  function.  Now  all  so  happily  met  to-r 
gether,  such  a  constellation  could  portend  no  less  than 
some  wonder  of  men,  who  should  be  famous  in  hi^  gene-r 
ration. 

^  At  that  time,  it  must  be  remembered,  all  shops  had  their  signs^ 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xxxix 

Not  to  omit  to  this  purpose  (however  to  the  first  intui- 
tion it  may  seem  to  the  reverend  and  graver  divines  a  pre- 
cipitancy, and  a  venturous  rashness  in  any  man  with  such 
unprovidedness  to  step  into  the  pulpit)  that  this  venerable 
doctor,  upon  some  sudden  emergent  occasions,  upon  two 
hours'  warning,  and  upon  a  subject  of  his  friend's  choice, 
which  was  knotty  and  very  difficult,  hath  performed  the 
task  enjoined  him  with  much  accurateness ;  such  his  art 
of  method,  besides  that  his  understanding  wa^  strangely 
opened  for  the  unlocking  and  opening  of  scriptures,  which 
he  would  do  very  genuinely  and  evidently,  and  then  em- 
bellish his  explication  with  curious  variety  of  expression. 

For  his  ordinary  manner  of  teaching,  it  was  in  some 
kind  different  from  the  usual  preachers'  method  of  most 
ministers  in  those  times.  For  he  seldom  made  any  excur- 
sions into  the  handling  of  common  places,  or  drew  his 
subject  matter  out  at  length  by  any  prolixly  continued 
discourse.  But  the  main  frame  of  his  public  sermons,  if 
not  wholly,  consisted  (after  some  brief  and  genuine  resolu- 
tion of  the  context,  and  explication  of  the  terms,  where 
need  required)  of  notes  and  observations,  with  much  va- 
riety and  great  dexterity  drawn  immediately  from  the  text, 
and  naturally  without  constraint,  issuing  or  flowing  either 
from  the  main  body,  or  from  the  several  parts  of  it,  with 
some  useful  applications  annexed  thereunto;  which,  though 
either  of  them  long  insisted  upon,  yet  were  wont  with  that 
vivacity  to  be  propounded  and  pressed  by  him,  as  well 
might,  and  oft  did,  pierce  deep  into  the  hearts  of  his 
hearers,  and  not  only  rectify  and  clear  their  judgments,  but 
have  a  powerftd  work  also  upon  their  affections. 

Nor  was  it  his  manner  to  quote  many  scriptures,  finding 
it  troublesome  to  himself,  and  supposing  it  would  be  so  to 
his  auditors  also ;  besides  deeming  it  the  less  needful,  in 
regard  that  his  ohservations  being  grounded  immediately 
on  the  scripture  he  handled,  and  by  necessary  consequence 
thence  deduced,  seemed  to  receive  proof  sufficient  from  it.    / 

A  constant  form  of  prayer  he  used,  as  in  his  family,  so 
in  his  public  ministry ;  only  varying  or  adding,  upon  spe- 
cial occasions,  as  occurrences  intervening  required,  because 

d4 


xl  THE  LIFE  OF 

not  only  hesitation  (which  the  good  doctor,  for  all  his 
strength  of  memory  and  invention,  was  afraid  of  before  so 
awful  a  presence  as  the  Majesty  of  heaven)  was  in  prayer 
more  offensive  than  other  discourse,  but  because  such  ex- 
cursions in  that  duty,  in  the  extempore  way,  were  become 
the  idol  of  the  multitude. 

In  his  Mixed  Contemplations  read  these  words :  **  Let 
**  such  new  practices  as  are  to  be  brought  into  our  church 
*'  be  for  a  time  candidates  and  probationers  on  their  good 
**  behaviour,  to  see  how  the  temper  of  people  will  fit  them, 
**  and  they.fadge  with  it,  before  they  be  publicly  enjoined. 

'*  Let  them  be  like  St.  Paul's  deacons,  1  Tim.  iii.  10,  first 
'*  be  proved,  then  be  used,  if  found  blameless.  I  cannot 
**  therefore  but  commend  the  discretion  of  such  statesmen, 
*^  who  knowing  the  Directory  to  be  but  a  stranger,  and 
'^  considering  the  great  inclination  the  generality  of  our 
*^  nation  had  to  the  Common  Prayer,  made  their  tempo- 
"  rary  act  to  stand  in  force  but  for  three  years*."* 

He  could  as  well  declare  his  mind  and  errand,  and  of 
all  others  likewise  with  as  much  plainness,  clearness,  and 
(which  is  more)  reverence,  as  any  of  those  who  cried  up 
the  Spirit,  and  their  own  way,  in  opposition  to  the  laws 
and  the  judgment  of  antiquity ;  so  to  take  the  people  with 
their  newfangled  words  and  licentious  easiness  of  dis- 
coursing with  God  Abnighty,  whose  attributes  they  squared 
to  their  petitions,  that  it  be  not  said,  wills. 

As  he  was  an  enemy  to  the  inventions  of  men  obtruded 
upon  the  blessed  Spirit  in  that  irreverent  and  profane 
manner  of  praying  and  revelation ;  so  was  he  likewise,  on 
the  other  side,  a  professed  and  avowed  adversary  to  the 
mass  and  traditions,  which  caused  him  no  little  slander 
and  obloquy.  But  the  spirit  of  this  pious  doctor  was  ex- 
ceedingly stirred  in  him  against  all  popish  insinuators; 
because  he  was  too  sensible  that  through  the  mad  zeal  of 
the  vulgar,  whom  they  had  by  Jesuitical  practices  inflamed, 
the  house  of  God  in  these  kingdoms  was  set  in  com- 
bustion. 

'MizedContemplations  on  these  dilations  on  aU  kinds  of  Prayers^ 
Times,  §.  33.    Compare  also.  Me-    §.  11,  i3. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xK 

Therefore  with  much  pmdence,  courage^  and  boldness, 
did  he  ererywhere  in  his  books^  as  occasion  offered,  un- 
mask the  deceits  and  designs,  resist  and  curb  the  pride, 
oonyince  and  lay  open  the  errors  of  the  church  of  Rome ; 
though  he  never  wrote  any  thing  particularly  by  way  of 
controversy  against  it,  because,  as  he  said,  there  was  no 
end  of  it;  and  more  than  sufficient  had  already  been 
wrote,  if  any  ingenuity  had  been  in  the  adherents  of  that 
see  to  have  submitted  to  truth. 

Nor  was  there  ever  any  of  that  religion  who  were  so 
hardy  as  to  challenge  or  tax  the  doctor  but  obliquely  for 
any  thing  wherewith  he  had  charged  them,  either  of  apo- 
stasy, heresy,  or  manifest  idolatry;  their  abuse  of  anti- 
quity in  their  rasures  and  additions,  which  did  very  often 
occur  to  him  in  most  of  his  books,  from  which  they  were 
sure  to  hear  of  them  to  the  purpose.  It  much  rejoiced  the 
Roman  party,  when  that  misunderstanding  happened  be- 
twixt doctor  Heylyn  and  himself  about  his  Ecclesiastical 
History,  though  they  caught  no  fish  in  those  troubled 
waters.  While  they  tossed  their  proud  billows  forward  and 
backward,  the  protestant  cause  was  safely  anchored  and 
moored  between  them. 

And  as  he  never  had  occasion  to  engage  in  any  polemical 
discourse  with  any  of  that  party,  so  in  these  miserable 
bandyings  of  our  late  unhappy  times  did  he  always  re- 
frain from  stickling  on  any  side ;  though  it  was  sufficiently 
known  how  firmly  he  was  grounded  and  addict  to  the  true 
protestant  religion,  in  opposition  to  the  innovations  of 
presbytery  and  the  schism  of  independency,  against  whom 
also  he  had  a  zeal,  but  allayed  with  a  greater  compassion 
than  to  the  papist;  distinguishing  betwixt  the  seducers 
and  the  seduced,  whom  notwithstanding  he  did  very  se- 
verely deal  withal  in  his  writings.  One  instance  whereof 
take  in  his  Mixed  Contemplations :  ''  I  am  sad  that  I  may 
"  add  with  too  much  truth,  that  one  man  will  at  last  be 
'*  divided  in  himself,  distracted  often  betwixt  many  opin- 
"  ions ;    that  what  is  reported  of  Tostatus,  lying  on  his 

deathbed,  in  muUitudine  controversiarum  non  habuit  quod 

crederet ;   amongst  the  multitude  of  persuasions  through 


u 


xlii  THE  LIFE  OF 

^  which  he  had  passed^  he  knew  not  where  to  cast  anchor, 
'*  and  fix  himself  at  last^."  So  that  he  may  be  said  to  have 
been  a  right-handed  enemy  to  the  stubborn  Romanist^  and 
a  left-handed  one  to  the  cunning  sectary. 

He  was  wont  to  call  those  controversies  concerning 
episcopacy,  and  the  new-invented  arguments  against  the 
church  of  England,  with  the  answers  and  refutation  thereof, 
^juieprf/3ta,  things  of  a  day's  life,  and  of  no  permanency ;  the 
church  being  built  upon  a  rock,  as  no  storms  could  shake 
or  move  it,  so  needed  it  not  any  defences  of  art  or  learning; 
being  of  the  same  mind  with  sir  Henry  Wotton,  Dispu- 
tandi  pruritus,  scabies  ecclesice. 

He  was  wholly  conversant  during  the  broils  and  dissen- 
sions  of  the  clergy,  in  the  thoughts  and  considerations  of 
that  text.  Let  your  moderation  be  knovm  unto  aU  men  ;  on 
which  place  he  once  preached  a  while  before  his  ma- 
jesty's restitution  to  a  very  great  auditory ;  little  imagining 
the  subsequent  words,  for  the  Lord  is  at  hand,  were  so 
near  the  fulfilling  in  the  merciful  visitations  of  God  towards 
these  miserable  nations. 

In  this  he  was  the  same  still,  but  more  solicitous  in  the 
glinmiering  of  that  happy  revolution ;  when  he  plainly 
saw  how  indispensably  necessary  the  mutual  condescen- 
sions of  all  parties  were  to  the  establishment  and  consoli- 
dating of  peace.  (Mixed  Contemplations,  to  this  purpose 
again.)  "  Peace  in  our  land,  like  St.  Paul  at  Athens,  be- 
**  twixt  two  sects  of  philosophers,  is  now  like  to  be  encoun- 
"  tered  with  two  such  opposite  parties :  such  as  are  for  the 
"  liberties  of  a  commonwealth,  and  such  as  are  for  an  ab- 
*'  solute  monarchy  in  the  full  length  thereof.  But  I  hope 
"  neither  of  them  both  are  so  considerable  in  their  number, 
parts,  and  infiuences  on  the  people,  but  that  the  moderate 
party,  advocates  for  peace,  will  prevail  for  the  settling 
"  thereof."  ^  Ibidem:  "  The  episcopal  party  doth  desire  and 
'*  expect  that  the  presbyterian  should  remit  of  his  rigid- 
ness,  in  order  to  an  expedient  between  them.  The  pres- 
byterians  require  that  the  episcopal  side  abate  of  their 
authority  to  advance  an  accommodation.     But  some  on 

^  Mixed  Ck>nteniplation8  on  these  Times,  §.  4.  ^  Ibid.  §.  35. 


<€ 
it 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xliii 

"  both  sides  are  so  wedded  to  their  wilfulness,  stand  so  stiff 
**  on  their  judgments,  are  so  hot  and  high  in  their  passions, 
*'  they  will  not  part  with  the  least  punctilio  in  their  opin- 
"  ions  and  practices.  Such  men^s  judgments  cannot  pre- 
tend to  the  exactness  of  the  Gibeonites,  Judges  xx.  16, 
that  they  hit  the  mark  of  [the  truth  at]  an  hair^s  breadth^ 
and  faU  not :  yet  will  they  not  abate  an  hair's  breadth 
in  order  to  unity;  they  will  take  all,  but  tender  nothing ; 
^*  make  motions  with  their  mouths,  but  none  with  their 
"  feet,  for  peace,  not  stirring  a  step  towards  it.  O  that  we 
*^  could  see  some  proffers  and  performances  of  condescen- 
*^  sion  on  either  side,  and  then  let  others  who  remain  obsti- 
**  nate  be  branded  with  Perez,  Gen.  xxxviii.  29,  the  breach 
•*  be  upon  them.^  "^ 

Thus  the  good  doctor's  bent  and  resolutions  were  for  a 
fidr  and  mutual  compliance,  out  of  a  tender  jealousy  of  this 
divided  church ;  seeing  other  men  resolved  indeed  into  an 
obstinate  persistance  and  adherence  to  their  opinions,  who 
would  rather  rashly  cut  the  Gordian  knot  of  union  and 
concord,  to  fulfil  the  doubtful  oracles  of  their  own  judg- 
ment,  than  leisurely  and  with  patience  endeavour  the  un- 
tying of  it,  which  would  set  the  church  of  God  at  perfect 
liberty,  and  release  it  from  the  violence  of  prejudiced  and 
captived  reason. 

How  much  this  lay  upon  his  spirit,  being  the  Benjamin 
of  his  love  above  all  other  duties  and  necessities  in  a 
Christian  conversation  or  government,  may  seem  further 
tedious  to  relate ;  but  because  it  is  so  genuine  a  trait  of 
his  elegant  pen,  and  so  like  him,  it  is  hoped  that  this  ex- 
cellent feature  copied  here,  in  this  rude  transcript  of  him, 
may  be  of  delight  (amidst  the  mass  and  undigestedness  of 

these  collections)  to  the  curious  reader. "  In  my  father's 

time  there  was  a  fellow  of  Trinity  college  in  Cambridge, 
a  native  of  Carleton  in  Leicestershire,  where  the  people, 
through  some  occult  cause,  are  troubled  with  a  wharling 
in  their  throats,  so  that  they  cannot  plainly  pronounce  the 
letter  R.  This  scholar,  being  conscious  of  his  infirmity, 
•*  made  a  Latin  oration  of  the  usual  expected  length,  with- 

*  Mixed  Contemplations  on  these  Times,  §.19. 


u 
ft 


xliv  THE  LIFE  OF 

"  out  an  R  therein:  and  yet  did  he  not  only  select  words  fit 
*^  for  his  easy  pronunciation^  but  also  as  pure  and  expres- 
^^  sive  for  signification;  to  shew  that  men  might  speak  with- 
"  out  being  beholden  to  the  dog'^s  letter.  Oar  English 
"  pulpits  for  these  last  eighteen  years  have  had  in  them  too 
*^  much  caninal  anger  vented  by  snapping  and  snarling 
**  spirits  on  both  sides.  But  if  you  hits  and  devour  one 
*^  another,  saith  the  apostle,  Gal.  v.  15^  take  heed  ye  be  not 
*^  devoured  one  of  another.  Think  not  that  our  sermons 
*^  must  be  silent  if  not  satirical^  as  if  divinity  did  not  afford 
^'  smooth  subjects  enough  to  be  seasonably  insisted  on  in 
**  this  juncture  of  time.  Let  us  try  our  skill  whether  we 
**  cannot  preach  without  any  dog  letter  or  biting  word;  the 
"  art  is  half  learned  by  intending,  and  wholly  by  serious 
**  endeavouring  of  it.  I  am  sure  that  such  soft  sermons 
"  will  be  more  easy  for  the  tongue  of  the  preacher  in  pro- 
"  nouncing  them,  less  grating  to  the  ears  of  pious  people 
^^  that  hear  them,  and  most  edifying  to  the  heart  of  both 
"  speaker  and  hearer. «"  Again,  and  for  all — **  O  may 
**  the  state  be  pleased  so  far  to  reflect  on  this  IsaaCy  as  to 
^^  settle  the  inheritance  on  him !  Let  protestant  religion 
**  be  only  countenanced  by  law,  be  owned  and  acknowledged 
"  for  the  received  religion  of  the  nation.  As  for  other 
**  sects,  (the  sons  of  Keturah,)  we  grudge  not  that  gifts  be 
*^  bestowed  on  them.  Let  them  have  a  toleration,  (and 
*'  that  I  assure  you  is  a  great  gift  indeed,)  and  be  per- 
"  mitted  peaceably,  but  privately,  to  enjoy  their  con- 
"  sciences,  both  in  opinions  and  practices.  Such  favour 
"  may  safely,  not  to  say  ought  justly,  be  afforded  unto 
**  them,  so  long  as  they  continue  peaceably  in  our  Israel^ 
"  and  disturb  not  the  state.^ " 

This  is  the  rather  inserted,  both  for  the  cautelousness  of 
the  expression  he  used,  and  which  those  times  required ; 
and  by  which  discrete  and  amicable  way  our  differences 
and  breaches  were  likeliest  to  be  made  up,  the  disguises 
of  words  to  the  undeceiving  of  a  misled  people  into  the 
right  way  of  their  felicity,  who  had  all  along  been  driven 
with  speeches,  and  such   like  parliament   oratory,   being 

*  Mixed  Contemplations  on  these  Times,  §.  30.  ^  Ibid.  §.  ai. 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xlv 

the  facilest  method  of  introducing  that  peace  which  by  the 
same  arts  was  violated.  Storms  begin  from  and  end  in 
calms ;  the  gentle  breathings  of  soft  and  temperate  spirits 
commencing  the  outrages  of  other  men's  violent  passions, 
and  terminating  and  stopping  their  fury. 

This  was  a  charitable  and  also  a  reasonable  and  political 
design  of  the  doctor,  very  well  applied  in  the  crisis  of 
that  distemper;  whose  acute  pains,  in  the  stripping  of 
those  people  of  their  illegal  possessions  and  purchases, 
(though  in  time  they  might  and  would  naturally  and  cen- 
trally return  to  their  just  owners,)  were  to  be  alleviated 
and  eased  by  some  healing  balsam ;  not  to  be  lanced  and 
exasperated  by  the  sharp  and  keen  incisions  of  invectives 
and  exprobrations ;  those  tumours  and  swellings  of  usurped 
estates  being  better  to  be  laid  by  lenitives  and  suppling 
oils,  than  to  be  eaten  away  by  corrosives,  or  cut  off  by 
cruel  instruments. 

This  policy,  more  eminent  in  illustrious  persons,  (though 
not  the  charity  of  the  good  doctor,)  God  succeeded  in  that 
juncture  of  time,  by  amusing  the  most  considerable  persons, 
as  well  as  the  generality  of  the  engaged  rebellious  faction 
and  party,  into  a  supineness,  or  (which  was  the  greater 
work  of  Providence,  that  doth  commonly  go  by  a  method) 
confident  reliance  on  the  king's  grace  and  kindness.  Those 
who  would  not  trust  his  blessed  father,  though  under  con- 
firmation of  his  royal  seal  and  word,  to  be  further  strength- 
ened by  their  own  authority  in  parliament,  were  quiet  and 
contented  in  the  only  bare  expectation  what  his  royal  son 
would  promise  them. 

But  the  doctor's  charity,  as  before,  though  so  extensive, 
was  far  overreached  by  that  liberty  of  conscience,  which 
interest  and  self-will  and  the  pride  of  schism  stretched 
beyond  all  convenient  or  reasonable  limits ;  his  condescen- 
sions to  such  as  went  by  the  name  of  tender  Christians  sig- 
nifying  no  more  than  some  acts  of  grace  and  pardon  lately 
passed.  So  that  all  the  good  the  doctor  did  in  that  re- 
spect was  to  himself;  the  benefit  of  that  love  and  charity 
being  returned  and  multiplied  on  him  to  his  everlasting 
comfort. 


xlvi  THE  LIFE  OP 

But  Trhat  the  measure  of  his  charitv  could  not  fulfil  wai 
made  up  in  his  piety  and  constant  intercession^  that  they 
might  prove  such  as  he  in  his  best  thoughts  had  wished 
them.  He  was  most  earnest  in  this  duty  of  prayer;  and  his 
often  accesses  to  that  mercy-seat  had  made  it  a  place  of 
acquaintance  and  free  reception.  As  his  study  importuned 
him  at  very  unreasonable  hours,  so  it  opportuned  his  devo- 
tion in  the  early  and  late  sacrifices,  which  he  indispensably 
and  firstly  offered  to  the  "  God  of  Heaven ;"  a  phrase  for 
its  comprehensiveness  of  the  divine  Majesty,  in  the  glory 
and  perfection  of  it  above  all  other  his  creatures,  very 
familiar  and  usual  with  the  doctor,  by  way  of  emphasis  or 
reverend  instance. 

If  it  may  pass  here  without  any  rigid  adversion,  a  very 
excellent  passage  of  the  doctor's  (in  the  beginning  of  the 
anarchy  under  a  commonwealth)  would  seek  admittance, 
having  relation  to  this  duty  in  hand.  Soon  after  the  king's 
death  he  preached  in  a  church  near  London,  and  a  person 
then  in  great  power,  now  levelled  with  his  fellows,  was 
present  at  the  sermon.  In  his  prayer  before  which  he 
said,  "  God  in  his  due  time  settle  our  nation  on  the  true 
"  foundation  thereof."  The  then  great  man  demanded  of 
him  what  he  meant  by  the  true  foundation  f  He  answered, 
he  was  no  lawyer  nor  statesman,  and  therefore  skill  in 
such  matters  could  not  be  expected  from  him.  But  being 
pressed  further  to  explain  himself,  whether  thereby  he  did 
not  intend  the  king,  lords,  and  commons,  he  answered, 
that  it  was  a  part  of  his  prayer  to  God,  who  had  more 
knowledge  than  he  ignorance  in  all  things,  that  He  knew 
what  was  the  true  foundation ;  and  so  remitted  the  fac- 
tious querist  to  God's  wisdom  and  goodness. 

This  was  a  kind  of  his  experiments  in  prayer,  which 
were  many  and  very  observable ;  God  often  answering  his 
desires  in  kind,  and  that  immediately  when  he  was  in  some 
distresses :  and  Code's  providence  in  taking  care  and  pro- 
viding for  him  in  his  whole  course  of  life,  wrought  in  him 
a  firm  resolution  to  depend  upon  Him,  in  what  condition 
soever  he  should  be;    and  he  found  that  providence  to 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER. 


xlvii 


continue  in  that  tenour  to  his  last  end.  Indeed  he  was 
wholly  possessed  with  a  holy  fear  of  and  reliance  in  God ; 
was  conscionable  in  his  private  duties^  and  in  sanctifying 
the  sabbath^  being  much  offended  at  its  profanation  by 
disorderly  men ;  and  that  both  in  reference  to  the  glory  of 
God  and  the  scandal  brought  on  the  church  of  England^ 
as  if  it  allowed  (as  some  have  impudently  affirmed)  such 
wicked  licentiousness.  For  his  own  particular,  very  few 
Sundays  there  were  in  the  year  in  which  he  preached  not 
twice,  besides  the  duties  performed  in  his  own  house^  or  in 
his  attendance  on  those  noble  persons  to  whom  successively 
he  was  chaplain  S. 

So  that  if  he  had  not  been  helped  by  a  more  than  offi- 
cious  memory,  which  devoured  all  the  books  he  read,  and 
digested  them  to  easy  nutriment,  that  supplied  all  the  parts 
and  the  whole  body  of  his  learning,  for  his  service  and 
furtherance  of  his  labours ;  it  had  been  impossible  but  that 
the  duties  he  performed  as  a  divine  must  have  hindered 
and  justled  out  those  his  happy  productions  as  a  most  com- 
plete historian ;  which  study,  being  tied  to  the  series  and 
catenation  of  time  and  truth,  could  ill  brook  or  break 
through  those  avocations,  though  no  doubt  it  thrived  the 
better  under  the  kindly  influence  of  his  devotion. 

It  will  make  it  also  the  less  wonder  why  a  man  of  so 
great  merit  and  such  conspicuous  worth  should  never 
arrive  to  any  eminent  honour  and  dignity  or  church  re- 
venue, save  that  of  a  prebend  in  Salisbury,  being  also  of 
competent  age  to  become  the  gravity  of  such  preferments : 
for  he  could  not  afford  to  seek  great  matters  for  himself. 


n 


8r  Of  this  he  gives  an  apt  but 
homely  illustration  in  his  Appeal, 
p.  287.  Speaking  of  his  reluctance 
to  be  drawn  into  controversy, 
among  other  motives,  he  adds,  this 
was  one:  "  I  lacked  leisure  so- 
lemnly to  confute  his  Animad- 
versions, having  at  this  time  so 
"  novel  and  various  employment ; 
**  the  cow  was  well  stocked  with 
milk,  thus  praised  by  the  poet : 

'  Bis  vemt  ad  mulctrum,  binoa  alit  ubere 
**fmttu. 


<c 


« 


«( 


"  She  fiuckles  two,  yet  doth  not  fkil, 
"  Twice  a  day  to  come  to  the  pail." 

But  I  justly  feared  who  tvnce  a 
Lord's  day  do  come  to  the  pul- 
pit, (God  knows  my  heart,  I 
speak  it  not  to  ostentation,)  that 
I  could  not  suckle  my  parish 
"  and  the  press,  without  starving 
"  or  short-feeding  of  one :  whereas 
"  the  Animadverter,  in  his  retired 
'*  life,  gives  no  other  milk  than  fol- 
*'  lowing  his  own  private  studies." 


(( 


<( 


« 


C( 


<( 


xlviii  THE  LIFE  OF 

who  designed  his  all  for  the  public  good  and  the  concerns 
of  his  precious  soul.  Questionless  he  could  not  have  wanted 
friends  to  his  advancement,  if  he  would  have  pursued  such 
ends,  who  would  have  been  as  great  furtherers  of  himself 
out  of  a  particular  affection  (which  is  always  ambitious  of 
laying  such  obligations  upon  virtue)  to  his  person,  as  they 
had  assisted  him  in  his  works  and  labours. 

He  was  reward  and  recompense  enough  to  himself;  and 
for  his  fame  and  glory  certainly  he  computed  it  the  best 
way ;  it  is  the  jewel  that  graces  the  ring,  not  so  the  contrary. 
High  places  are  levelled  in  death,  and  crumble  into  dust, 
leaving  no  impression  of  those  that  possessed  them,  and 
are  only  retrievable  to  posterity  by  some  excellent  portraits 
of  their  nobler  parts ;  wherein  it  will  on  all  hands  be  con- 
fessed the  doctor  hath  absolutely  drawn  himself  beyond 
the  excellentest  counterfeit  of  art,  and  which  shall  outlive 
all  addition  of  monument,  and  outflourish  the  pomp  of  the 

j       lastingest  sepulchral  glory. 

"  But  had  the  worthy  doctor  but  some  longer  while  sur- 

vived, to  the  fruition  of  that  quiet  and  settlement  of  the 
church,  of  which  by  God's  goodness  and  favour  we  have 
so  full  a  prospect,  and  that  the  crowd  of  suitors  for  eccle- 
siastical promotions  had  left  thronging  and  importuning 
their  great  friends,  to  the  stifling  and  smothering  of  modest 
merit,  it  may  be  presumed  the  royal  bounty  would  favour- 
ably have  reflected  on  and  respected  that  worth  of  the 
doctor,  (which  was  so  little  set  by  and  regarded  of  himself 
in  his  contented  obscurity,)  by  a  convenient  placing  and 
raising  of  that  light  to  some  higher  orb,  from  whence  he 
should  have  dilated  and  dispensed  his  salutiferous  rays  and 
influences. 

Some  little  time  after  his  death  his  course  would  have 
come  to  have  preached  before  his  majesty,  for  which  the  . 
doctor  made  preparations ;  and  that  most  probably  would 
have  proved  a  fit  opportunity  of  notifying  himself  to  the 
king,  whose  most  judicious  and  exact  observation  the  re- 
marks of  the  doctor's  learned  preaching  would  have  happily 
suited.  This  honour  was  designed  him  before  by  a  right 
noble  lord,  in  whose  retinue  as  chaplain  he  went  over  to  the 


DR.  THOMAS  FULLER.  xlix 

Hague,  at  the  reduction  of  his  majesty  into  these  his  king- 
doms. But  the  haste  and  dispatch  which  that  great  affair 
required  in  the  necessity  of  the  king's  presence  here, 
afbrded  him  not  the  effect  of  that  honourable  intendment. 
But  what  he  was  disappointed  of  here  is  fully  attained  by 
his  happy  appearance  before  the  King  of  kings,  to  praise 
and  magnify  him,  and  to  sing  hallelujahs  for  ever. 

So  adieu  to  that  glory  of  the  doctor,  which  is  incommu- 
nicable with  the  world ;  and  ave  and  all  prosperity  be  to 
those  his  remains,  which  he  hath  to  the  general  advantage 
of  learning  and  piety  most  liberally  imparted ! 

Too  customary  were  it  to  recite  the  several  kinds  and 
sorts  of  honourable  epithets  which  his  equal  readers  have 
fixed  on  him ;  but  this  under  favour  may  be  assigned  pecu- 
liarly to  him,  that  no  man  performed  any  thing  of  such 
difficulty  as  his  undertakings  with  that  delight  and  profit, 
which  were  as  the  gemelli  and  twins  of  his  hard  labour, 
and  superfetations  of  wit,  not  distinguishable  but  by  the 
thread  of  his  own  art,  which  clued  men  into  their  several 
and  distinct  apartments. 

And  so  impertinent  it  will  be  to  engage  further  in  a 
particular  account  of  his  books,  whose  sure  and  perpetual 
duration  needs  not  the  minutes  of  this  biography,  espe- 
cially that  his  ultimate  piece,  and  partly  posthumous, 
(his  often  mentioned  book,  the  Worthies  General  of  Eng- 
land,) whose  design  was  drawn  by  eternity ;  commencing 
from  their  (before)  unknown  originals,  and  leading  into  an 
ocean  of  new  discoveries.  And  may  some  happy  as  hardy 
pen  attempt  the  continuation ! 


FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


[The  following  List  o/*  Fuller's  Works  is  with  some 
alterations  taken  from  Lowndes^ s  Bibliographer^ s 
Mantud."] 


Thote  marked  with  an  asterisk  are  not  eniunerBted  in  the  Life. 

I .  David's  hamous  Sinne,  heartie  Repentance,  beavie  Punish- 
ment.    London^  1631,  i8mo. 

*  2.  The  Life  of  Dean  Colet,  prefixed  to  his  Dayly  Devotions. 
1635,  i2mo. 

3.  The  Historie  of  the  Holy  Warre.     Camh,  1639,  fol. 

[This  work  passed  through  various  editions  in  the  years  1640,  1643, 
1647,  1651,  1651.] 

4.  The  Holy  and  Profane  State.     Camb,  1642,  fol. 

[This  work  jmssed  through  various  editions,  and  is  generally  found  with 
the  foregoing,  &c.  1647,  1648,  1651,  1653,  1658,  1663.] 

5.  Joseph's  party-coloured  Coat;  a  comment  on  part  of 
I  Corinth.  II.  together  with  eight  Sermons.  Lond,  1640,  1648, 
4to. 

6.  A  fast  Sermon  preached  on  Innocents'  Day.  Matt.  v.  9. 
Lond,  1642,  4to. ;  and  1654,  i2mo. 

7.  A  Sermon  of  Reformation,  preached  at  the  Church  of  the 
Savoy,  July  27,  1643.     Lond.  1643,  4to. 

[Reprinted  in  the  answer  to  Saltmarsh.] 

8.  Truth  Maintained ;  or  Positions  delivered  in  a  Sermon  at 
the  Savoy,  asserted  for  Sacred  and  Safe.     Oxf,  1^43,  4to.   ", 

[An  answer  to  Saltmarsh.] 

9.  A  Sermon  preached  at  S.  Peter's  Westminster,  on  the  27th 
of  March,  being  the  day  of  His  Majesty's  inauguration.  2  Sam. 
V.  19,  20.     Lond.  1643,  4to. ;  and  1654,  i2mo. 

10.  Good  Thoughts  in  Bad  Times.  Exeter,  1645,  i6mo.  ; 
Lond.  1 646.     Since,  at  various  times  in  London . 

11.  Good  Thoughts  in  Wor?e  Times.  Lond.  1640.  i6rao.  ; 
and  1647,  ^2mo. 


in  of  Fuller's  Warh,  li 

12.  Good  Thoughts  in  Bad  Times,  together  with  Good 
llioiights  in  Worse  Times.  Land,  1649,  i65^>  1669,  1680. 
Since  lately  at  London. 

13.  Cause  and  Cure  of  a  Wounded  Conscience.  Lond.  1646, 
1 649,  1 2mo. ;  1 8 1  o,  1 8mo. 

*  14.  Fear  of  losing  the  Old  Light;  a  Sermon  preached  at 
Exeter.     Lond.  1646, 4to. 

15.  Andronicus;  or  the  Unfortunate  Politician.  Lond.  1646, 
iimo.;  and  1649. 

*  16.  The  Just  Man's  Funeral ;  a  Sermon  preached  at  Chelsea, 
on  Eodes.  vii.  15.     Ltmd.  1649,  4^^* 

17.  The  Pisgah  Sight  of  Palestine.  Lond.  1650,  foL;  1653, 
1662. 

18.  Ahel  Redivivus.     Lond.  165 1,  4to. ;  and  1652. 

19.  Comment  on  Christ's  Temptation,  Matt.  iv.  i — 11. 
1652,  8vo. 

20.  The  Infemt's  Advocate.     Lond.  1653,  8vo. 

*  21.  Perfection  and  Peace;  a  Sermon.     Lond.  1653.     8vo. 

22.  A  Comment  on  Ruth ;  together  with  two  Sermons ;  the 
one  teaching  to  Live  Well,  the  other  to  Die  Well.  Lond. 
<654,  8vo. 

23.  Omitho-logie ;  or  the  Speech  of  Birds ;  also  the  Speech 
of  Flowers;  partly  moral,  partly  mystical.  Lond.  i663>  i^mo. ; 
and  both  separately  in  1655. 

*  24.  Ephemeris  Parliamentaria ;  or  a  faithful  Register  of  the 
Transactaons  in  Parliament,  1627 — 28.     Lond.  1654,  fol. 

25.  A  Triple  Reconciler.     Lond.  1654,  8vo. 

26.  The  Church  History.  Lond.  1655 — 6,  fol.  (With  this 
Fuller  published 

The  History  of  the  University  of  Cambridge ;  and 
The  History  of  Waltham  Abbey. 

27.  Life  out  of  Death ;  a  Sermon  preached  at  Chelsea.    Lond. 

1655,  8vo. 

28.  A  Collection  of  Sermons :  i .  The  best  Employment. 
2.  A  Gift  for  God  alone.  3.  The  true  Penitent.  4.  The  best 
Act   of  Oblivion;    together  with  Notes   upon  Jonah.     Lond. 

1656,  8vo. 


lii  Lia  of  FmOer's  W<n*$. 

29.  A  Sermon  [on  Acts  xiii.  36.]  at  the  Funeral  of  G.  Hey- 
cock.     Lond.  1657.     4to. 

[In  the  MS.  Part  of  the  B.  M.  Catalogue.] 

29.  The  heat  Name  on  Earth ;  with  other  Sermons.  Lond. 
1657,  1659,  8vo. 

30.  Mixed  Contemplations  in  Better  Timee.   Lond.  1660,  8vo. 

31.  The  Appeal  of  Injured  Innocence.     Lond,  1659,  fol. 

32.  History  of  the  Worthies  of  England.     Lond.  1662,  fol. 

*  33.  Several  Sermons  in  Featley's  House  of  Mourning. 

*  34.  The  Life  of  Henry  Smith,  prefixed  to  his  Sermons;  a 
Preface  to  Holdsworth's  Valley  of  Vision;  and  to  Spencer's 
Things  New  and  Old ;  a  novel  entitled  Triana,  published  in  1 662 ; 
but  upon  what  authority  this  latter  work  is  attributed  to  Fuller 
I  have  not  been  able  to  discover. 

At  the  end  of  his  Life,  in  the  List  of  his  Works,  are  mentioned 
the  following : 

1 .  A  Sermon  on  Assurance. 

2.  A  Latin  treatise,  De  Ecclesia. 


I 


THE 


CHURCH-HISTORY 


OF 


BRITAIN; 


From  the  Birth  of 


JESUS    CHRIST, 


Untill  the  Year 


M.     DC.     XLVIII. 


ENDEAVOURED 

By    THOMAS   F  V  L  L  E  R. 


LONDON, 

Printed  for  Iohn  Williams  at  the  signe  of  the  Crown 
in  S'.  PauFs  Church-yard,  Anno  1655. 


TO  THE  ILLUSTRIOUS 


ESME    STUART, 


DUKE   OF   RICHMOND.i" 


T    HAVE   sometimes  solitarily   pleased    myself 

with    the    perusing  and    comparing    of   two 

places  of  scripture:  Acts  xxii.  22.  the  wicked  Jews 

said  of  St.  Paul,  Away  with   such  a  fellow  from 

*   [Son    of  James  Stewart,  thousand  pounds  together ;  and 

third  duke  of  Richmond ;  one  as  soon  as  the  war  begun,  en- 

too  well  known,  to  require  a  gaged  his   three  brothers,   all 

detailed  notice  here.      In   the  gallant  gentlemen,  in  the  ser- 

offers  of  accommodation  set  on  vice,  in  which  they  all  lost  their 

foot  in  the  year  1642,  he  was  lives.     Himself  lived  with  un- 

one  of  those  who  were  excepted  spotted  fidelity  some  years  after 

against  by  the  parliament,  for  the  murder  of  his  master,  and 

no  other  reason,  than  for  "  his  was  suffered  to  put  him  into  his 

duty  and  reverence  for  the  king  grave ;    and  died  without   the 

and  the  church."     See  Claren-  comfort  of  seeing  the  resurrec- 

don.  III.  339.  I.  215.  tion  of  the  crown.'*     lb.  540. 

"As  he  had  received  great        Fuller's  wishes,  unfortunately, 

bounties  from  the  king,"  says  respecting  the  young  duke,  the 

the  same  historian,  "  so  he  sa-  subject  of  this  Dedication,  were 

crificcd  all  he  had  to  his  ser-  not  realized.     He  died  without 

vice,  as  soon  as  his  occasions  issue,  in  1660;  five  years  after 

stood  in  need  of  it ;  and  lent  his  father.] 
bis  majesty,  at  one  time,  twenty 


Ivi  DEDICATION. 

the  earth;  for  it  is  not  fit  that  he  should  live: 
Hebrews  xi.  38,  St.  Paul  said  of  the  godly  Jews, 
Of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy.  Here  I  per- 
ceive heaven  and  hell,  mercy  and  malice,  God's 
spirit  and  man's  spite,  resolved  on  the  question, 
that  it  is  not  fit  that  good  men  should  live  long 
on  earth. 

However,  though  the  building  be  the  same, 
yet  the  bottom  is  different ;  the  same  conclusion 
being  inferred  from  opposite,  yea  contrary  pre- 
mises.  Wicked  men  think  this  world  too  good, 
God  knows  it  too  bad  for  his  servants  to  live  in. 
Henceforward  I  shall  not  wonder  that  good  men 
die  so  soon,  but  that  they  live  so  long;  seeing 
wicked  men  desire  their  room  here  on  earth,  and 
God  their  company  in  heaven.  No  wonder  then, 
if  your  good  Father  was  so  soon  translated  to 
happiness,  and  his  Grace  advanced  into  glory. 

He  was  pleased  to  give  me  a  text  some  weeks 
before  his  death,  of  the  words  of  our  Saviour  to 
the  probationer  convert:  ^Thou  art  not  far  from 
the  kingdom  of  Gody  that  is,  as  the  words  there 
import,  from  the  state  of  salvation.  But  before 
my    sermon    could    be,    his    life  was    finished,   and 

«Mark  xii.;«4. 


DEDICATION.  Ivii 

he,  in    the    real  acception    thereof,   possessed    of 
heaTen  and  happiness. 

Thus  was  I  disappointed  (O  that  this  were  the 
greatest  loss  by  the  death  of  so  worthy  person !) 
of  a  patron,  to  whom  I  intended  the  dedication 
of  this  first  part  of  my  History. 

I  after  was  entered  on  a  resolution  to  dedicate 
it  to  his  memory;  presimiing  to  defend  the  inno- 
cency  and  harmlessness  of  such  a  dedication,  by 
precedents  of  unquestioned  antiquity.  But  I  in- 
tended  also  to  surround  the  pages  of  the  dedica- 
tion with  black,  not  improper,  as  to  his  relation, 
80  expressive  of  the  present  sad  condition  of  our 
distracted  Church. 

But  seasonably  remembering  how  the  altar  ED 
(only  erected  for  commemoration,)  ''was  misinter- 
preted by  the  other  tribes  for  superstition ;  I  con- 
ceived it  best  to  cut  off  all  occasions  of  cavil 
from  captious  persons,  and  dedicate  it  to  you  his 
son  and  heir. 

Let  not  your  Grace  be  offended,  that  I  make 
you  a  patron  at  the  second  hand :  for  though  I 
confess   you   are   my   refuge,    in   relation    to   your 

^  Joshua  xxii.  1 1. 

FULLKR,  VOL.  1.  f 


Iviii  DEDICATION. 

deceased  Father;  you  are  my  choice^  in  reference 
to  the  surviving  nobility.  God  sanctify  your 
tender  years  with  true  grace,  that  in  time  you 
may  be  a  comfort  to  your  Mother,  credit  to  your 
kindred,  and  honour  to  your  nation. 

Your  Grace's  most  boundeu 

Orator, 

THOMAS  FULLER. 


TO 


THE    READER 


A  N  ingenious  gentleman  some  months  since  in 

jest-eamest,  advised  me  to  make  haste  with 

my  History  of  the  Church   of  England,    for  fear 

(said  he)   lest  the  Church   of  England   be  ended 

before  the  History  thereof. 

This  History  is  now,  though  late,  (all  church- 
work  is  slow,)  brought  with  much  difficulty  to  an 
end. 

And  blessed  be  God,  the  Church  of  England  is 
still  (and  long  may  it  be)  in  being,  though  dis* 
turbed,  distempered,  distracted;  Grod  help  and  heal 
her  most  sad  condition. 

The  three  first  books  of  this  volume  were  for 
the  main  written  in  the  reign  of  the  late  king, 
as   appeareth  by  the  passages   then  proper  for  the 


Ix  TO  THE   READER. 

goverDinent.      The    other    nine    books    we    made 
since  monarchy  was  turned  into  a  state. 

May  God  alone  have  the  glory,  and  the  in- 
genuous Reader  the  benefit  of  my  endeavours; 
which  is  the  hearty  desire  of 

Thy  Servant  in  Jesus  Christ, 


THOMAS  FULLER. 


From  my  Chamber  in 
Sion  College. 


THE  CHURCH  HISTORY 


THE 

CHURCH    HISTORY 

OF 

BRITAIN. 


CENTURY  I". 

B  HAT  we  may  the  more  freely  and  fully 
I)ay  the  tribute  of  our  thanks  to  God's 
goodness,  for  the  gospel  which  we  now 
njoT,  let  us  recount  the  sad  condition 
of  the  Britons  our  predecessors,  before 
the  Christian  faith  was  preached  unto  them :  At  that 
time  tkeif  were  without  Christ,  being  aliens  from  the 
commonwealth  of  Israel,  and  strangers  from  the  cove- 
nant of  promise,  having  no  hope,  and  without  God  in 
the  worldK  They  were  foul  idolaters,  who,  from  mis- 
applying that  undeniable  truth  of  God's  being  in 
every  thing,  made  every  thing  to  be  their  god,  trees, 
rivers,  hills,  and  mountains.  They  worshipped  devils, 
whoee   pictures  remained  in  the  days  of  GildasS 

[■  For  this  acconnt  of  the  in-  paging  of  both  editions.     Stil- 

trodnction  of  Christianity  into  fingfleet's   work   on   the    same 

Britain,  Fuller  is  greatly  in-  Bubject,"TheAntiquitieaofthe 

debted  to    Uiher'a   celebrated  "  British   Churches,"  disptays 

work,  "  Britannicarum  Eccle-  considerable  learning,  and  is  su- 

"    ■        I  Antiqaitates."     The  periortoUsher'sincriticalskill; 


S&. 


fint  edition  of  this  book  was 
poblisbed  in  Dublin,  1639,  in 
4to,  and  the  second  in  London, 
1687,  fol.  with  additions,  and 
s  alight  variation  in  the  title 
page.      I    have    retained    the 

FDIXEB,  VOL.  1. 


rejecting  at  once  the  fiibulons 
legends  of  Oalfridus  Arthurus, 
the  Glastonbury  chronicle,  and 
writers  of  a  similar  stamp.] 

0  Eph.  ii.  I  a.] 

'  Hist.  c.  ii.  p.  a.  ed.  Oale. 


s 


The  Church  History 


BOOl  I. 


A.  D.  37.  within  and  without  the  decayed  walls  of  their  dties, 
drawn  with  deformed  faces,  (no  doubt,  done  to  the 
life,  according  to  their  terrible  apparitions,)  so  that 
such  ugly  shapes  did  not  woo,  but  fright  people  into 
adoration  of  them.  Wherefore,  if  any  find  in  Tully 
that  the  Britons  in  his  time  had  no  pictures,  under- 
stand him,  they  were  not  artists  in  that  mystery, 
(like  the  Greeks  and  Romans,)  they  had  not  pieces  of 
proportion,  being  rather  daubers  than  drawers,  stainers 
than  painters,  though  called  picti  from  their  self- 
discoloration. 

Their  prin-  g.  Three  paramount  idols  they  worshipped  above 
all  the  rest,  and  ascribed  divine  honour  unto  them : 

1.  Apollo,  by  them  styled  Belinus  the  Great. 

2.  Andraste,  or  Andate*,  the  goddess  of  victory. 

3.  Diana,  goddess  of  the  game. 

This  last  was  most  especially  reverenced,  Britain 
being  then  all  a  forest,  where  hunting  was  not  the 
recreation  but  the  calling,  and  venison,  not  the 
dainties  but  the  diet  of  common  people.  There  is  a 
place  near  St.  Paul's  in  London,  called  in  old  records 
DiancCs  Chamber  ^^  where,  in  the  days  of  King  Ed- 


^  Dion.  Cassius^  Ixii.  7. 

[«  Fuller  in  his  "  Appeal, 
"  &c."  p.  52,  adds  the  follow- 
ing observation  on  this  passage : 
*'  Let  me  add  this  passage  from 
"  the  pen  of  as  great  an  anti- 
**  quary,  as  any  Wales  now 
•'  doth  enjoy. 

'"As  for  the  name  of  Diana, 
"  I  do  conceive  that  she  was 
"  called  Dain  in  our  language, 
'*  and  I  have  many  histories  of 
"  our  nation,  that  seem  to  make 
"  no  question  of  it.  To  this 
"  day  in  Wales, /a/  marketable 


"  cattle  are  called,  Guartkeg 
"  Deinol ;  that  is  to  say, 
"  Diana's  cattle,  or,  cattle  it 
"  to  be  sacrificed,  &c.  Ana  I 
*'  am  more  than  confident, 
"  there  is  no  man  living  can 
"  put  any  other  interpretation 
"  upon  this  word  Deinol.  It 
'*  must  be  an  adjective  of  Dain; 
'*  and  Dain  hath  no  other  signi- 
"  fi cation  in  our  language  Uian 
"  the  name  of  Diana.' "  This 
antiquary  was  the  celebrated 
H.  Lhuid.] 


CENT.  I. 


ofBriiain. 


3 


ward  the  First  ^  thousands  of  the  heads  of  oxen  were  a.d.  37. 
digged  up,  whereat  the  ignorant  wondered,  whilst 
the  learned  well  understood  them  to  be  the  proper 
ncrifices  to  Diana,  whose  great  temple  was  built 
theieabout.  This  rendereth  their  conceit  not  alto- 
gether unlikely,  who  will  have  London  so  called  from 
IMm-Dian  ^,  which  signifieth  in  British  ''  the  temple 
**of  Diana.'*  And  surely  conjectures,  if  mannerly 
observing  their  distance,  and  not  impudently  in- 
truding themselves  for  certainties,  deserve,  if  not  to 
be  received,  to  be  considered.  Besides  these  speci- 
fied, they  had  other  portenta  diabolica^  pene  numero 
^gyptiaca  mncentia^ :  as  indeed  they  who  erro- 
neously conceive  one  God  too  little,  will  find  two  too 


<« 


c« 


^  Camden's  Britaim.  in  Mid^ 
dlesez,  p.  306,  ed.  1607. 

[S  The  author  of  this  *'  con- 
"  odt"  ia  the  celebrated  Selden. 
It  was  cavilled  at  by  Dr.  Hey. 
lyn,  who  imagines,  that  if  this 
sappoaition  were  correct,  '*  the 
'*  Welch  being  so  tenacious  of 
**  their  ancient  language  would 
"  have  had  some  remembrance 
of  it,  who  to  this  day  call  it  Lun- 
dayn,  and  not  Llan-dian/'  &c. 
Examen  Hist.  p.  3.  The  passage 
from  Selden  is  quoted  by  Fuller 
in  reply :  '*  This  learned  anti- 
quary," he  says>  ''after he  had 
alleged  some  verses  out  of 
Robert  of  Oldster,  deriving 
"  the  name  of  London^  quasi 
"  Lud's  town,  from  Lud,  pro- 
''  ceedeth  as  followeth,  in  his 
notes  on  the  eighth  song  in 
Polyolbion,  p.  126.  'Judi- 
"  cioos  reformers  of  fabulous 
''  report,  I  know,  have  more 
'*  serious  derivations  of  the 
name ;  and  seeing  conjecture 
is  fr«e,  I  could  imagine   it 


r« 


a 


<i 


(€ 


€t 


9€ 


€€ 


€€ 


t€ 


«« 


tc 


**  might  be  called  at  first  Lhan- 
"  dien,  i.  e.  '  the  Temple  of 
"  Diana,'  as  Lhan-Dewi,  Lhan- 
"  stephan,  Lhan.padem  vaur, 
"Lhan.vair,  i.  e.  *8.  Dewys, 
"  S.  Stephans,  S.  Patem  the 
Great,  S.  Mary,  (and  Veni^ 
lam  is  by  H.  Lhuid  derived 
"  from  Ver-Lhan,  i.e.  •  the 
church  upon  the  river  Ver') 
with  divers  more  such  places 
"  in  Wales ;  and  so  afterwards 
"  by  strangers  turned  into  Lon- 
'*  dinum,  and  the  like.  For 
"  that  Diana  and  her  brother 
Apollo,  under  the  name  of 
Belin,  were  two  great  deities 
'*  amongst  the  Britons."  **  Ap- 
'•  peal,"  &c.  p.  53.  For  further 
remarks  upon  this  subject,  see 
Stow's  Survey,  (by  Strype,) 
vol.  i.  p.  5.  Carte  has  dedi. 
cated  many  pages  in  the  com- 
mencement of  his  history  to  this 
subject,  and  has  collected  from 
ancient  authors  all  that  can 
serve  to  illustrate  it.] 
^  Gildas,  ib. 

B  2 


€t 


« 


4  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.37.  many,  and  yet  millions  not  enough.  Ab  for  those 
learned  pens,  which  report  that  the  Druids  did  in- 
struct the  ancient  Britons  in  the  knowledge  and  wor- 
ship of  one  only  God*;  may  their  mistake  herein  be  as 
freely  forgiven  them,  as  I  hope  and  desire  that  the 
charitable  reader,  will  with  his  pardon  meet  those 
unvoluntary  errors,  which  in  this  work  by  me  shall  be 
committed. 

8.  Two  sorts  of  people  were  most  honoured  amongst 
the  Britons : 

f  philosophers, 

1.  Druids,  who  were  their  J  divines, 

(^  lawyers. 
f  prophets, 

2.  Bards,  who  were  their  <  poets, 

t  historians. 
The  office  The  former  were  so  called  from  Ipv^y  signifying 
ment  of  S2e  generally  a  tree^  and  properly  an  oak^  under  which 
they  used  to  perform  their  rites  and  ceremonies.  An 
idolatry  whereof  the  Jews  themselves  had  been  guilty, 
for  which  the  prophet  threateneth  them ;  They  shall 
be  ashamed  of  the  oaks  lohich  they  have  desiredi.  But 
the  signal  oak  which  the  Druids  made  choice  of 
was  such  a  one  on  which  misletoe^  did  grow;  by 
which  privy  token  they  conceived  God  marked  it 
out  as  of  sovereign  virtue  for  his  service.  Under 
this  tree,  on  the  sixth  day  of  the  moon,  (whereon 
they  began  their  year,)  they  invocated  their  idols, 
and  offered  two  white  bulls  filleted  in  the  horns, 
with  many  other  ceremonies.  These  pagan  priests 
never  wrote  any  thing,  so  to  procure  the  greater 

^  Dmides  unuxn  esse  Deum     De  Prscts.  p.  16.  ed.Camb.  1 743. 
semper  inculcanint.    Camden's         J  Isai.  i.  29. 
Britan.p.47.ed.i6o7.  Godwin,         k  Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.  xvi.  44. 


EKT.  I. 


of  Britain. 


reneration  to  their  mysteries;  men  being  bound  to  a,d.37. 
believe  that  it  was  some  great  treasure  which  was 
locked  up  in  such  great  secresy^ 

4.  The  bards™  were  next  the  Druids  in  regard,  and  The  power 
played  excellently  to  their  songs  on  their  harps ; tiowofUie 
whereby  they  had  great  operation  on  the  vulgar,  ^^^|^  ^'^^ 
surprising  them  into  civility  unawares,  they  greedily 
swallowing  whatsoever  was  sweetened  with  music. 
These  also,  to  preserve  their  ancestors  from  corrup- 
tion, embalmed  their  memories  in  rhyming  verses, 
which  looked  both  backward  in  their  relations,  and 
forward  in  their  predictions :  so  that  their  confidence 
meeting  with  the  credulity  of  others,  advanced  their 
wild  conjectures  to  the  reputation  of  prophecies. 
The  immortality  of  the  soul  they  did  not  flatly  deny, 
but  falsely  believe,  disguised  under  the  opinion  of 
transanimation,  conceiving  that  dying  men's  souls 
afterwards  passed  into  other  bodies,  either  preferred 
to  better,  or  condemned  to  worse,  according  to  their 
former  good  or  ill  behaviour.  This  made  them  con- 
temn death,  and  always  maintain  erected  resolutions, 
counting  a  valiant  death  the  best  of  bargains,  wherein 


(}  Another  etymology  of  the 
word  is  given  by  Carte  in  his 
Hist,  of  Engl.  vol.  i.  28.  with 
a  learned  dissertation  upon  the 
character  and  discipline  of  the 
Druids.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  they  believed  in  one  su- 
preme €rod,  but  corrupted  his 
worship  by  adoration  paid  to 
subordinate  deities;  to  whom, 
after  the  feshion  of  other  na- 
tionsy  they  attributed  a  partial 
and  a  local  influence.  The 
reason  of  their  committing  their 
mysteries  to  verse  and  not  to 
writing,   was   perhaps  not  so 


much  their  ignorance  of  letters 
and  want  of  materials,  as  the 
great  facility  which  verse  afford- 
ed the  memory ;  and  such  is  the 
mode  in  which  the  memorials 
of  the  early  religious  rites  of 
all  pagan  nations  were  pre- 
served. See  also  Heylyn's  re- 
marks in  the  "  Appeal,"  &c.  p. 

540 

["*  The  Bards  were  not  a  class 

distinct  from  the  Druids ;  but 
one  of  their  order,  to  whom  the 
duties  mentioned  by  our  au- 
thor were  assigned.  See  Carte, 
i.71.] 

b3 


6  The  Church  HiHory  book  i. 

A.  D.  37.  they  did  not  lose,  but  lay  out  their  lives  to  advan- 
tage.     Generally  they  were  great  magicians,  inso- 
much that  Pliny  saith",  that  the  very  Persians,  in 
some  sort,  might  seem  to  have  learnt  their  magic 
from  the  Britons. 
The  fiwt        5.  So  pitiful  for  the  present,  and  more  fearful  for 
S^^-  the  future,  was  the  condition  of  the  heathen  Britons, 
Sritoin.      whcu  it  plcascd  God  with  a  strong  hand  and  stretched 
out  arm^  to  reach  the  gospel  unto  them  who  were  afar 
off,  both  in  local  and  theological  distance.     This  was 
performed  in  the  latter  end  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius, 
some  thirty-seven  years  after  Christ's  birth,  as  Poly- 
dor  Virgil  coUecteth  out  of  the  testimony  of  Gildas®. 
Causes  6.  If  it  Seem  incredible  to  any,  that  this  island, 

hastened     furthest  from  the  sun,  should  see  light  with  the  first, 
^^'"^'  whilst  many  countries  on  the  continent  interposed, 

foreoSier*" ^'^^^^^^  in  situation  to  Judaea,  the  fountain  of  the 
1^0™  gospel,)  sat  as  yet,  and  many  years  after,  in  darknes, 
neiirer  to  and  in  the  shadow  of  death ;  let  us  consider,  first, 
that  Britain  being  a  by-comer,  out  of  the  road  of  the 
world,  seemed  the  safest  sanctuary  from  persecution, 
which  might  invite  preachers  to  come  the  sooner 
into  it.  Secondly,  it  facilitated  the  entrance  of  the 
gospel  hither,  that  lately  the  Roman  conquest  had 
in  part  civilized  the  south  of  this  island,  by  trans- 
porting of  colonies  thither,  and  erecting  of  cities 
there  P;  so  that,  by  the  intercourse  of  traffick  and 
commerce  with  other  countries,  Christianity  had  the 
more  speedy  and  convenient  waftage  over.  Whereas 
on  the  other  side,  this  set  the  conversion  of  Germany 
so  backward,  because  the  inland  parts  thereof  enter- 

»  Nat.  Hist.  XXX.  i.  c.  vi.  p.  3. 

o  Tempore  (ut  scimus)  sum-         P  [See  the  "  Appeal,"   &c. 
mo   Tiberii  Caesaris.      Oildas,     P*  550 


Palestine. 


CSKT.  I. 


of  Britain. 


tained  no  trading  with  others ;  and  (out  of  defiance  a.  n.  37. 
to  the  Romans)  hugged  their  own  barbarism,  made 
lovely  with  liberty,  bolting  out  all  civility  horn  them- 
selves, as  jealous  that  it  would  usher  in  subjection. 
Lastly  and  chiefly,  God  in  a  more  peculiar  manner 
did  always  &vour  the  islands,  as  under  his  imme- 
diate protection.  For  as  he  daily  walls  them  with 
his  Providence,  against  the  scaling  of  the  swelling 
soiges,  and  constant  battery  of  the  tide ;  so  he  made 
a  particular  promise  of  his  gospel  unto  them  by  the 
mouth  of  his  prophet,  /  unU  send  those  that  escape 
of  them  to  the  isles  afar  ojff\  that  have  not  heard  my 
fame^.  To  shew  that  neither  height  nor  depth  (no 
not  of  the  ocean  itself)  is  able  to  separate  any  from 
the  love  of  God.  And  for  the  same  purpose  Christ 
employed  fishermen  for  the  first  preachers  of  the 
gospel,  as  who  being  acquainted  vnth  the  water 
and  mysteries  of  sailing,  would  with  the  more  de- 
light  undertake  long  sea  voyages  into  foreign  coun- 
tries. 

7-  But  now,  who  it  was  that  first  brought  over  the  st  Peter 
gospel   into  Britain  is  very  uncertain.     The  Con- ported  IT 
versioner  (understand  Parsons   the  Jesuit)   mainly  p^^,^  j^ 
stickleth  for  the  apostle  Peter  to  have  first  preach-  Britain. 
ed  the  gospel  here^     Yea,  when  protestants  object 
against.  St.  Peter^s  being  at  Rome,  because  St.  Paul, 
in  his  £pistle  to  the  Romans,  omitteth  to  name  or 


<1  Isai.  Ixvi.  19.  [DeLyra  in 
his  commentary  upon  Ps.  xcvii. 
I .  applies  the  multitude  of  the 
isles  to  Ghreat  Britain  and  Ire- 
land ;  and  Usher  seems  to  ap- 
Srove  of  this  interpretation.  See 
rit.  Ecd.  Ant.  p.  2.  TheVul. 
gate  is  more  expressive  than  our 
▼ersion :    "  Mittam  ex  eis  ad 


"  gentes  in  Oceano  insulasque 
"  remotissimas  quae  non  audi- 
"  verant  famam  meam  neque 
"  viderant  gloriam  meam,"  &c. 
The  latter  words  seem  to  sup- 
port De  Lyra's  interpretation.] 
«■  Parsons'  Three  Conver- 
sionSf  i.  19. 

B  4 


8 


The  CAiirch  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.37.  salute  him,  the  Jesuit  handsomely  answers,  that 
Peter  was  then  probably  from  home,  employed  in 
preaching  in  Britain  and  other  places.  His  argu- 
ments to  prove  it  are  not  so  strong  but  that  they 
easily  accept  of  answers,  as  followeth : 

1.  Ary.  St.  Peter  preached  in  Britain,  because 
Gildas*  speaking  against  his  dissolute  countrymen, 
taxeth  them  for  usurping  the  seat  of  Peter  with 
their  unclean  feet. 

Answ.  Understand  him,  that  they  had  abused  the 
profession  of  the  ministry :  for  it  follows, ."  they  have 
"  sitten  in  the  pestilent  chair  of  Judas  the  traitor." 
Whence  it  appears  both  are  meant  mystically  and 
metaphorically,  parallel  to  the  expressions  of  the 
apostle  Jude,  v.  11.  They  have  gone  in  the  way  of 
Cainj  &c. 

2.  Arg.  Simeon  Metaphrastes  saith  so*,  that  he 
stayed  some  days  in  Britain,  where  having  preached 
the  word,   established   churches,  ordained   bishops. 


8  In  Epist.  de  Excid.  Brit, 
p.  23.  ed.  Gale.  [See  the  "  Ap- 
peal," &c.  p.  57.] 

t  Coi^ment.  de  Petro  et 
Paulo  ad  diem  29  Junii.  [chap, 
iii.  p.  416.  ed.  Bolland. 

A  translation  of  this  treatise 
appears  to  have  been  first  pub- 
lished by  Surius,  "  De  prob. 
"  Sanctorum  Historiis."  Vol. 
III.  859.=  272.  ad  diem  29  Ju- 
nii, who  attributes  it  to  Simeon 
Metaphrastes.  But  the  Bol- 
landists,  who  have  printed  the 
original  Greek,  following  Leo 
Allatius,  have  rightly  rejected 
the  name  of  Simeon;  for,  as 
Allatius  observes,  "  viri  de 
"  antiquitate  ecclesiastica  bene 
"  meriti  vitas   sanctorum  quas 


"  auctorem  sibi  preefixum  non 
''  preeferunt,  omnes  non  sine 
**  erroris  atque  inscitis  nota 
''  Simeoni  vindicarunt,  quae 
"  vere  Simeonis  non  sunt." 
The  remark  of  the  Bollandists 
upon  this  passage  supports,  if 
such  support  be  indeed  neces- 
sary, the  criticism  of  Fuller. 
"  (Juia  vero  auctor  dicti  Com- 
"  mentarii  preefatur  se  ex  va- 
riis  collegisse,  quae  de  SS.  Pe- 
tro et  Paulo  dicit,  atque  in- 
terim diverKistemporibusacta 
parum  congrue  in  unum  idem- 
que  tempus  compingit,  ideo 
et  propter  alia  o-^MiX/Aora  ab 
"  eodem  commissa  arbitramor 
potius  alium  fuisse  a  Meta- 
phraste."  Junii  t.  V.  400.  B.J 


<t 


f< 


<« 


(< 


<t 


€{ 


€t 


€€ 


CBNT.  I.  of  Britain.  9 

priests,  and  deacons,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero  he  a.  b.  37. 
returned  to  Rome. 

Answ.  Metaphrastes  is  an  author  of  no  credit,  as 
Baronius  himself  doth  confess^. 

3.  Ary.  Innocent  the  First  reporteth,  that  the  first 
churches  in  Italy,  France,  Spain,  Africa,  Sicily,  and 
the  interjacent  islands,  were  founded  by  St.  Peter*. 

Answ.  Make  the  map  an  umpire,  and  the  epithet 
intefjacent  will  not  reach  Britain,  intending  only  the 
islands  in  the  midland  sea. 

4.  Arff.  Gulielmus  Eysingrenius  saith  so^. 
Answ.  Though  he  hath  a  long  name  he  is  but  a 

late  author,  setting  forth  his  book  anno  1566*.  Be- 
sides, he  builds  on  the  authority  of  Metaphrastes, 
and  so  both  fall  together. 

5.  Arg.  St.  Peter  himself  in  a  vision,  in  the  days 
of  king  Edward  the  Confessor,  reported  that  he  had 
preached  the  word  in  Britain. 

Answ.  To  this  vision  pretended  of  Peter,  we  op- 
pose the  certain  words  of  St.  Paul,  iTim.  i.  4.  Neither 
ffite  heed  to  fables. 

We  have  stayed  the  longer  in  confuting  these 

*  In   aliis  multis   ibi   a  se  ''  tur,  ab  omnibus  debere  ser- 

podtis  errare  eum  certum  est.  '*vari,nec8uperinduciaut]ntro- 

£cc.  Annal.  in  an.  44.  §.  54.  *' ducialiquid,quodautauctori. 

[Vol.  i.  p.  306.  ed.  Mansi.  See  "  tatem  non  habeat,  aut  aliunde 

a  more  &vourable  judgment  of  "  accipere  videatur  exemplum  ? 

Metaphrastes    in   Weismann's  "  prsesertim  cum  sit  manifes- 

Hist.  Ecd.  N.  T.  i.  837.    Also  ''  tum  in  omnem  Italiam,  Gal- 

Heylyti's  Examen  Hist.  p.  8.]  "  lias,  Hispanias,  Africam  at- 

X  Epistola  1 .  ad  Decentium.  "  que  Siciliam,  insulasque  in. 

[in  C!oncil.  ii.  1245.  ed.  Labbe  "  terjacentes^ nullum iustituisse 

et  C06S.  1 67 1.  *'  ecclesias,  nisi  eos  quos  vene- 

The  words  of  Innocent  are  '*  rabilis  apostolus  Petrus  aut 

these :     "  Quis    enim    nesciat  *'  ejus  successores  constituerint 

"  aut    non   advertat   id   quod  "  sacerdotes  ?"] 
**  a  principe  apostolorum  Petro         [y  fol.  ccxxii.  b.] 
*'  Romans   eedesiie    traditum         '  Mason  de  Minist.  Ang.  ii. 

**  est,  ac  nunc  usque  custodi-  2.  p.  65.  ed.  1625. 


10 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.37-  arguments,  because  fipom  Peter's  preaching  here,  Par- 
''^~"~~  sons  would  infer  an  obligation  of  this  island  to  the 
see  of  Rome,  which  how  strongly  he  hath  proved  let 
the  reader  judge.  He  that  will  give  a  cap,  and  make 
a  leg  in  thanks  for  a  favour  he  never  received,  de- 
serveth  rather  to  be  blamed  for  want  of  wit,  than  to 
be  praised  for  store  of  manners.  None  therefore  can 
justly  tax  us  of  ingratitude,  if  we  be  loath  to  confess 
an  engagement  to  Rome  more  than  is  due.  The 
rather  because  Rome  is  of  so  tyrannical  a  disposi- 
tion, that  making  herself  the  mother-church,  she  ex- 
pects of  her  daughters  not  only  dutifulness,  but  ser- 
vility ;  and  (not  content  to  have  them  ask  her  bless- 
ing, but  also  do  her  drudgery)  endeavoureth  to  make 
slaves  of  all  her  children. 

8.  Passing  by  Peter,  proceed  we  to  the  rest  of  the 
apostles,    whom    several    authors    allege    the    first 
planters  of  religion  m  this  island. 
A.D.4I-       1.   St.  James  ^  son  to  Zebedee,  and  brother  to 


St.  James, 


^  Isidorus  Hispal.  de  patri- 
bus  utriusque  Testament,  c.  72. 
[p*  3^5*  ^*  Du  Breul,  1617.] 
Flavius  Lucius  Dexter  in 
Chronico  ad  annum  41.  [p.  77. 
ed.  1627.] 

St.  Isidore  states  nothing  as 
to  the  preaching  of  St.  James 
in  Britain.  His  words  are, 
"  Jacobus  filius  Zebedeei  frater 
Johannis,  quartus  in  ordine 
XII.,  tribubus  quae  sunt  in 
"  dispersione  gentium  [scrip- 
sit],  atque  Hispaniee  et  oc- 
cident{dium  locorum  populis 
evangelium  prsedicavit  et  in 
occasu  mundi  lucem  prsedi- 
"  cationis  infudit."  It  is  even 
doubtful  whether  these  are  the 
words  of  Isidore  himself.    See 


« 


€t 


€< 


tt 


<t 


t€ 


Du  Breul,  p.  610.  F.  For  this 
treatise  of  Isidore  is  almost 
entirely  extracted  from  a  Mar- 
tjrrology  of  St.  Jerom,  accord- 
ing to  Usher,  ibid.  8.] 

Dexter's  Chronicle  is  attribut- 
ed by  Placcius  to  F.  Bivarius  its 
editor  and  commentator.  For 
a  long  time  this  chronicle  was 
supposed  to  have  been  lost; 
when  suddenly,  at  the  close  of 
the  1 6th  century,  a  report  was 
circulated  by  a  Spanish  Jesuit, 
Hieron.  Roman  de  Higuera, 
that  he  had  discovered  the  MS. 
But  the  book  is  of  no  credit. 
Dionysius  Petavius,  in  his  epi- 
stle to  Rosweide,  (£p.  ii.  26.) 
styles  it  ike  clumsy  forgery  cf 
some  Spanish  rogue,  ''Homw 


CENT.  I. 


of  BrUain. 


11 


John.  But  if  we  consult  with  the  scripture,  we  a^d.^ 
shall  find  that  the  sword  of  Herod  put  an  end  to  all  stPaui, 
his  travels  before  the  apostles  their  general  depar-^/^ 
ture  from  Jerusalem^.     Indeed  this  James  is  noto-™^^" 

preadier 

riously  reported  (how  truly,  let  them  seek  who  are  Britain, 
concerned)  to  have  been  in  Spain;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable some,  mistaking  Hibemia  for  Hiberia,  and  then 
confounding  Hibemia,  a  British  island,  with  our  Bri- 
tain, (as  one  error  is  very  procreative  of  another,) 
gave  the  beginning  to  James  his  preaching  here. 

2.  St.  Paul  is  by  others  shipped  over  into  our  island, 
amongst  whom,  thus  sings  Venantius  Fortunatus  ^ : 

Transit  et  oceanum,  vel  qua  facit  insula  portum, 
Quasque  Britannus  habet  terras  atque  ultima  Thule. 

But  less  credit  is  to  be  given  to  Britannus,  because 
it  goeth  in  company  with  ultima  ThuU^  which  being 
the  noted  expression  of  poets  for  the  utmost  bound 
of  the  then  known  world,  seems  to  savour  more  of 
poetical  hyperbole  than  historical  truth,  as  a  phrase 
at  random  only  to  express  far  foreign  countries. 

3.  Simon  the  Canaanite,  sumamed  Zelotes;  and  A.D.. 
well  did  he  brook  his  name,  the  fervency  of  whose 
zeal  carried  him  into  so  far  and  cold  a  country  to 
propagate  the  gospel.     Dorotheus  makes  him  to  be 
both  martyred  and  buried  in  Britain^.     But  this. 


'^  nis  imperitissimi  ^evdfTru 
''  ypa<t)ov,  ab  Hispano  aliquo 
"  nebulone  confictuin ;"  and 
Usher  styles  the  author  '^ille 
•'  qui  Flavii  Lucii  Dextri  lar- 
"  vam  induit."  Brit.  Eccl.  Ant. 
p.  3.  See  also  Fabricius,  Bib. 
Med.  Latinit.  IV.  p.  25.] 
[*  See  Usher,  Brit.  Eccl.  Ant. 

P-  3-] 

c  Lib.  3.  de  vita  S.  Martini. 


[Bib.  Max.  PP.  VoL  x.  p.  607. 
H.  ed.  1677.  These  lines  are 
somewhat  different  in  Usher, 
lb.  p.  4.] 

[d  In  which  Dorotheus  is 
supported  by  Nicephorus,  Hist. 
Exxl.  ii.  40.  and  by  some  of  the 
Greek  Msenologia  for  the  i  oth 
of  May.  See  Usher,  ib.  4.  The 
treatise  of  Dorotheus  referred 
to  in  the  text  is  the  *^  Synopsis 


12  The  Church.  History  book  i. 

A.D.47.  saith  Baronius,  receiveth  no  countenance  from  any 


ancient  writers*.  What  then,  I  pray,  was  Dorotheus 
himself,  being  bishop  of  Tyre  under  Diocletian  and 
Constantino  the  Great?  If  the  cardinal  count  him 
young,  what  grave  seniors  will  he  call  ancient  ? 
A.  D.  56.  4.  Aristobulus,  though  no  apostle,  yet  an  apostle's 
mate^,  counted  one  of  the  seventy  disciples,  is  by 
Grecian  writers  made  bishop  of  Britain*^.  Strange 
that  foreign  authors  should  see  more  in  our  island 
than  our  homebred  historians,  wholly  silent  thereof! 
and  it  much  weakeneth  their  testimony,  because  they 
give  evidence  of  things  done  at  such  distance  from 
them.  But  how  easy  is  it  for  a  writer  with  one 
word  of  his  pen,  to  send  an  apostle  many  miles  by 
land  and  leagues  by  sea,  into  a  country  wherein 
otherwise  he  never  set  his  footing ! 

The  result  of  all  is  this :  churches  are  generally 
ambitious  to  entitle  themselves  to  apostles  for  their 
founders,  conceiving  they  should  otherwise  be  es- 
teemed but  as  of  the  second  form,  and  younger 
house,  if  they  received  the  faith  from  any  inferior 
preacher.  Wherefore  as  the  heathen  in  searching 
after  the  original  of  their  nations  never  leave  soaring 
till  they  touch  the  clouds  and  fetch  their  pedigree 
from  some  god,  so  Christians  think  it  nothing  worth, 
except  they  relate  the  first  planting  of  religion  in 
their  country  to  some  apostle.     Whereas  indeed  it 

"  de  vita  Prophetarum,  Apo-  Aristobulus  was  brother  of  Bar- 

''  stolorum,"  &c.  and  is  gene-  nabas,  according  to  the  Menaea. 

rally  supposed  to  be  suppositi-  See  also  the  fragment  of  Heleca 

tious.   The  arguments  respect-  quoted  by  Usher,  ib.  5.] 

ing  its  genuineness  have  been  ®  Anna].  Eccles.  in  anno  44. 

briefly  stated  by  Oudinus  de  §.  3 8.  [Vol.  i.  p.  3 o  1 .  ed.  Mansi.] 

Scrip.  Eccl.  1.  1378.    See  also  '  Rom.  xvi.  2. 

Cave's   Hist.  Litt.  I.   p.  163.  sr  Mensea  Grsecorum  ad  diem 

Dorotheus  flourished  in  525.  15  Martii. 


CENT.  I.  of  Briiaifu  13 

matters  not,  if  the  doctrine  be  the  same,  whether  A.D.56. 


Uie  apostles  preached  it  by  themselves,  or  by  their 
successors.  We  see  little  certainty  can  be  extracted 
who  first  brought  the  gospel  hither;  it  is  so  long 
since,  the  British  church  hath  forgotten  her  own 
infancy,  who  were  her  first  godfathers.  We  see  the 
Ught  of  the  word  shined  here,  but  see  not  who 
kindled  it.  I  will  not  say,  as  God,  to  prevent  idolatry, 
caused  the  body  of  Moses  to  be  concealed^;  so,  to  cut 
off  from  posterity  all  occasion  of  superstition,  he 
suffered  the  memories  of  our  primitive  planters  to 
be  buried  in  obscurity. 

9-  Now  amongst  the  converts  of  the  natives  of  this  a.  d.  63. 
island  in  this  age  to  Christianity,  Claudia  (sumamed  (notUth- 
Rufi^a)  is  reputed  a  principal,  wife  to  Pudens,  a^^^ 
Roman  senator  ^     And  because  all  this  is  too  hiffh  a  exceptions) 

*^         might  be  a 

step  for  our  belief  to  climb  at  once,  the  ascent  will  British 
be  more  easy  thus  divided  into  stairs  and  half  paces. 
First,  That  Claudia  was  a  Britain  bom,  Martial 
afiirms  it  in  his  Epigram  ^ : 

Claudia  cseruleis  cum  sit  Rufiina  Britannis 
Edita,  cur  Latise  pectora  plebis  habet  ? 

Secondly,  That  this  Claudia  was  wife  to  Pudens, 
the  same  poet  averreth^ : 

Claudia,  Rufe,  meo  nubit  peregrina  Pudenti. 
Macte  esto  taedis,  o  Hymenaee,  tuis. 

Thirdly,  That  there  was  a  Pudens  and  Claudia 
living  at  Rome,  both  Christians,  we  have  it 
from  a  more  infallible  pen  of  St.  Paul  him- 
self,— Evhtdus  greeteth  thee,  and  Pudens^  and 
LintcSy  and  Claudia^  and  all  the  brethren^. 

^  Deut.  xxxiv.  6.  J  Lib.  xi.  Epig.  54. 

i  See  Usher,  Brit.  Ecd.  Ant.         ^  Lib.  iv.  Epig.  1 3. 
p.  5.  J  2  Tim.  iv.  21. 


I 


14  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.  P>  63.       Lastly,  That  this  Claudia  mentioned  by  St.  Paul, 

then  living  at  Rome,  was  the  same  Claudia,  a 
Britain  bom,  mentioned   by   Martial,   is  the 
opinion  and  probable  conjecture  of  many  mo- 
dem writers. 
But  &ther  Parsons  will  not  admit  hereof,  because 
willingly  he  would  not  allow  any  sprinkling  of  Chris- 
tianity in  this  island  but  what  was  rained  from  Rome, 
when  Eleutherius   sent  to  christian  king  Lucius; 
that  so  our  engagement  to  the  Romish  church  might 
be  the  more  visible  and  conspicuous.  This  of  Claudia 
Ruffina  is  "  huddled  up,"  saith  he,  "  by  our  later  here- 
**  tical  writers,**  (though  some  as  catholic  as  himself 
in  his  own  sense  do  entertain  it^)  "  and  hereby  we 
"  see  that  heretics  are  but  slight  provers,  and  very 
^^  deceitful  in  all  matters,  as  well  historical  as  doe- 
**  trinal  m." 
PMnmi8*ob.     10.  But  be  it  known  to  him  and  others,  that  our 
theomtrary  history  is  fouuded  on  the  best  human  books  we  can 
answered.   ^^  |^^^  ^^^  doctriue  is  grounded  on  what  is  best  in 

itself,  the  divine  scriptures.  The  matter  in  hand  is 
so  slight  a  controversy,  that  it  cannot  bear  a  demon- 
stration on  either  side ;  it  will  suffice,  if  by  answering 
his  reasons  to  the  contrary,  we  clear  it  fix)m  all  im- 
possibility and  improbability ;  that  it  is  not  huddled, 
but  built  up  by  plummet  and  line  with  proportion  to 
time  and  place. 

1.  Arg.  There  is  a  general  silence  of  all  antiquity 
in  this  matter. 

Answ.  Negative  arguments  from  human  writers 
in  such  historical  differences  are  of  small  validity. 


1  Pitseus  is  zealous  for  it^         ^  Parsons,  Three  Conyers*  f. 
de  Script.  Brit.  p.  72.  ed.  1619.     p.  18. 


CENT.  I.  of  Britain.  15 

2.  Arg.  Martial,  an  heathen,  would  hardly  so  much  a.  d.  6^. 
commend  Claudia  if  she  had  been  a  Christian. 

Answ.  A  wanton  poet,  in  his  chaste  intervals, 
might  praise  that  goodness  in  another  which  he 
would  not  practise  in  himself. 

3.  Arg.  Claudia,  spoken  of  by  St.  Paul,  was  in 
the  time  of  Nero,  and  could  not  be  known  to  Mar- 
tial, who  lived  sixty  years  after,  in  the  reign  of 
Trajan. 

Answ.  Though  Martial  died  a  very  old  man  in 
Trajan's  days,  yet  he  flourished  under  Nero,  very 
familiar  with  his  friend  and  fellow-poet  Silius  Ita- 
licus"*,  in  whose  consulship  Nero  died. 

4.  Arg.  That  same  Claudia  (reported  also  the  first 
hostess  which  entertained  Peter  and  Paul)  must  be 
presumed  ancient  in  Martial's  remembrance,  and 
therefore  unfit  to  be  praised  for  her  beauty. 

Ansia.  Even  in  the  autumn  of  her  age,  when  she 
had  enriched  her  husband  with  three  children,  her 
vigorous  beauty  preserved  by  temperance  might 
entitle  her  to  the  commendation  of  matron-like 
comeliness. 

5.  Arg.  The  children  assigned  in  the  Roman  ca- 
lendar to  Claudia  the  Christian  will  not  well  agree  to 
this  British  Claudia. 

Answ.  Little  certainty  can  be  extracted,  and  there- 
fore nothing  enforced  to  purpose,  from  the  number 
and  names  of  her  children,  such  is  the  difference  of 
several  writers  concerning  them®. 

The  issue  of  all  is  this.  Claudia's  story,  as  a  Bri- 
tish Christian,  stands  unremoved  for  any  force  of 
these  objections,  though  one  need  not  be  much  en- 

n  Martial,  lib.  vii.  £p.  62.     <>  Usher,  Brit.  Ecd.  Ant.  cap.  3. 


16  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.  D.  63.  gaged  herein :  for  whosoever  is  more  than  lukewarm 
is  too  hot  in  a  case  of  so  small  consequence.  YeK, 
we  will  not  willingly  leave  an  hoof  of  the  British 
honour  behind  which  may  be  brought  on ;  the  rather 
to  save  the  longing  of  such  who  delight  on  rath-ripe 
fruits;  and  antiquaries  much  please  themselves  to 
behold  the  probabilities  of  such  early  converts  of 
our  island.  But  now  to  return  again  to  the  prime 
planters  of  religion  in  Britain.  As  for  all  those  for- 
merly reckoned  up,  there  is  in  authors  but  a  tinkling 
mention  of  them ;  and  the  sound  of  their  preaching 
low  and  little  in  comparison  of  those  loud  peals 
which  are  rung  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea  his  coming 
hither.  Let  the  reader  with  patience  take  the  sum 
thereof,  extracted  out  of  several  authors. 
The  coming  11.  PTho  Jows,  bearing  an  especial  spite  to 
ArinuSiea  Philip,  (whether  the  apostle  or  deacon  uncertain,) 
iittoBnuin.  j^g^pjj   of  Arimathea,  Lazarus,  Mary   Magdalene, 

and  Martha  his  sisters,  with  Marcella  their  servant, 
banished  them  out  of  Judsea,  and  put  them  into  a 
vessel  without  sails  and  oars,  with  intent  to  drown 
them.  Yet  they,  being  tossed  with  tempests  on  the 
midland  sea,  at  last  safe  landed  at  Marseilles  in 
Prance.  A  relation  as  ill  accoutred  with  tacklings 
as  their  ship,  and  which  is  unrigged  in  respect  of 
time  and  other  circumstances;  neither  hath  it  the 
authority  of  any  authentic  writer  for  a  pilot  to  steer 
it ;  which  notwithstanding  hath  had  the  happiness  to 
arrive  at  the  hearing  of  many,  and  belief  of  some 
few.  Now  whilst  *^  Philip  continued  preaching  the 
gospel  in  France,  he  sent  Joseph  of  Arimathea  over 


P  See  Usher,  ib.  not  in  this  ship,  but  was  in 

1   Some   hold   Philip   came     France  before. 


CENT.  I. 


of  Britain. 


17 


into  Britain,  with  Joseph  his  son,  and  ten  other  as-  A.D.63. 
sociates,  to  convert  the  natives  of  that  island  to 
Christianity "".  These  coming  into  Britain,  found 
such  entertainment  from  Arviragus  the  king,  that 
though  he  would  not  be  dissuaded  from  his  idolatry 
by  their  preaching,  yet  he  allowed  them  twelve  hides 
of  ground  (an  hide  is  as  much  as,  being  well  manured, 
will  maintain  a  family ;  or,  as  others  say,  as  much  as 
one  plough  can  handsomely  manage)  in  a  desolate 
island,  fiill  of  fens  and  brambles,  called  the  Ynis- 
Witrin,  since,  by  translation,  Glassenbury.  Here 
they  built  a  small  church,  and  by  direction  from 
Grabriel  the  archangel,  dedicated  it  to  the  Virgin 
Mary,  encompassing  it  about  with  a  churchyard^ ;  in 
which  church  afterwards  Joseph  was  buried:  and 
here  these  twelve  lived  many  years,  devoutly  serving 
God,  and  converting  many  to  the  Christian  religion. 

12.  Now,  a  little  to  examine  this  history,  we  shall  The  history 
find,  first,  that  no  writer  of  credit  can  be  produced  when 
before  the  conquest,  who  mentioneth  Joseph's  coming  the  touch!' 
hither;  but  since  that  time  (to  make  recompense 
for  former  silence)  it  is  resoimded  from  every  side. 
As  for  Bale*  his  citations  out  of  Melkinus  Avalo- 
nius^  and  Gildas  Albanius,  seeing  the  originals  are 
not  extant,  they  be  as  uncertain  as  what  Baronius 
hath  transcribed  out  of  an  English^  manuscript  in 


^  [This  tradition  of  Joseph 
of  Arimathea,  the  origin  of 
which  (according  to  Usher) 
cannot  be  traced  higher  than 
the  conquest,  has  justly  been 
rejected  by  Stillingfleet  alto- 
gether. See  Usher^  Brit.  Eccl. 
Antiq.  Prsef.  ad  Lectorem,  et 

P-7] 

s  Malmsbury,  MS.  de  Antiq. 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


Glaston.  Ecclesi^e.  [Since  pub- 
lished by  Gale  in  Scriptor. 
XV.  I.  p.  392.] 

*  [Script.  Cent.  I.  §.  50  and 

570 

tt  [Avalonius,    that    is,    of 

Glastonbury.] 

»  Written   in   our   age,    as 

archbishop     Usher     observes, 

Brit.  Eccl.  Ant.  p.  15  =  8. 

c 


18 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.  63.  the  Vatican,  Yet  because  the  Norman  charters  of 
Glassenbniy  refer  to  a  succession  of  many  ancient 
charters  bestowed  on  that  church  by  several  Saxon 
kings,  as  the  Saxon  charters  relate  to  British  grants^ 
in  intuition  to  Joseph's  being  there;  we  dare  not 
wholly  deny  the  substance  of  the  story,  though 
the  leaven  of  monkery  hath  much  swollen  and  puffed 
up  the  circumstance  thereof  For  the  mentioning 
of  an  enclosed  churchyard  overthrows  the  foundation 
of  the  church,  seeing  churches  in  that  time  got  no 
such  suburbs  about  them,  as  any  churchyards  to 
attend  them.  The  burying  his  body  in  the  church 
was  contrary  to  the  practice  of  that  age,  yea,  dead 
men's  corpses  were  brought  no  nearer  than  the  porch 
some  himdreds  of  years  after.  The  dedication  of  the 
place  to  the  Virgin  Mary  sheweth  the  story  of  later 
date,  calculated  for  the  elevation  of  saint-worship. 
In  a  word,  as  this  relation  of  Joseph  is  presented 
unto  us,  it  hath  a  young  man's  brow,  with  an  old 
man's  beard ;  I  mean,  novel  superstitions,  disguised 
with  pretended  antiquity. 

13.  In  all  this  story  of  Joseph's  living  at  Glassen- 


The  plat- 
form of  the 


y  [Fuller  apparently  alludes 
to  the  charter  of  St.  Patrick, 
dated  A.D.  430^  and  subse- 
quently confirmed  by  an  in. 
speximus,  6,  7,  Edward  II. 
This  charter  is  doubtless  a 
forgery,  as  Stillingfleet  seems 
clearly  to  have  proved.  Antiq. 
of  the  British  Churches,  p.  17. 
Great  suspicion  is  justly  at- 
tached to  all  charters  previous 
to  the  conquest^  written  in  the 
Latin  tongue.  At  that  period, 
when  the  different  religious 
houses  were  required  to  pro- 
duce the  title  deeds  of  their 


lands^  and  the  warrants  for 
their  other  privileges  and  ex- 
emptions^ this  system  of  for- 
gery was  carried  to  consider, 
able  length,  as  might  have 
been  suspected.  In  a  nation 
despising  the  Saxons  and  their 
language,  as  did  the  Normans, 
charters  written  in  that  lan- 
guage, which  they  did  not  and 
could  not  understand,  would 
command  but  little  respect. 
This  charter  of  St.  Patrick 
is  printed  in  Gale's  XV.  Scrip, 
p.  296.] 


cxHT.  I.  of  Britain.  19 

buy,  there  is  no  one  passage  reported  therein  beareth  a.d.  6. 
better  proportion  to  time  and  place,  than  the  church  most  an- 
which  he  is  said  to  erect,  whose  dimensions,  mate-^hri^ 
rials,  and  making,  are  thus  presented  unto  us.  It  had  ^^^^^^ 
m  length  sixty  feet*,  and  twenty-six  in  breadth, 
made  of  rods,  wattled  or  interwoven* ;  where  at  one 
view  we  may  behold  the  simplicity  of  primitive  de- 
votion, and  the  native  fashion  of  British  buildings  in 
that  age,  and  some  hundred  years  after.  For  we  find 
that  ^Hoel  Dha,  king  of  Wales,  made  himself  a 
palace  of  hurdle-work,  called  Twy  Gwin,  or  the 
White  House,  because,  for  distinction  sake,  (to  dif- 
ference it  from,  and  advance  it  above  other  houses,) 
the  rods  whereof  it  was  made  were  unbarked,  having 
tiie  rind  stripped  off,  which  was  then  counted  gay 
and  glorious,  as  white-limed  houses  exceed  those 
which  are  only  rough-cast.  In  this  small  oratory, 
Joseph,  with  his  companions,  watched,  prayed,  fasted, 
preached ;  having  high  meditations  under  a  low  roof, 
and  large  hearts  betwixt  narrow  walls.  If  credit 
may  be  given  to  these  authors,  this  church,  without 
competition,  was  senior  to  all  Christian  churches  in 
the  world.  Let  not  then  stately  modem  churches 
disdain  to  stoop  with  their  highest  steeples,  reve- 
rently doing  homage  to  this  poor  structure,  as  their 
first  platform  and  precedent.  And  let  their  chequered 
pavements  no  more  disdain  this  oratory's  plain  floor, 
than  her  thatched  covering  doth  envy  their  leaden 
roofs.     And  although  now  it  is  meet  that  church 


s  Ancient  plate  of  brass  in  ^  He  was  king  of  all  Wales 

the  custody  of  sir  Henry  Spel-  many   years    after,   viz.   940. 

man ;  Concilia  1. 1 1.  Wilkins^  Camden's  Brit,  in  Carmarthen- 

IV.  691-3.  shire,  p.  505. 


*  Malmsbury  ut  prius,  293. 


cS 


90 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.63.  buildings,  as  well  as  private  houses,  partaking  of  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  our  age,  should  be  both  in 
their  cost  and  cunning  increased,  (far  be  that  pride 
and  profaneness  from  any,  to  account  nothing  either 
too  fair  for  man,  or  too  foul  for  God,)  yet  it  will  not 
be  amiss  to  desire,  that  our  judgments  may  be  so 
much  the  clearer  in  matters  of  truth,  and  oiur  lives 
so  much  the  purer  in  conversation,  by  how  much  our 
churches  are  more  light,  and  our  buildings  more 
beautiful  than  they  were. 

14.  Some  difference  there  is  about  the  place  of 
burial  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea ;  some  assigning  his 
t^t  bu-^  grave  in  the  church  of  Glassenbury,  others  in  the 
'^'^  south  comer  of  the  churchyard  S  and   others  else- 

where. This  we  may  be  assured  of,  that  he  who  "*■  re- 
signed  his  own  toml  to  our  Saviour,  wanted  not  a 
sepulchre  for  himself.  And  here  we  must  not  forget, 
how  «more  than  a  thousand  years  after,  one  John 


A.D.  76. 
Iliu6reno6 
aboatthe 


^  [An  additional  presumption 
against  the  truth  of  this  tra- 
dition ;  for  although  there  were 
churches  in  the  British  cities 
from  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity, yet  it  was  not  cus- 
tomary to  have  churchyards 
within  towns  or  cities,  until 
Cuthbert  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury obtained  a  ^spensation 
from  the  pope  for  that  purpose 
in  758;  till  that  time  none 
were  buried  within  the  city 
walls  in  England.  See  Stil- 
lingfleet,  ib.  p.  29.  Weever's 
Fun.  Monuments,  p.  8.  Ac- 
cording to  the  last  mentioned 
writer,  quoting  the  authorities 
of  Hospinian  and  Durand,  both 
Jews  and  Gentiles  used  to  bury 
their  dead  without  the  gates  of 


towns  and  cities,  **  yet  the  true 
"  Christians,  and  such  as  by 
"  their  lively  foith  were  adopt- 
"  ed  the  children  of  God,  had 
"  further  mystery  in  this  their 
"  manner  of  interment ;  for  by 
*'  the  carriage  and  burial  of 
'*  their  dead  corps  without 
"  their  city  walls^  they  did 
'*  publicly  confirm  and  witness 
'*  that  the  parties  deceased 
''  were  gone  out  of  this  world, 
"  to  be  made  free  denizens  of 
*'  another  city,  namely,  hea- 
'•  ven.'*  This  custom  of  bury- 
ing without  cities  remained 
till  the  time  of  Gregory  the 
Great.] 

<*  Matt,  xxvii.  60. 

«  A.  D.  1345,  the  19th  of 
Edward  III. 


CEKT.  I.  of  Britain.  21 

Blome  of  London,  pretending  an  injunction  from  a.p.  y6. 
heaven  to  seek  for  the  body  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea, 
obtained  a  license  from  king  Edward  the  Third  to 
dig  at  Glassenbury  for  the  same,  as  by  his^  patent 
doth  appear.  It  seems  his  conmiission  of  inquiry 
never  originally  issued  out  of  the  court  of  heaven ; 
for  God  never  sends  his  servants  on  a  sleeveless 
errand,  but  saith,  Ask,  and  ye  shall  have ;  seek,  and 
ye  shnli  find.  Whereas  this  man  sought,  and  did 
never  find,  for  ought  we  can  hear  of  his  inquisition. 
And  we  may  well  believe,  that  had  he  found  the 
corpse  of  Joseph,  though  fame  might  have  held 
her  peace,  yet  superstition  would  not  have  been 
silent ;  but  long  before  this  time  she  had  roared  it 
even  into  the  ears  of  deaf  men.  And  truly  he  might 
have  digged  at  Glassenbury  to  the  centre  of  the 
earth,  and  yet  not  met  with  what  he  sought  for,  if 
Joseph  were  buried  ten  miles  off  (as  a  Jesuit  ^  will 
have  it)  at  Montacute,  or  in  Hampden-hill.  Here- 
after there  is  hope,  that  the  masons  digging  in  the 
quarries  thereof  may  light  by  chance  on  his  corpse, 
which  (if  fond  papists  might  prize  it)  would  prove 
more  beneficial  to  them  than  the  best  bed  of  free- 
stone they  ever  opened.  The  best  is,  be  Joseph's 
body  where  it  will,  his  soul  is  certainly  happy  in 
heaven. 

15.  Some  ascribe  to  the  sanctity  of  this  Joseph  The  bud- 
the  yearly  budding  of  the  hawthorn  near  Glassenbury  thom  nigh 
on  Christmas  day,  no  less  than  an  annual  miracle.  buJJ'Sii- 

'  In  the  tower^  19th  of  Ed-         Z  Guilielmus  Goodus,  cited 

ward   III.   part    i.    mem.    8.  by    archbishop    Usher,    Brit. 

[This  patent  is  printed  in  Ry-  Eccl.  Ant.  p.  28=16.    [See  a 

mer's  Feed.  III.  part  i.  p.  44,  further  account  of  him  and  his 

new  edition,  and  also  by  tJsher,  work  in  Alegambe's  Biblioth. 

ib.  p.  15.]  Soc.  Jesu.  p.  314.  ed.  1676.] 

C  3 


as  The  CAfircA  History  book  x. 

A.p.y6.  This,  were  it  true,  were  an  argument  (as  king  James 
bated  a  mi-  did  ouce  pleasantly  urge  it)  to  prove  our  old  style 
seph'i  hoii-  before  the  new,  (which  prevents  our  computation  by 


ten  days,  and  is  used  in  the  church  of  Rome,)  yea,  all 
prognosticators  might  well  calculate  their  almanacks 
from  this  hawthorn.  Others  more  warily  affirm,  that 
it  doth  not  punctually  and  critically  bud  on  Christmas 
day,  (such  miracles  must  be  tenderly  touched,  lest, 
crushed  by  harsh  handling  they  vanish  into  smoke, 
like  the  apples  of  Sodom,)  but  on  the  days  near,  or 
about  it.  However,  it  is  very  strange  that  this  haw- 
thorn should  be  the  harbinger,  and  (as  it  were)  ride 
post  to  bring  the  first  news  of  the  spring,  holding 
alone  (as  it  may  seem)  correspondency  with  the  trees 
of  the  antipodes,  whilst  other  hawthorns  near  unto  it 
have  nothing  but  winter  upon  them. 
Different  16.  It  is  truo,  by  pouriug  every  night  warm  water 
mrawn-  ou  the  root  thereof,  a  tree  may  be  maturated  arti- 
"^"^  "^  ficiaUy  to  bud  out  in  the  midst  of  winter ;  but  it  is 
not  within  suspicion  that  any  such  cost  is  here  ex- 
pended. Some  likewise  affirm,  that  if  an  hawthorn 
be  grafted  upon  an  holly,  it  is  so  adopted  into  the 
stock,  that  it  will  bud  in  winter ;  but  this  doth  not 
satisfy  the  accurateness  of  the  time.  Wherefore 
most  men,  pursued  to  render  a  reason  hereof,  take 
refiige  at  occulta  qualitas^  the  most  mannerly  con- 
fession of  ignorance.  And  God  sometimes  puts 
forth  such  questions  and  riddles  in  nature,  on  pur- 
pose to  pose  the  pride  of  men  conceited  of  their  skill 
in  such  matters.  But  some  are  more  uncharitable 
in  this  point,  who,  because  they  cannot  find  the 
reason  hereof  on  earth,  do  fetch  it  from  hell ;  not 
sticking  to  affirm,  that  the  Devil,  to  dandle  the 
infant  faith  of  fond  people,  works  these  petty  feats, 


CBHT.  I.  of  Britain.  28 

and  petty  wonders,  having  further  intents  to  invite  a.  p.  7^ 
tiiem   to    superstition,  and    mould   them   to  saint- 
worship  thereby. 

17.  However,  there  is  no  necessity  that  this  should  The  «ibj< 
be  imputed  to  the  holiness  of  Arimathean  Joseph,  tion  takei 
For  there  is  (as  it  is  credibly  said)  an  oak  in  New-*'^*^' 
forest,  nigh  Lindhurst,  in  Hantshire,  which  is  endued 
with  the  same  quality,  putting  forth  leaves  about  the 
same  time,  where  the  firmness  of  the  rind  thereof  much 
increaseth  the  wonder;  and  yet  to  my  knowledge 

(for  ought  I  could  ever  learn)  none  ever  referred  it 
to  the  miraculous  influence  of  any  saint.  But  I  lose 
precious  time,  and  remember  a  pleasant  story,  how 
two  physicians,  the  one  a  Gralenist,  the  other  a  Para- 
eelsian,  being  at  supper,  fell  into  a  hot  dispute  about 
the  manner  of  digestion ;  and  whilst  they  began  to 
engage  vrith  earnestness  in  the  controversy,  a  third 
man  casually  coming  in,  carried  away  the  meat  from 
them  both.  Thus  whilst  opposite  parties  discuss  the 
cause  of  this  hawthorn's  budding  on  Christmas  day, 
some  soldiers  have  lately  cut  the  tree  down,  and 
Christmas  day  itself  is  forbidden  to  be  observed ;  and 
SO,  I  think,  the  question  is  determined. 

18.  To  conclude  this  century.     By  all  this  it  doth  The  am- 

elusion  01 

not  appear  that  the  first  preachers  of  the  gospel  in  this  cen- 
Britain  did  so  much  as  touch  at  Rome,  much  less*"*^^' 
that  they  received  any  command  of  commission 
thence  to  convert  Britain,  which  should  lay  an  eternal 
obligation  of  gratitude  on  this  island  to  the  see  of 
Rome.  Insomuch  that  Parsons  himself  (as  imwdlling 
to  confess,  as  unable  to  deny  so  apparent  a  truth) 
flies  at  last  to  this  slight  and  slender  shift;  "^That 
"  albeit  S.  Joseph  came  not  immediately  from  Rome, 

^  Three  Conyersions^  I.  p.  25. 
C  4 


24  The  Church  History  of  Britain.  book  i. 

A.D.76.  "  — ^yet  he  taught  in  England"  (in  Britain  he  would 
say)  "  the  Roman  faith. — Of  which  Roman  faith  St. 
"  Paul  hath  written  to  the  Romans  themselves,  be- 
"  fore  the  going  of  S.  Joseph  into  Britany :  ^  Fides 
"  vestra  annuntiatur  in  universo  mundor  Hereby 
the  Jesuit  hopes  still  to  keep  on  foot  the  engage- 
ment of  this  island  to  Rome  for  her  first  conversion. 
But  why  should  he  call  the  Christian  religion  the 
Roman  faith,  rather  than  the  faith  of  Jerusalem,  or 
the  faith  of  Antioch,  seeing  it  issued  from  the 
former,  and  was  received  and  first  named  in  the 
latter  city,  before  any  spark  of  Christianity  wag 
kindled  at  Rome.  But,  what  is  the  main,  he  may 
sooner  prove  the  modem  Italian  tongue,  now  spoken 
in  Rome,  to  be  the  selfsame  in  propriety  and  purity 
with  the  Latin  language  in  Tully's  time,  than  that 
the  religion  professed  in  that  city  at  this  day,  with 
all  the  errors  and  superstitions  thereof  is  the  same 
in  soundness  of  doctrine  and  sanctity  of  life  with 
that  faith  which  by  St.  Paul  in  the  Roman  church 
was  then  so  highly  commended. 

^  Rom.  i.  8. 


THE  SECOND  CENTURY. 


TO  ROBERT  ABDY  OF  LONDON,  Ebq.* 
He  that  hath  an  hand  to  take,  and  no  tongue  to  return 
thanks,  deserveth  Jbr  the  Jiiture  to  be  lame  and  dumb. 
Which  punishment,  that  it  maif  not  light  on  me,  accept 
this  acknowledgment  of  your  favourt  to  your  devoted 
Jrvnd  and  servant,  rp  p 

I  ESIRE  of  our  country's  honour  would  a.d.  105. 
iiow  make  us  lay  claim  to  Taurinus,  Taurmui 
bishop  of  York,  and  reported  martyr,  ^y^ 
■  To  strengthen  our  title  unto  him  we 
could  produce  mMiy  •'writers  aflSrming 
it,  if  number  made  weight  in  this  case.     But,  being 
convinced  in  our  judgment  that  such  as  make  him  a 
Briton  ground  their  pretence  on  a  leading  mistake, 
reading  him  episcopum  Eboracensem,  instead  oiEbrm- 
censem,  Enreux  (as  I  take  it)  in  France*^;  we  will  not 
enrich  our  country  by  the  errors  of  any,  or  advantage 
ber  honour  by  the  misprisions  of  others.   Thus  being 
conscientiously  scrupulous  not  to  take  or  touch  a 
thread  which  is  none  of  our  own,  we  may  with  more 

•  [Abdy  of  Iiondon  and  of  in  Pasdculo,  anno  94.  f.  38. 

Albyns  to  Essex,  arma.     Or,  b.    ed.    1477.    and    Hartman- 

3  chevroDels  between  3  trefbilB  nus   Schedelios    in    Chronico. 

■able. — Robert  Abdy  of  Lon-  f.  CXI.  a.      [Tbis  conjecture 

don  and  Albyns,  merchant,  was  was  proposed  by  Harrison  bint- 

createdaboronet  9  June,  1660,  self;  see   bis    Chiron,    ib.     It 

married  Catherine,  daughter  of  is  fiiUy  supported  by  the  au- 

sir  John   Gayer,    knight,   ob.  thorities  quoted  by  Usher,  ib. 

care.  1670  B.]  17.] 

b  Gnil.  Harrison,  Descript.  '   [See  Usher,   Brit.   Ecd. 

Brit,  in  Holinsbed.  I.  9.  p.  33.  Ant.  p.  ■  7.] 
Wemems  Rolewink  de  LaSr. 


S6  The  CImrch  History  book  i. 

A.  P.  105-  boldness  hereafter  keep  what  is  justly  ours,  and  chal- 
lenge what  is  unjustly  detained  from  us. 
A.D.  io8.      2.  But  the  main  matter  which  almost  engrosseth 
of  aiithore  all  the  history  of  this  century,  and,  by  scattered  dates, 
Se^ttoe'of  is  Spread  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  thereof,  is 
^jj^^""the  conversion  of  Lucius,  king  of  Britain,  to  Chris- 
version.     tiauity*^.  However,  not  to  dissemble,  I  do  adventure 
thereon  with  much  avereeness,  seeming  sadly  to  pre- 
sage, that  I  shall  neither  satisfy  others  nor  myself; 
such  is  the  variety,  yea  contrariety  of  writers  about 
the  time  thereof.     If  the  trumpet  (saith  the  apostle) 
ffiveth  an  uncertain  sounds  who  shall  prepare  himsdf 
to  the  battle  ?  He  will  be  at  a  loss  to  order  and  dis- 
pose this  story  aright,  who  listeneth  with  greatest 
attention  to  the  trumpet  of  antiquity,  sounding  at 
the  same  time  a  march  and  retreat ;  appointing  Lu- 
cius to  come  into  the  world  by  his  birth,  when  others 
design  him,  by  death,  to  go  out  of  the  same.  Behold, 
reader,  a  view  of  their  diflferences  presented  unto 
thee ;  and  it  would  puzzle  Apollo  himself  to  tune 
these  jarring  instruments  into  a  concert. 
These  make  king  Lucius  converted 

A.D. 

1  P.  Jovius  in  Descrip.  Brit.  [p.  4.  ed.  Basil,  fol. 

1578.]  99 

2  Jo.  Cajus  in  Hist.  Cantab,  [p.  22.]   108 

3  Annals  of  Burton.    [In  Usher,  p.  20.    An  inter- 

polation ;  the  printed  copy  does  not  commence  so 
early.]   187 

4  Nennius,  in  one  copy.  [Hist.  Brit.  chap.  18.]«* 144 

c  [Respecting  this  story  of  the  year  164,  and  in  this  they 

king  Lucius,  see  StiUingfleet's  very  nearly  agree  with  Bede ; 

Ant.  of  the  British  CC.  p.  58.  probably  both  writers  would  be 

sq.,  and  Usher,  ib.]  found  more  perfectly  to  ooia- 

^  [The  printed  copies  of  the  cide^  were   the  different  sys- 

best  MSB.  of  Nennius  place  terns  of  chronolc^  which  each 

the  conversion  of  Lucius  in  followed  duly  observed.] 


cxvT.  II.  qf  Britain.  £7 

5  Annals  of  Crokysdene.  [Usher,  ib.  20.]    150  A.D.  xo8. 

6  Jeffery  Monmouth,  [f.  xxxiii.je    166 

7  John  Capgrave 166 

8  Matth.  Floril^us,  [or  Mat.  of  Westminster;  accord- 

ing to  a  MS.  quoted  by  Usher,  ib.     The  printed 
copy,  as  mentioned  below,  gives  the  date  185.]  ...  168 

9  Florence  Vigomienas,  [p.  181.] 162 

10  Antiq.  of  Winchester.  [Usher,  ib.  20.] 164 

11  Tho.  Rudbome,  jun.  [Wharton,  A.  S.  i.l80.]    ...  165 

12  Wil.  of  Malmesbury.  [De  Antiq.  Glaston.  p.  298.]  166 
18  Venerable  Bede.  [E.  H.  v.  p.  24.] 167 

14  Henry  of  Erphurt.  [Usher,  ib.  21.] 169 

15  Annals  of  Lichfield.  [Usher,  ib.  21.]    175 

16  Marianus  Scotus.  [In  anno,  ed.  Basil.  1659.]  177 

17  Ralph  de  Baldoc.  [Usher,  ib.]  178 

18  John  Bale.  [Script,  i.  §.  29.] 179 

19  Prfydor  Virgil,  [p.  41.  ed.  Basil.  1667.]   182 

20  Roger  de  Wendover.  [Usher,  ib.]    183 

21  Chron.  Brit.  Abbrev.  [Usher,  ib.]     184 

22  Matth.  Paris,  (Westminster.)   [Usher,  ib.]   186 

28  Hector  Beothius,  [p.  83.  Paris.  1674.] 187 

24  Martinus  Polonus,  [p.  49.  ed.  Basil.  1669.] 188 

26  Saxon  Annals,  [p.  7.  ed.  Gibson.] 189 

26  John  Harding,  [chap.  61.]  ^ 190 

Here  is  more  than  a  grand  jury  of  writers,  which 
neither  agree  in  their  verdicts  with  their  foreman,  nor 
one  with  another ;  there  being  betwixt  the  first  and 
the  last,  Paulus  Jovius  and  John  Harding,  ninety  years 
distance  in  their  account.  This,  with  other  arguments, 

c  [I  do  not  know  upon  what  xxxiv.  ed.  Bad.  Ascens.  1517.] 

anthority  Fuller  makes  this  as-  '  [1  have  supplied^  and  in- 

sertion ;  Geoffiy  of  Monmouth  serted  in  the  text  the  references 

states  that  king  Lucius  died  which   are    enclosed   between 

A.  D.  156,  but  does  not  eive  brackets^  in  order  to  avoid  con- 

the   date    of   his    conversion,  fusion.] 
"De  G^estis,"  &c.  fol.  xxxiii^ 


28  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  io8.  is  used  not  only  to  shake,  but  shatter  the  whole  repu- 
tation  of  the  story.  And  we  must  endeavour  to  clear 
this  objection  before  we  go  farther,  which  is  shrewdly 
pressed  by  many.  For  if  the  two  elders  which  ac- 
cused Susanna  were  condemned  for  liars,  being  found 
in  two  tales ;  the  one  laying  the  scene  of  her  incon- 
tinency  under  a  ^mastich  tree,  the  other  under  an 
holm  tree ;  why  may  not  the  relation  of  Lucius  be 
also  condemned  for  a  fiction,  seeing  the  reporters 
thereof  more  differ  in  time  than  the  forenamed  elders 
in  place;  seeing  when  and  where  are  two  circum- 
stances, both  equally  important  and  concerning  in 
history  to  the  truth  of  any  action  ? 

The  histcny     3.  But  we  auswor.  That  however   learned   men 

of  king^  liU-   ,,/w,.ii  1  •111  rm  1  •  "• 

cius  not  du- differ  m  the  date,  they  agree  m  the  deed,     fhey  did 
thTdissen.  sot  thcmselvcs  SO  to  hocd  the  matter,  as  of  most 
Siora^am-"  Biomeut,  being  the  soul  and  substance  of  history, 
ceming  the  that  they  wero  little  curious  (not  to  say  very  careless) 
thereof,      in  accurate  noting  of  the  time;  which  being  well 
observed,  doth  not  only  add  some  lustre,  but  much 
strength  to  a  relation.     And  indeed  all  computation 
in  the  primitive  time  is  very  uncertain,  there  being 
then  (and  a  good  while  after)  an  anarchy,  as  I  may 
term  it,  in  authors  their  reckoning  of  years,  because 
men  were  not  subject  to  any  one  sovereign  rule  in 
accounting  the  year  of  our  Lord,  but  every  one  fol- 
lowed his  own  arithmetic,  to  the  great  confusion  of 
history,  and  prejudice  of  truth.  In  which  age,  though 
all  start  from  the  same  place,  our  Saviour's  birth, 
yet  running  in  several  ways  of  account,  they  seldom 
meet  together  in  their  dating  of  any  memorable  acci- 
dent.    Worthy  therefore  was  his  wwk,  whoever  he 

^  Susanna,  v.  54  and  58. 


cEirr.  II.  of  Britain.  29 

was,  who  first  calculated  the  Computation  we  use  at  a.d.  ioS. 
this  day,  and  so  set  Christendom  a  copy  whereby  to 
write  the  date  of  actions,  which  since  being  generally 
used,  hath  reduced   chronology  to   a  greater  cer- 
tainty. 

4.  As  for  their  objection,  that  Lucius  could  not  be  liudut 

_         might  be  a 

a  king  in  the  south  of  Britain,  because  it  was  then  British 
reduced  to  be  a  province  under  the  Roman  mon- th^^tJSum 
archy,  it  affects  not  any  that  understand  how  it  was™""*^^' 
the  Roman*  custom,  both  to  permit  and  appoint 
petty  kings  in  several  countries  (as  Antiochus  in 
Asia,  Herod  in  Judaea,  Deiotarus  in  Galatia),  who, 
under  them,  were  invested  with  regal  power  and 
dignity.  And  this  was  conceived  to  conduce  to  the 
state  and  amplitude  of  their  empire  ^;  yea,  the  German 
emperor  at  this  day,  successor  to  the  Roman  mon- 
archy, is  styled  rea?  regum^  as  having  many  princes, 
and  particularly  the  king  of  Bohemia,  homagers 
under  him.  As  for  other  inconsistents  with  truth, 
which  depend,  as  retainers,  on  this  relation  of  king 
Lucius,  they  prove  not  that  this  whole  story  should 
be  refused,  but  refined ;  which  calleth  aloud  to  the 
discretion  of  the  reader,  to  fan  the  chaff  from  the 
com,  and  to  his  industry,  to  rub  the  rust  from  the 
gold,  which  almost  of  necessity  will  cleave  to  mat- 
ters of  such  antiquity.  Thus  conceiving  that  for  the 
main  we  have  asserted  king  Lucius,  we  come  to  relate 
his  history  as  we  find  it. 

5.  He  being  much  taken  with  the  miracles  which  A.p.  167. 
he  beheld  truly  done  by  pious  Christians,  fell  in  ad-aendethto 
miration  of,  and  love  with  their  religion ;  and  sent  of  Rome^to 

be  instruct- 

«  Vetere  ac  jampridem  re-     servitntis  et  reges.  Tacitus  in^JJ?^       *" 
cepta  popoli  Romani  consuetiu     vita  Agricolse,  di.  1 4. 
dine^  ut  haberet  instramenta        '  [See  Usher,  ib.  23,  24.] 


80 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.  167.  ElvanuB  and  Meduinus,  men  of  known  piety,  and 
learning  in  the  scriptures,  to  Eleutherius  bishop  of 
Rome,  with  a  letter,  requesting  several  things  of 
him,  but  principally,  that  he  might  be  instructed  in 
the  Christian  faiths.  The  reason  why  he  wrote  to 
Rome  was,  because  at  this  time  the  church  therein 
was  (she  can  ask  no  more,  we  grant  no  less)  the  most 
eminent  church  in  the  world,  shining  the  brighter, 
because  set  on  the  highest  candlestick,  the  imperial 
city.  We  are  so  far  from  grudging  Rome  the  hap- 
piness she  once  had,  that  we  rather  bemoan  she  lost 
it  so  soon,  degenerating  from  her  primitive  purity. 
The  letter  which  Lucius**  wrote  is  not  extant  at  this 
day,  and  nothing  thereof  is  to  be  seen,  save  only  by 
reflection,  as  it  may  be  collected  by  the  answer  re- 
turned by  Eleutherius,  which  (such  an  one  as  it  is)  it 
will  not  be  amiss  here  to  insert. 
A.D.  169.  6.  ***Ye  require  of  us  the  Roman  laws  and  the 
emperor's  to  be  sent  over  to  you,  which  you  would 
practice  and  put  in  ure  within  your  realm.  The 
Roman  laws  and  the  emperor's  we  may  ever 
reprove,  but  the  law  of  God  we  may  not.  Ye  have 
received  of  late,  through  God's  mercy,  in  the  king- 
dom of  Britain,  the  law  and  fidth  of  Christ;  ye 
"  have  with  you  within  the  realm,  both  parts  of  the 


u 


« 


a 


C( 


c< 


« 


GT  [The  cause  of  this  mission 
18  examined  by  Usher,  ib.  24 

J>  [The  tenor  of  it  is  given 
by  Usher  from  a  poem  by  Gil- 
das  the  Briton^  though  pro- 
bably having  no  other  founda- 
tion than  the  imagination  of 
the  author.  See  Usher,  ib.  37.] 

^  This  translation  of  the  let- 
ter of  Eleutherius  is  transcribed 
out  of  bishop  Godwin's  Cata- 


logue of  Bishops,  p.  31.  ed. 
1675.  [The  original  will  be 
found  in  the  Latin  copy  of 
Godwin's  work,  p.  23.  ed.  Cant. 
1743  ;  and  in  Parker's  An- 
tiq.  p.  7.  ed.  Drake.]  There 
is  some  variety  between  this 
and  that  of  Mr.  Fox's  Martyr- 
ology,  I.  139.  ed.  164U  [Usher 
has  also  printed  it  from  a  col- 
lation of  ^ve  MSS.  See  Brit. 
£ccl.  Ant.  p.  54.] 


M 


U 


csvT.  II.  of  Britain.  81 

"  dcriptures.  Out  of  them  by  God's  grace,  with  the  A- p.  169. 
^  council  of  your  reahn,  take  ye  a  law,  and  by  that 
"  law  (through  God's  sufferance)  rule  your  kingdom 
"  of  Britain.  For  you  be  God's  vicar  in  your  king- 
"  dom.  The  Lord's  is  the  earthy  and  the  fulness  of 
^  the  worlds  and  aU  thai  dwell  in  it.  And  again,  ac- 
"  cording  to  the  Prophet  that  was  a  king.  Thou  hast 
**  laved  righteousness^  and  hated  iniquity^  therefore 
^  God  hath  anointed  Ihee  with  the  oil  of  gladness 
**  above  thy  fellows.  And  again,  according  to  the 
"  same  Prophet,  O  God^  give  judgment  unto  the  king^ 
"  and  thy  righteousness  unto  the  king's  son^  &c.  He 
said  not,  the  judgment  and  righteousness  of  the 
emperor,  but  thy  judgment  and  righteousness.  The 
king^s  sons  be  the  Christian  people  and  folk  of  the 
**  realm,  which  be  imder  your  government,  and  live, 
^^  and  continue  in  peace  within  your  kingdom.  As  the 
**  gospel  saith.  Like  as  the  hen  gathereth  her  chickens 
**  under  her  wings,  so  doth  the  king  his  people.  The 
"  people  and  folk  of  the  realm  of  Britain  be  yours, 
**  whom,  if  they  be  divided,  ye  ought  to  gather  in 
^  concord  and  peace,  to  call  them  to  the  faith  and 
"  law  of  Christ,  to  cherish  and  ^to  maintain  them,  to 
**  rule  and  govern  them,  so  as  you  may  reign  ever- 
"  laatingly  with  him  whose  vicar  you  are :  which, 
**  with  the  Father,  and  the  Son,  &c." 

7.  Now  we  have  done  our  threshing,  we  must  a  prepam. 
begin  our  winnowing,  to  examine  the  epistle.     Foreramining* 
flie  trade  of  counterfeiting  the  letters  of  eminent  J^^^r^ 
men  began  very  early  in  the  church.     Some  were 
tampering  with  it  in  the  apostles'  time,  which  occa- 
sioned St.  Paul's^  caution,  That  ye  be  not  soon  shaken 

^  In  the  Latin  it  is,  Manu  tenere,  ^  2  Thess.  ii.  2. 


32  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A,D.  169.  in  mind^  or  be  troubled^  neither  by  spirit^  nor  by  word^ 
nor  by  letter^  as  from  tis.  Since  men  (then  but  ap- 
prentices) are  now  grown  masters  in  this  mystery, 
wherefore  it  will  be  worth  our  examining  whether 
this  epistle  be  genuine  or  no.  Say  not  this  doth  be- 
tray a  peevish,  if  not  malicious  disposition,  and  argues 
a  vexatious  spirit  in  him,  which  will  now  call  the 
title  of  this  letter  in  question,  which  time  out  of 
mind  hath  been  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  an 
authentic  reputation,  especially  seeing  it  soundeth  in 
honorem  ecclesice  Britannicce;  and,  grant  it  a  tale, 
yet  it  is  smoothly  told,  to  the  credit  of  the  British 
church.  But  let  such  know  that  our  church  is  sen- 
sible of  no  honour  but  what  resulteth  from  truth ; 
and  if  this  letter  be  false,  the  longer  it  hath  been  re- 
ceived, the  more  need  there  is  of  a  speedy  and  pre- 
sent confritation,  before  it  be  so  firmly  rooted  in 
men's  belief,  past  power  to  remove  it.  See  therefore 
the  arguments  which  shake  the  credit  thereof. 

1.  The  date  of  this  letter  differs  in  several  copies, 
and  yet  none  of  them  light  right  on  the  time  of 
Eleutherius,  according  to  the  computation  of  the 
best  esteemed  authors. 

2.  It  relates  to  a  former  letter  of  king  Lucius, 
wherein  he  seemeth  to  request  of  Eleutherius,  both 
what  he  himself  had  before,  and  what  the  good 
bishop  was  unable  to  grant.  For  what  need  Lucius 
send  for  the  Roman  laws,  to  which  Britain  was  al- 
ready subjected,  and  nded  by  them?  At  this  very 
time,  wherein  this  letter  is  pretended  to  be  wrote, 
the  Roman  laws  were  here  in  force ;  and  therefore 
to  send  for  them  hither  was  even  actum  agere^  and  to 
as  much  purpose,  as  to  fetch  water  from  Tiber  to 
Thames.     Besides,  Eleutherius  of  all  men  was  most 


CENT.  II.  of  Britain.  8S 

improper  to  have  such  a  suit  preferred  to  him :  holy  A.D.  167. 
man !  he  little  meddled  with  secular  matters,  or  was 
acquainted  with  the  emperor's  laws ;  only  he  knew 
how  to  suffer  martyrdom  in  passive  obedience  to  his 
cruel  edicts. 

3.  How  high  a  throne  doth  this  letter  inoimt  Lu- 
cius on,  making  him  a  monarch  ?  who  (though  res 
Britannictis)  was  not  res  Britannice^  (except  by  a 
large  synecdoche,)  neither  sole  nor  supreme  king 
here,  but  partial,  and  subordinate  to  the  Romans. 

4.  The  scripture  quoted  is  out  of  St.  Hierom's 
translation,  which  came  more  than  a  hundred  years 
after.  And  the  age  of  Eleutherius  could  not  under- 
stand the  language  of  manu  tenere^  for  to  maintain^ 
except  it  did  antedate  some  of  our  modem  lawyers 
to  be  their  interpreter. 

In  a  word,  we  know  that  the  Gibeonites  their 

mouldy  bread  was  baked  in  an  oven  very  near  the 

Israelites"^,  and  this  letter  had  its  original  of  a  later 

date'';  which  not  appearing  anywhere  in  the  world 

tiQ  a  thousand  years  after  the  death  of  Eleutherius, 

probably  crept  out  of  some  monk's  cell  some  four 

hundred  years  since,  the  true  answer  of  Eleutherius 

being  not  extant  for  many  years  before. 

8.  But  to  proceed.     Eleutherius,  at  the  request  of  King  La- 

T-i  *^'**  bap- 

king  Lucius,  sent  unto  him  ^Faganus  and  Derwia- tized. 

nus,  or  Dunianus,  two  holy  men,  and  grave  divines, 

to  instruct  him  in  the  Christian  religion,  by  whom 

the  said  king  Lucius  (called  by  the  Britons  Leuer 

Maur^y  or  the  great  light)  was  baptized,  with  many  of 

m  Joshua  ix.  12.  ditions. 

»  See  sir  H.  Spelinan*s  Con-  «  Aliter    Phaganns  et  Du- 

cilia,  I.  34,  &c.,  where  there  is  vianus. 

another  copy   of  this    letter,  P  [According  to  Usher,  ib. 

with  some  alterations  and  ad-  p.  22.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  D 


84  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  167.  his  subjects.  For  if  when  private  persons  were  con- 
verted, Cornelius,  Ljdia^,  &c.,  their  households  also 
were  baptized  with  them,  it  is  easily  credible  that 
the  example  of  a  king  embracing  the  faith  drew 
many  followers  of  court  and  country;  sovereigns 
seldom  wandering  alone  without  their  retinue  to 
attend  them.  But  whereas  some  report  that  most, 
yea^  all  of  the  natives  of  this  island  then  turned 
Christians,  it  is  very  improbable;  and  the  weary 
traveller  may  sooner  climb  the  steepest  mountains  in 
Wales,  than  the  judicious  reader  believe  all  the  hy- 
perbolical reports  in  the  British  chronicles  hereof. 
I.  Mon-  9.  For  Jeffery  Monmouth  tells  usS  that  at  this 
fiction  of  time  there  were  in  England  twenty-eight  cities,  each 
2^^.  of  them  having  a  *flamen,  or  pagan  priest ;  and  three 
^*™®°^  of  them,  namely,  London,  York,  and  Caerlion  in 
Wales,  had  archflamens,  to  which  the  rest  were 
subjected :  and  Lucius  placed  bishops  in  the  room  of 
the  flamens,  and  archbishops,  metropolitans,  in  the 
places  of  archflamens.  All  which,  saith  he,  solenmly 
received  their  confirmation  from  the  pope.  But 
herein  our  author  seems  not  well  acquainted  with 
the  propriety  of  the  word  flamen^  their  use  and 
office  amongst  the  Romans,  who  were  not  set  seve- 
rally, but  many  together  in  the  same  city.  Nor  were 
they  subordinate  one  to  another,  but  all  to  the  priests 
college,  and  therein  to  the  Pontifex  Maximus.  Be- 
sides, the  British  "manuscript,  which  Monmouth  is 
conceived  to  have  translated,  makes  no  mention  of 


^  Acts  xvi.  15  and  32.  ^  Monmouth  de  gestis  Brit. 

'  Ita  ut  in  brevi,  nullus  in-  f.  33. 

veniretur     infidelis.       Matth.  "^  Usher,  De  Brit.  Ecd.  p. 

Westm.  s.  Paris,  p.  112.  (57=31. 

■  [See  Usher,  ib.  31  sq.] 


CSHT.  II. 


of  Britain. 


S5 


these  flamens.  Lastly,  these  words  archbishop  and  a.d.  167. 
sietiopolitan  are  so  hx  firom  being  current  in  the 
days  of  king  Lucius,  that  they  were  not  coined  till 
aftar-ages.  So  that  in  plain  English,  his  flamens 
and  aichflamens  seem  flams  and  archflams,  even  no- 
toriofis  fiEdsehoods^ 

10.  Grieat  also  is  the  mistake  of  3^  another  British  a  jproM 
historian,  affimmig  how  in  the  days  of  king  Lucius 
tills  island  was  divided  into  five  Roman  provinces ; 
namely,  Britain  the  first,  Britain  the  second,  Flavia, 
Maximw,  and  Valentia ;  and  that  each  of  these  were 
then  divided  into  twelve  bishoprics,  sixty  in  the 
whole ;  a  goodly  company,  and  more  by  half  than 


>  [This  error  arose  from  a 
misimderBtandiiigof  die  nature 
of  the  office  of  the  flamines. 
There  were  no  archiflamines 
among  the  Romans,  nor  any 
simikr  religions  order  having 
the  same  relation  to  the  fa- 
mines as  an  archbidiop  does  to 
a  hishop.  The  sacerdotes  pro^ 
findaram  had  subordinate 
priests  under  them,  but  this  sa- 
cerdotal order  did  not  exist  till 
long  after  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  into  Britain,  and 
was  derived  by  Maximianus 
firom  the  Christian  priesthood^ 
as  Stillingfleet  seems  clearly  to 
have  shewn.  Antiquities  of  the 
British  Churches,  p.  77  sq. 
See  also  '*The  Appeal,  &c." 
p.  68.  Usher  judiciously  ob- 
serves, that  although  these  ac- 
counts of  king  Lucius  derived 
Srincipally  from  Geoffry  of 
f  (Mimoulii  are  deserving  of  no 
credit,  yet  that  there  cannot  be 
any  doubt  of  the  gospel  having 
been   preached   in  Britain  as 


early  as  the  times  of  the  apo- 
sties.  We  have  the  authority 
of  Bede  and  the  Liber  Pontifi- 
calis  (improperly  attributed  to 
S.  Jerom  and  Damasus)  for 
Lucius  being  the  first  Christian 
king  of  this  island.  But  the 
imagination  of  Geoffiry,  not  sa- 
tisfied with  this  simple  fact^ 
has  converted  a  petty  king  into 
a  Roman  monarch,  and  these 
twenty  bishops  are  but  the 
coinage  of  his  brain.  Brit.Eccl. 
Ant.  prsef.  ad  Lectorem^  and 
p.  49  sq.  See  some  judicious 
observations  on  the  subject  in 
Godwin,  De  prsesul.  Angl. 
p.  20.] 

y  Giraldus  Cambrensis  de 
Sedis  Menevensis  dignitate^ 
apud  D.  Joh.  Priseum,  [in  Hist. 
Brit.  Defens.  p.  75.  ed.  1573. 
This  whole  treatise  of  Giraldus 
has  since  been  published  by 
Wharton.  See  Ang.  Sac.  II. 
541,  where  the  passage  here 
referred  to  will  be  found.] 

D  2 


S6  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  167.  ever  this  land  did  behold.  Whereas  these  provinces 
were  so  named  from  Valens,  Maximus,  and  Flavins 
Theodosius,  Roman  emperors,  many  years  after  the 
death  of  Lucius.  Thus,  as  the  damsel  convinced 
St.  Peter  to  be  a  Gralilean,  for,  said  she,  Thy  speech 
agreeth  thereto^  so  this  fivefold  division  of  Britain^ 
by  the  very  novelty  of  the  names,  is  concluded  to  be 
of  far  later  date  than  what  that  author  pretendeth. 
Pagan  tem-  11.  But  it  is  generally  agreed,  that  about  this 
£an  ^n-"'  tinoie  many  pagan  temples  in  Britain  had  their  pro- 
^^an  P^^y  altered,  and  the  selfeame  were  converted  into 
ohurdies.  Christian  churches;  particularly  that  dedicated  to 
Diana  in  London,  and  another  near  it,  formerly  con- 
secrated to  Apollo,  in  the  city  now  called  West- 
minster. This  was  done,  not  out  of  covetousness,  to 
save  charges  in  founding  new  fabrics,  but  out  of 
Christian  thrift;  conceiving  this  imitation  an  invi- 
tation to  make  heathens  come  over  more  cheerfully 
to  the  Christian  faith ;  when  beholding  their  temples 
(whereof  they  had  an  high  and  holy  opinion)  not 
sacrilegiously  demolished,  but  solemnly  continued  to 
a  pious  end,  and  rectified  to  the  service  of  the  true 
God.  But  human  policy  seldom  proves  prosperous 
when  tampering  with  Divine  worship,  especially  when 
without  or  against  direction  from  God's  word.  This 
new  wine,  put  into  old  vessels,  did  in  after-ages  taste 
of  the  cask,  and  in  process  of  time,  Christianity, 
keeping  a  *  correspondency  and  some  proportion 
with  paganism,  got  a  smack  of  heathen  ceremonies. 
Surely  they  had  better  have  built  new  nests  for  the 
holy  dove,  and  not  have  lodged  it  where  screech- 

«  Mark  xiv.  70.  turned  into  the  church  of  All- 

*  Thus  the   Pantheon,    or     saints, 
shrine  of  all  gods  in  Rome,  wbs 


czNT.  II.  of  Britain.  87 

owls  and  unclean  birds  had  formerly  been  harboured.  a.d.  i6y. 
If  the  high  priest  amongst  the  Jews  was  forbidden  to 
marry  a  widow,  or  divorced  woman,  hut  that  he  shotdd 
take  a  virgin  of  his  own  people  to  wifely  how  unseemly 
was  it,  that  God  himself  should  have  the  reversion 
of  profiBmeness  assigned  to  his  service,  and  his  wor- 
ship wedded  to  the  relict,  yea,  (what  was  worse,) 
whorish  shrines,  formerly  abused  with  idolatry ! 

12.  Some  report  that  at  this  time  three  thousand  ^-^J-  '78. 

*  The  bounty 

philosophers  of  the  university  of  Cambridge  were  o£  king  Liu 
converted  and  baptized;  that  king  Lucius  came  Cambridge, 
thither,  and  bestowed  many  ^privileges  and  immu- 
nities on  the  place,  with  much  other  improbable 
matter^.  For  surely  they  do  a  real  wrong,  under  a 
pretended  courtesy,  to  that  famous  academy,  to  force 
a  peruke  of  fiJse  grey  hair  upon  it,  whose  reverend 
wrinkles  already  command  respect  of  themselves. 
Yet  Cambridge  makes  this  use  of  these  overgrown 
charters  of  pope  Eleutherius,  king  Lucius,  king  Ar- 
thur, and  the  like,  to  send  them  out  in  the  front  as 
the  forlorn  hope,  when  she  is  to  encounter  with 
Oxford  in  point  of  antiquity;  and  if  the  credit  of 
such  old  monuments  be  cut  off  (as  what  else  can  be 
expected),  yet  she  still  keeps  her  main  battle  firm 
and  entire,  consisting  of  stronger  authorities,  which 
follow  after.  Nor  doth  Cambridge  care  much  to 
cast  away  such  doubtful  charters,  provided  her  sister 
likewise  quit  all  title  to  fabulous  antiquity  (setting 
dross  against  dross)  and  waiving  tales,  try  both  the 
truth  of  their  age  by  the  register  of  unquestioned 


^  Ler.  zxi.  14.  tab.  p.  22.  ed.  1574. 

«  Cains  de  Antiq.  Cantab.         ^  [Usher,  ib.  p.  68.] 
p.  51.  ed.  1574*  et  Hist.  Can- 

d8 


88  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  178.  authors,  if  this  difference  betwixt  them  be  conceived 

to  deserve  the  deciding. 

13.  Besides  the  churches  aforementioned,  many 

others  there  were  whose  building  is  ascribed  to  king 

Lucius,  as  namely® : 
A.D.179.      1.  St.  Peter^s  in   Comhill   in  London,  to  which 
diurches     Cirau,  a  great  courtier,  lent  his  helping  hand.     It  is 
^^^t^^  said,  for  many  years  after,  to  have  been  the  seat  of 
**'*^         an  archbishopric  :    one   Thean    first   enjoyed   that 

dignity^ 

2.  Bccleda  prtmce  sedis^   or  the   chief  cathedral 

church  in  Gloucester. 
A.D.180.      3.  A  church  at  Winchester,  consecrated  by  Fa- 

ganus  and  Duvianus,  whereof  one  Devotus  was  made 

abbot. 

4.  Afi^church  and  college  of  Christian  philosophers 

at  Bangor. 
A.D.  187.      5.  The  church  dedicated  to  St.  Mary  in  Glassen- 

bury,  repaired  and  raised  out  of  the  ruins  by  Faganus 

and  Duvianus,  where  they  lived  with  twelve  asso- 
ciates. 

6.  A  ^chapel  in  honour  of  Christ  in  Dover  castle. 

7.  The  church  of  St.  Martin  in  Canterbury ;  imder- 
stand  it  thus,  that  church  which  in  after-ages  was 
new  named,  and  converted  to  the  honour  of  that 
saint. 

Of  all  these,  that  at  Winchester  was  king  Lucius 
his  darling,  which  he  endowed  with  large  revenues. 


e  [See   Usher's   Eccl.  Brit.  Usher,  ib.  36.] 
Antiq.  p.  66,  where  the  sub-         fir  Pitzeus  de  Britan.  Scriptor. 

ject    of    these     chapels     and  p.  79. 
churches  is  examined.]  ^   Leland    assert.    Arthori, 

f  Tabula  pensilis  quce  adhuc  f.  7.  ed.  1544. 
in  ilia  ecdesia  cemitur.   [See 


CENT.  IF.  of  Britain.  89 

giving  it  all  the  land  twelve  miles  on  every  side  of  a.  p.  187. 
the  city,  fencing  the  church  about  with  a  churchyard, 
on  which  he  bestowed  privileges  of  a  sanctuary,  and 
building  a  dormitory  and  refectory  for  the  monks 
there ;  if  the  little  history  of  ^  Winchester  be  to  be 
believed,  whose  credit  is  very  suspicious,  because  of 
the  modem  language  used  therein.  For  as  country 
painters,  when  they  are  to  draw  some  of  the  ancient 
scripture  patriarchs,  use  to  make  them  vrith  bands, 
cuflfe,  hats,  and  caps,  a  la  mode  to  the  times  wherein 
they  themselves  do  live ;  so  it  seemeth  the  author  of 
this  history  last  cited  (lacking  learning  to  acquaint 
him  with  the  garb  and  character  of  the  age  of  king 
Lucius)  doth  pourtray  and  describe  the  bounty  and 
church-buildings  of  that  king,  according  to  the 
phrase  and  fashion  of  that  model  of  monkery  in  his 
ovni  age. 

14.  Some  Dutch  writers  report'^,  that  king  Lucius  Two  Lu- 
m  his  old  age  left  his  kingdom,  and  went  over  mto  founded 
France,  thence  into  Germany,  as  far  as  the  Alps ;  ^^^  **"®' 
where  he  converted  all  ^Rhetia,  and   the   city  of 
Augspurg  in  Suevia,  by  his  preaching,  vrith  the  as- 
sistance of  Emerita  his  sister ;  it  being  no  news,  in 
God's  harvest,  to  see  women  vrith  their  sickles  a 
reaping.    It  is  confessed  that  converting  of  souls  is  a 
work  worthy  a  king ;  David's  and  Solomon's  preach- 
ing hath  silenced  all  objections  to  the  contrary.  It  is 

i  Manuscript,  in  Bibliotheca  ton's  Ang.  Sac.  I.   179,   180, 

Cottoniana.     [This  is  probably  and  praef.  p.  xxvi.] 
the  MS.  now  preserved  in  the         ^  [See  Usher,  De  Eccl.  Brit. 

Cotton  library,  Domit.  XIII.  p.  17  and  70.] 
or  else  a  paper  MS.  which  was         1   Velser.    Rerum    August, 

almost  destroyed  by  fire  now  Vindelic.  lib.  vi.  ad  an.    179. 

marked  Galba  A.  XV.  in  the  p.  136.  ed.  1593. 
same   repository.     See  Whar- 

D  4 


40 


The  Church  History  of  Britain.  book  i. 


^'^'  '87.  also  acknowledged,  that  kings  used  to  renounce  the 
world,  and  betake  themselves  to  such  pious  employ- 
ment; though  this  custom,  frequent  in  after-ages, 
was  not  so  early  a  riser  as  to  be  up  so  near  the  pri- 
mitive times.  It  is  therefore  well  observed  by  a 
learned  "man,  that  Lucius  the  German  preacher  was 
a  different  person  from  the  British  king,  who  never 
departed  our  island,  but  died  therein.  I  have  read, 
how  a  woman  in  the  Lower  Palatinate,  being  big 
with  twins,  had  the  fruit  of  her  womb  so  strangely 
altered  by  a  violent  "contusion  casually  befalling  her, 
that  she  was  delivered  of  one  monster  with  two 
heads  ^  which  nature  had  intended  for  two  perfect 
children.  Thus  the  history  of  this  age  being  pr^« 
nant  with  a  double  Lucius  at  the  same  time,  is  by 
the  carelessness  of  unadvised  authors  so  jumbled  and 
confounded  together,  that  those  which  ought  to  have 
been  parted  as  distinct  persons,  make  up  one  mon- 
strous one,  without  due  proportion  to  truth,  yea, 
with  the  manifest  prejudice  thereof. 


^  Achilles  Gkssarus  in  Au- 
gustanse  urbis  descriptione. 
[This  work,  according  to  Saxius 
(Onomast.  III.  164.  ed.  1780.), 
is  only  in  MS.  It  appears  to 
have  been  known  to  Usher, 
from  whom  Fuller  borrowed 
this  reference,  merely  through 
Munster's  Cosmograph.  de 
Germania,  III.  609,  who  has 


quoted  largely  from  Gassarus. 
See  Usher,  De  Eccl.  Brit.  17 
and  71.] 

II  Munsteri  Cosmographia^ 
p.  625.  ed.  1559. 

°  [Two  monsters  with  one 
head  ;  two  perfect  children 
connected  inseparably  by  the 
forehead.] 


THE  THIRD  CENTURY. 


TO  MR.  SIMEON  BONNELL,  MERCHANT." 
/(  i»  proportionable  to  present  a  century,  short  in  story,  to 
one  low  in  stature,  though  deserve^  high  in  the  esteem 
^yourjriend,  „  _ 


F  all  centuries  this  begins  moat  eadly**;  A.D.a 


I  at  the  entrance  whereof  we  are  accosted  The  di 
with  the  funerals  of  king  Lucius,  (theejitmiiof 
brightest  sun  must  set,)  buried,  as  they^  *^' 
say,  in  Gloucester.  Different  dates  of 
his  death  are  assigned,  but  herein  we  have  followed 
the  '=mo8t  judicious.  Long  after,  the  monks  of  that 
conTent  bestowed  an  epitaph  upon  him,  having  in 
it  nothing  worthy  of  translating. 

Lucius  in  tenebris  priuB  idola  qui  coluisti, 
Es  merito  Celebris  ex  quo  baptisma  subisti'^. 
It  seems  the  puddle-poet  did  hope,  that  the  jingling 
of  his  rfiyme  would  drown  the  sound  of  his  false 
quantity;  except  any  will  say  that  he  affected  to 
make  the  middle  syllable  in  idda  short,  because  in 
the  days  of  king  Lucius  idolatry  was  curbed  and 

*  [Bonnell  of  London.  Arms,  tables,  and  Hist,  of  Rocliester, 

Or,  a  lion  rampant  within  an  quoted  by  Usher,  ib. 

orle  of  8  cross  crosslet«  az.  B,]  *  John   Fiberius   or  Bever, 

b  [See  Usher,  ib.  72  sq.]  and  the  Abbreviat.  of  theBrit. 

c  Annals  of  Sarum,  M.  Paris  Chron.,  quoted  by  Usher,  Brit, 

and    Westm.      The   London  £gc1.  Antiq.  73. 


it 
it 


4£t  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  SOI.  contracted,  whilst  Christianity  did  dilate  and  extend 

itself. 
The  Chris-      2.  But  Christianity  in  Britain  was  not  buried  in 
fromSe    the  grave  of  Lucius,  but  survived  after  his  death. 
?"*gj]^"  Witness  Gildas,  whose  words  deserve  to  be  made 
ever  con-    much  of,  as  the  clearest  evidence  of  the  constant 

tinued  in 

Britain,  continuing  of  religion  in  this  island.  "  Christ's  pre- 
"  cepts,"  saith  he^  "  though  they  were  received  but 
"  lukewarmly  of  the  inhabitants,  yet  they  remained 
"  entirely  with  some,  less  sincerely  with  others,  even 
until  the  nine  years  of  persecution  under  Diocle- 
tian.** Whose  expression  concerning  the  enter- 
taining of  Christianity  here,  though  spoken  inde- 
finitely of  the  British  inhabitants,  yet  we  are  so  fisur 
from  understanding  it  universally  of  all  this  island, 
or  generally  of  the  most,  or  eminently  of  the  prin- 
cipal parts  thereof,  that,  if  any  list  to  contend  that 
the  main  of  Britain  was  still  pagan,  we  will  not 
oppose.  A  thing  neither  to  be  doubted  of,  nor  won- 
dered at,  if  the  modem  complaints  of  many  be  true, 
that  even  in  this  age  there  are  dark  comers  in  this 
kingdom,  where  profaneness  lives  quietly  with  in- 
vincible ignorance  ;  yea,  that  the  first  professors 
in  Christianity  were  but  lukewarm  in  religion,  will 
(without  oath  made  for  the  truth  thereof)  be  easily 
believed  by  such  who  have  felt  the  temper  of  the 
English  Laodiceans  nowadays.  However,  it  appears 
there  were  some  honest  hearts,  that  still  kept  Chris- 
tianity on  foot  in  the  kingdom.  So  that  since  reli- 
gion first  dwelt  here,  it  never  departed  hence ;  like 

d  Quae   [prsoepta    in   Bri-  usque  ad  penecutionem  Dio^ 

tannia]  licet  ab  inoolis  tepide  cletiani     novennem — perman- 

susoepta  sunt,  apud  quosdam  sere.    Hist.  Gildae,  c.  vii.  p.  3. 

tamen  integre,  et  alios  minus,  ed.  Grale. 


CENT.  III. 


of  Britain. 


48 


the  candle  of  the  virtuous  wife,  It  went  not  out  ^  a.d.«>i 
night  ® :  by  the  night  neither  of  ignorance,  nor  of  se- 
curity,  nor  of  persecution.     The  island  generally 
never  was  an  apostate,  nor  by  God's  blessing  ever 
shall  be. 

3.  To  the  authority  of  Gildas  we  will  twist  the  Twofetha 

to  bfi  l)6~ 

testimony  of  two  Others,  both  flourishing  in  this  Ueved  be- 
century,  Tertullian  and  Origen  ;  plainly  proving  c^roa. 
Christianity  in  Britain  in  this  age;  both  of  them 
being  undoubtedly  orthodox  (without  mixture  of 
Montanist  or  Millenary)  in  historical  matters.  Hear 
the  former :  "  There  are  places  of  the  ^Britons  which 
^^  were  unaccessible  to  the  Romans,  but  yet  subdued 
"  to  Christ."  Origen  in  like  manner :  "^The  power 
"  of  God  our  Saviour  is  even  with  them  which  in 
**  Britain  are  divided  from  our  world."  These  ought 
to  prevail  in  any  rational  belief,  rather  than  the  de- 
tracting reports  of  two  modem  men,  Paradine  and 
Dempster,  who  affirm  that  after  Lucius'  death,  the 
British  nation  returned  to  their  heathen  rites,  and 
remained  infidels  for  full  five  himdred  years  after^. 
Which  words  \  if  casually  falling  from  them,  may  be 


«  Prov.  xxxi.  1 8. 

^  Britannorum  inaccessa  Ro- 
manis  loca,  Christo  vero  sub- 
dita.  Tertull.  advers.  Judseos, 
c.  vii. 

g  Virtus  Domini  Salvatoris 
et  cum  his  est,  qui  ab  orbe 
nostro  in  Britannia  dividuntur. 
Orig.  in  Lucae  c.  i.  Hom.  6. 
III.  939.  ed.  Huet. 

^  [For  an  account  of  the 
falsehood  of  this  report  and  its 
origin,  see  Usher,  ib.  91.] 

i    Paradine    Ang.    descrip. 


comp.  c.  22,  as  quoted  by 
Usher,  ib.  74.  Dempster  in 
Apparat.  Hist.  Scot.  I.  6. 
[Of  Paradine's  very  rare  book 
I  have  never  seen  a  copy.  It 
was  "printed  at  Paris  in  the 
year  1545,  according  to  Nice- 
ron,  Mem.  xxxiii.  169,  who 
gives  it  the  following  title : 
"  Anglicffi  descriptionis  et  hi- 
"  storiae  Compendium."  W. 
Paradine  was  dean  of  the  coL 
legiate  church  of  Baujeu. 


44  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.goK  pafised  by  with  pardon ;  if  ignorantly  uttered  (from 
such  pretenders  to  learning),  will  be  heard  with 
wonder;  if  wilfully  vented,  must  be  taxed  for  a 
shameless  and  impudent  falsehood.  Had  Dempster 
(the  more  positive  of  the  two  in  this  point)  read  as 
many  authors  as  he  quoteth,  and  marked  as  much  as 
he  read,  he  must  have  confiited  himself:  yea,  though 
he  had  obstinately  shut  his  eyes,  so  clear  a  truth 
would  have  shined  through  his  eyelids^.  It  will  be 
no  wild  justice  or  furious  revenge,  but  equity,  to 
make  themselves  satisfaction,  if  the  Britons  declare 
Dempster  devoid  of  the  fisdth  of  an  historian,  who 
endeavoured  to  deprive  their  ancestors  of  the 
Christian  faith  for  many  years  together ;  his  pen,  to 
befriend  the  north,  doing  many  bad  offices  to  the 
south  part  of  this  island. 
Phfi  judg-  4.  The  Magdeburgenses,  compilers  of  the  (Jeneral 
tfagdebur-  Ecclcsiastical  History,  not  having  less  learning,  but 
l^^^t,  more  ingenuity,  speaking  of  the  churches  through 
Europe  in  this  age,  thus  express  themselves :  "  Then 
"  follow  the  isles  of  the  ocean,  where  we  first  meet 
"  with  Britain ;  ^Mansisse  et  hac  {Btate  ejits  instdw 
"  ecclesidSy  affirmare  non  dvbitamtis ;  we  doubt  not 
"  to  affirm,  that  the  churches  of  that  island  did  also 
"  remain  in  this  age."  But  as  for  the  names  of  the 
places,  and  persons  professing  it,  we  crave  to  be 
excused  from  bringing  in  the  bill  of  our  parti- 
culars. 


^    [Thomas       Dempsterus^  lected   without   any   discrimi- 

homo  multn  lectionis  sed  nul-  nation  a  mass  of  most  senseless 

lius  plane  judicii.     Usher  De  rubbish.] 

Brit.    Ecd.   6.     A  very  mild  1  Cent.  III.  a.  col.  6. 
censure  of  a  man  who  has  col* 


ciVT.  III.  of  Britain.  45 

5.  By  the  Levitical  law,  If  an  oxy  sheep^  or  beasts  a.  p.  aoi. 
were  delivered  to  a  man  to  keep^  and  it  were  stolen^^iox ci 
Qwajffrom  him^  the  keeper  should  make  restitution  to  fault  of  the 
ike  oumer  thereof;  but  if  it  was  torn  inpieces^  and  he^      *^ 
could  bring  the  fragments  thereof  for  witness^  he  was 

not  bound  to  make  it  good^.  Had  former  historians 
deUyered  the  entire  memory  of  the  passages  of  this 
century  to  our  custody,  and  charged  us  with  them, 
the  reader  might  justly  have  blamed  our  negligence, 
if  for  want  of  our  industry  or  carefulness  they  had 
miscarried ;  but  seeing  they  were  devoured  by  age, 
in  evidence  whereof  we  produce  these  torn  rever- 
gions,  hardly  rescued  from  the  teeth  of  time,  we  pre- 
sume no  more  can  justly  be  exacted  of  us. 

6.  Gildas"  very  modestly  renders  the  reason  why  Keawnwhy 
8o  little  is  extant  of  the  British  history  :   Scripta  of  this  age. 
patriigj  scriptorumve  monumenta^  si  qua  fuerinty  aut 
ignibus  hostium  exustOy  aut  civium  eandum  classe  Ion- 

gius  deportatay  non  comparent.  "  The  monuments,'* 
saith  he,  "  of  our  country,  or  writers  (if  there  were 
"  any)  appear  not,  as  either  burnt  by  the  fire  of 

enemies,  or  transported  feur  off  by  our  banished 

countrymen.** 

7.  This  is  all  I  have  to  say  of  this  century ;  and  Condu«km 
must  now  confess  myself  as  imable  to  go  on,  sotuiy. 
ashamed  to  break  off;  scarce  having  had,  of  a  full 
hundred  years,  so  many  words  of  solid  history.     But 

as  I  find  little,  so  I  will  feign  nothing ;  time  being 
better  spent  in  silence  than  in  lying.  Nor  do  I 
doubt  but  clean  stomachs  will  be  better  satisfied 


^  Exod.  xxii.  1 2.  of  the  words  are  Rlightly  al- 

n  [Hist.  chap.  2.    The  cases    tered  to  suit  the  sense.] 


u 


46  The  Church  HUtory  of  Britain.         book  i. 

A.D.  toi.  with  one  drop  of  the  milk  of  truth,  than  foul  feeders 
(who  must  have  their  bellies  full)  with  a  trough  of 
wash,  mingled  with  the  water  of  &bulous  inventions. 
If  any  hereafter  shall  light  on  more  history  of  these 
times,  let  them  not  condenm  my  negligence,  whilst 
I  shall  admire  their  happiness. 


THE  FOURTH  CENTURY. 


TO  THEOPHILUS  BIDULPH  OP  LONDON.  ESQ." 

Of  aU  Mhiret  in  Engtajid,  Staffordshire  was  (if  not  the 
tooneei)  the  largest  sown  tmlh  the  seed  of  the  church,  I 
mean,  the  blood  of  primitive  martyrs^  as  by  this  century 
doth  appear.  I  could  not  therefore  dedicate  the  same  to 
a  fitter  person  than  yourself,  whose JhmUy  hathfiourished 
so  long  *n  that  cotm^,  and  whose  Javours  have  been  so 
great  unto  your  thank/itljrtend,  „   „ 

ARK  and  tempestuous  was  the  mom- A.D.303. 
ing  of  this  century,  which  afterward  Fim  pene- 
cleared  up  to  be  a  fair  day.    It  hegan^^jj'" 
with  great  affliction  to  God's  saints.  The  ^S^'**- 
Spirit  saith  to  the  church  of  Smyrna, 
Ye  shaU  have  tri&ulation  ten  days^.  This  is  commonly 
understood  of  the  ten  general  persecutions  over  alt  the 
Christian  worid.  But  herein  Divine  mercy  magnified 
itself  towards  this  island,  that  the  last  oecumenical 
was  the  first  provincial  persecution  in  Britain.   God, 
though  he  made  our  church  his  darling,  would  not 
make  it  a  wanton ;  she  must  taste  of  the  rod  with 
the  rest  of  her  sisters.     The  fiery  trial"  spoken  of 
by  the  apostle,  now  found  out  even  those  which  by 
water  were  divided  irom  the  rest  of  the  world.    This 
tenth  persecution,  as  it  was  the  last,  so  it  was  the 
greatest  of  all,  because  Satan  the  shorter  his  reign, 

>  [Biddulpb.    Arma,  argent         *>  Rer.  ii.  lO. 
ftn  eagle  displayed  aafale.]  <>  i  Pet.  n.  la. 


48  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  303.  the  sharper  his  rage ;  so  that  what  his  fiiry  lacks  in 

the  length,   it   labours  to   gain   in  the   thickness 

thereof. 

Aibanthe       2.  In  this  persecution  the  first  Briton  which  to 

Stephen  '  hoaveu  led  the  van  of  the  noble  army  of  martyrs, 

seiTof  °^'  was  Alban,  a  wealthy  inhabitant  of  Verolam-cestre, 

^^'°^'      and  a  citizen  of  Rome  ^;  for  so  Alexander  Neccham^ 

reports  him. 

Hie  est  martyrii  roseo  decoratus  honore, 
Albanus;  cives,  inclyta  Roma,  tuus. 

Here  Alban,  Rome,  thy  citizen  renownM, 
With  rosy  grace  of  martyrdom  was  crown'd. 

None  need  stop,  much  less  stumble  at  this  seeming 
contradiction,  easily  reconciled  by  him  that  hath 
read  St.  Paul,  in  one  place  proclaiming  himself  an 
Hebrew  of  the  Hebrews^,  and  elsewhere  pleading 
himself  to  be  a  Roman  ^  because  bom  in  Tarsus  a 
city  of  Cilicia  and  Roman  colony ;  as  Verolam-cestre 
was  at  this  time  enfranchised  with  many  immu- 
nities8r.  Thus  Alban  was  a  Britain  by  parentage,  a 
Roman  by  privilege ;  naturally  a  Britain,  naturalized 
a  Roman ;  and,  which  was  his  greatest  honour,  he 
was  also  citizen  of  that  spiritual  Jerusalem  which  is 
from  above. 
The  man-  3.  His  couversiou  happened  on  this  manner.  Am- 
ban'8  con.  phibsJus,  a  Christian  preacher  of  Caerleon  in  Wales, 

verrioQ. 

c  ['<  Ex  illustri  Romanorum  Acta  Sanctorum,  June  23.  T.  v. 

"  prosapia   originem   ducens,"  p.  149.     See  other  authorities 

according  to  the  ancient  Anglo-  quoted  by  Usher,  ib.  83,  84.] 
Saxon  life  of  him,  translated         ^  In  his  poem  on  Verulam, 

into  Latin  by  William  Martell,  quoted  by  Usher,  Brit.  Eccl. 

himself  a  monk  of  St.  Alban's,  Ant.  76. 
of  the  order  of  Benedictines,         ^  Philipp.  iii.  5. 
and  flourishing  in  the  1 2th  cen.         ^  Acts  xxii.  25. 
tury.     This  life  has  been  pub.         IT  [See  Usher,  ib.  76.] 
lished  by  the  BoUandists  in  the 


dm.  IV.  of  Britain.  40 

was  fiiin  to  fly  from  persecution  into  the  eastern  a.  0.303. 
parts  of  this  island,  and  was  entertained  by  Alban  in 
his  house  in  Verulam.  Soon  did  the  sparks  of  this 
gaest's  zeal  catch  hold  on  his  host,  and  inflamed 
him  with  love  to  the  Christian  religion.  Herein 
our  Saviour  made  good  his  promise.  He  that  receiveth 
a  righteous  man  in  the  name  cf  a  righteom  man,  shall 
receive  a  righteous  nuxiis  reward^.  And  the  shot  of 
Amphibalus  his  entertainment  was  plentifully  dis- 
charged, in  Alban's  sudden  and  sincere  conversion. 
Not  long  after,  a  search  being  made  for  Amphi- 
balus, AJban  secretly  and  safely  conveyed  him  away, 
and  exchanging  clothes  with  him,  offered  himself 
for  his  guest  to  the  pagan  officers,  who  at  that  in- 
stant were  a  sacrificing  to  their  devil-gods';  where 
not  only  Alban,  being  required,  refused  to  sacrifice, 
but  also  he  reproved  others  for  so  doing,  and  there- 
upon was  condenmed  to  most  cruel  torments.  But 
he  conquered  their  cruelty  with  his  patience:  and 
though  they  tortured  their  brains  to  invent  tortures 
for  him,  he  endured  all  with  cheerfulness ;  till  rather 
their  weariness  than  pity  made  them  desist.  And 
here  we  must  bewail  that  we  want  the  true  story  of 
this  man's  martyrdom,  which  impudent  monks  have 
mixed  with  so  many  improbable  tales,  that  it  is  a 
torture  to  a  discreet  ear  to  hear  them.  However, 
we  will  set  them  down  as  we  find  them ;  the  rather 
because  we  count  it  a  thrifty  way,  first  to  glut  the 
reader^s  belief  with  popish  miracles,  that  so  he  may 
loathe  to  look  or  listen  after  them  in  the  sequel  of  the 
history. 

4.  Alban  being  sentenced  to  be  beheaded,  much  The  mire. 
people  flocked  to  the  place  of  his  execution,  which  tyrdom^ST 

^  Matt.  X.  41 .  i  Beda,  H.  E.  i.  7.  ^^ 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  E 


BO 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.  D.  303.  was  on  a  hill,  called  Holm-hursti ;  to  which  they 
were  to  go  over  a  river,  where  the  narrow  passage 
admitted  of  very  few  abreast.  Alban  being  to 
follow  after  all  the  multitude,  and  perceiving  it 
would  be  very  late  before  he  could  come  to  act  his 
part,  and  counting  every  delay  half  a  denial,  (who 
will  blame  one  for  longing  to  have  a  crown  ?)  by  his 
prayer  obtained  that  the  river,  parting  asunder,  af- 
forded free  passage  for  many  together.  The  cor- 
rupted copy  of  Gildas  calls  this  river  the  ^Thames. 
But  if  the  miracle  were  as  far  from  truth  as  Thames 
from  Verulam  (being  sixteen  miles  distant),  it  would 
be  very  hard  to  bring  them  both  together.  The  sight 
hereof  so  wrought  with  him  who  was  appointed  to 
be  his  executioner,  that  he  utterly  refused  the  em- 
ployment, desiring  rather  to  die  with  him  or  for  him, 
than  to  offer  him  any  violence.  Yet  soon  was  another 
substituted  in  his  place :  for  some  cruel  Doeg  will 
quickly  be  found  to  do  that  office  which  more  mer- 
ciful men  decline. 


J  Understand  it  so  called 
afterwards  in  the  time  of  the 
Saxons.  [Or  rather,  Holyn- 
hirst,  as  it  is  found  in  a  copy 
of  Tinmouth  preserved  in  the 
Lambeth  library.  See  Smith's 
note  on  Bede,  i.  7.  and  some 
remarks  upon  the  word  in 
Usher,  ib.  87.  There  would 
be  no  absurdity  in  retaining 
the  word  Thamesis,  (although 
according  to  Usher  it  is  gene- 
rally omitted  in  all  the  accounts 
of  the  sufferings  of  St.  Alban) 
in  the  passage  of  Gildas,  from 
whom  this  account  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  St.  Alban  is  de- 
rived|  because  Gildas  nowhere 


mentions  the  place  of  the  mar- 
tyrdom of  St.  Alban,  although 
Bede  and  other  writers  say 
that  he  suffered  at  Verulam. 
If  however  he  was  to  be  exe- 
cuted in  the  capital,  and  not 
in  Verulam,  it  would  rather 
appear  that  he  should  have 
been  sent  to  York,  if,  as  some* 
of  the  best  English  antiquarians 
have  thought,  York  was  at 
that  time  the  capital  of  Great 
Britain.  See  however  Usher, 
ib.  79.] 

k  Thames  is  wanting  in  the 
manuscript  Gildas,  in  Cam. 
bridge  library.  [Hist.  c.  viii.] 


CKHT.  IV.  of  Britain.  61 

5.  Alban  at  the  last  being  come  to  the  top  of  the  a.  d.  303. 
hill,  was  very  dry,  and  desirous  to  drink.     Wonder  Anew 
not  that  he  being  presently  to  taste  of  joys  for  ever-  ^^^^ 
more  should  wish  for  fadins:  water.   Sure  he  thirsted  Aiban's 

summons 

most  for  Grod's  glory,  and  did  it  only  to  catch  hold  of  appears  in 
the  handle  of  an  occasion  to  work  a  miracle,  for  the  a  hm.^ 
good  of  the  beholders.  For  presently  by  his  prayer 
he  summoned  up  a  spring  to  come  forth  on  the  top 
of  the  hill,  to  the  amazement  of  all  that  saw  it.  Yet 
it  moistened  not  his  executioner's  heart  with  any 
pity,  who  notwithstanding  struck  off  the  head  of  this 
worthy  saint  \  and  instantly  his  own  eyes  fell  out  of 
his  h^id,  so  that  he  could  not  see  the  villainy  which 
he  had  done.  Presently  after,  the  former  convert- 
executioner,  who  reftised  to  put  Alban  to  death,  was 
put  to  death  himself,  baptized,  no  doubt,  though  not 
with  water,  in  his  own  blood.  The  body  of  Alban 
was  afterwards  plainly  buried ;  that  age  knowing  no 
other  use  of  saint's  dust,  than  to  commit  it  to  the 
dust^  earth  to  earthy  not  acquainted  with  adoration 
and  circumgestation  of  relics,  as  ignorant  of  the 
manner  how,  as  the  reason  why,  to  do  it.  But  some 
hundred  years  aflier  king  Offa  disturbed  the  sleeping 
corpse  of  this  saint,  removing  them  to  a  more  stately, 
though  less  quiet  bed,  enshrining  them,  as  (God 
willing)  shall  be  related  hereafter  ™. 

6.  Immediately  followed  the  martjrrdom  of  Am-sept.  16. 
phibalus,  Alban's  guest,  and  ghostly  father,  though  ju^'^iiffCT- 
the  story  of  his  death  be  encumbered  with  much  ob-  ®?J*  **^* 
scurity.     For  first  there  is  a  query  in  his  very  name : 
why  called  Amphibalus?  and  how  came  this  com- 

1  May  23.  Aliter,  June  22.     ing  to  Usher.] 
[2  2d    of    June    according  to         °>  See  Mat.  Paris,  Vita  Offae 
Bede,  ibb  23d  of  May  accord,     secundi.  p.  26.  . 

E  2 


name. 


52  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.  D.  303*  pounded  Greek  word  to  wander  into  Wales  ?  except 
any  will  say,  that  this  man's  British  name  was  by 
authors  in  after-ages  so  translated  into  Greek.  Be- 
sides, the  name  speaks  rather  the  vestment  than  the 
wearer,  signifying  a  cloak  wrapt  or  cast  about, 
(Samuel  was  marked  by  such  a  mantle,)  and  it  may 
be  he  got  his  name  hence ;  as  Robert  Curt-hose,  son 
to  William  the  Conqueror,  had  his  surname  from 
going  in  such  a  garment.  And  it  is  worth  our  ob- 
serving, that  this  good  man  passeth  nameless  in  all 
authors  till  about  400  years  since,  when  Jeflfery 
Monmouth  was  his  godfather,  and  first  calls  him 
Amphibalus,  for  reasons  concealed  from  us,  and  best 
known  to  himself". 

Thecrud       7.  But  it  matters  not  for  words,  if  the  matter 

manner  of 

his  martyr- were  truc,  being  thus  reported.  A  thousand  inha- 
bitants of  Verulam  went  into  Wales  to  be  ftirther 
informed  in  the  faith  by  the  preaching  of  Amphi- 
balus, who  were  pursued  by  a  pagian  army  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  by  whom  they  were  overtaken,  over- 
come, and  murdered ;  save  that  one  man  only  (like 
Job's  messenger)  who  escaped  of  them  to  report  the 
loss  of  the  rest.  And  although  every  thing  unlikely 
is  not  untrue,  it  was  a  huge  drag-net,  and  cunningly 
cast,  that  killed  all  the  fish  in  the  river.  Now  these 
pagan  Verolamians  brought  Amphibalus  back  again, 
and  being  within  ken  of  their  city,  in  the  village 
called  Redbum,  three  miles  from  Verulam,  they 
cruelly  put  him  to  death.     For  making  an  incision 

• 

^    Usher,  Ant.  Brit.   Eccl.  rather  dfi^pi^Xop,  was  used  to 

1 59=  84.    [Nothing   is  to  be  denote  the  upper  garment  worn 

found  respecting  his  martyrdom  by  monks  or  clerical  persons, 

in  Gildas,  Bede,  or  the  Sarum  See  the  authorities  quoted  by 

breviary,  or  any  of  the  ancient  Uaher,  ib.  aSi.  Such  is  the  ex. 

martyrologies.    See  Usher,  ib.  pression  in  Gildas,  p.  i  o,  <*  Sub 

84.     The  word  amphibolus,  or  "  sancti  abbatis  amphibalo."] 


CENT.  IV. 


ofBritavn, 


58 


in  his  belly,  they  took  out  his  guts,  and  tying  them  a.  d.  303. 
to  a  stake,  whipped  him  round  about  it.  All  which 
he  endured,  as  free  from  impatience  as  his  perse- 
cutors from  compassion.  Thus  died  Amphibalus; 
and  a  writer"  bom  and  named  from  that  place  re- 
porteth,  that  in  his  days  the  two  knives  which 
stabbed  him  were  kept  in  the  church  of  Redbum'\ 
The  heat  and  resplendent  lustre  of  this  saint's  suf- 
fering wrought  as  the  sunbeams,  according  to  the 
capacity  of  the  matter  it  met  with,  in  the  beholders, 
melting  the  waxen  minds  of  some  into  Christianity, 
and  obdurating  the  hard  hearts  of  others  with  more 
madness  against  religion. 

7.  Tradition  reports,  that  the  stake  he  was  tied  to  Vain  fan- 
afterwards  turned  to  a  tree,  extant  at  this  very  day p, cerningthe 
and  admired  of  many  as  a  great  piece  of  wonder,  ^piS! 
though  (as  most  things  of  this  nature)  more  in  report  ^*'"^' 
than  reality.     That  it  hath  green  leaves  in  winter 
mine  eyes  can  witness  false ;  and  as  for  its  standing 
at  a  stay  time  out  of  mind,  neither  impaired  nor  im- 
proved in  bigness,  (which  some  count  so  strange,)  be 
it  reported  to  woodmen  and  foresters  whether  it  be 
not  ordinary.     I  think  the  wood  of  the  tree  is  as 
miraculous  as  the  water  of  the  well  adjoining  is 


^  Thomas  Redburn,  who 
wrote  T480.  [According  to 
Bale^  Cent.  vii.  §.  94.  But 
with  more  probability  Usher 
places  him  forty  years  earlier. 
E.B.  Antiq.  p.  66.  Wharton  in 
his  Anglia  Sacra^  I.  179,  has 
published  a  Hist.  Maj.  Eccle- 
siie  Wintoniensis^  and  in  the 
preface  to  the  same  volume, 
p.  xxvi.  has  given  an  account 
of  this  writer^  with  his  usual 
skill  and  sagacity.] 


o  [[This  is  stated  by  Mat. 
Paris,  who  has  incorporated 
part  of  the  legend  of  St.  Alban 
into  his  history,  A.  D.  1178. 
p.  136.  ed.  1640.  Rudbourne 
may  also  have  stated  it,  but 
this  part  of  his  history  is  only 
in  MS.  His  narrative  is  for 
the  most  part  derived  both  in 
earlier  and  later  portions  from 
Matthew  Paris.] 

P  I  mean  anno  1643. 

e3 


54  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.P.30J-  medicinal,  which  fond  people  fetch  so  far ;  and  yet  a 
credulous  drinker  may  make  a  cordial  drink  thereof. 
The  mar-       8.  At  the  time  of  Amphibalus  his  martyrdom,  an- 
S^r^    other  thousand  of  the  Verulam  citizens,  being  con- 
B^^^^^  verted  to  Christ,  were  by  command  of  the  judges  all 
™^'*"  killed  in  the  same  place*!.     A  strange  execution,  if 
true,  seeing  John  Rosse*"  of  Warwick  lays  the  scene 
of  this  tragedy  far  off,  and  at  another  time,  with 
many   other   circumstances    inconsistent   with   this 
relation ;  telling  us  how  at  Lichfield  in  Staffordshire 
this  great  multitude  of  people  were  long  before  slain 
by  the  pagans  as  they  attended  to  the  preaching  of 
Amphibalus.     This  relation  is  favoured  by  the  name 
of  Lichfield,  which  in  the  British  tongue  signifies  a 
Golgotha,  or  place  bestrewed  with  skulls*.     In  allu- 
sion whereto,  that  city's  arms  are  a  field  surcharged 
with  dead  bodies.     He  needs  almost  a  miraculous 
faith  to  be  able  to  remove  mountains,  yea,  to  make 
the  sun  stand  still,  and  sometimes  to  go  back,  who 
will  undertake  to  accord  the  contradictions  in  time 
and   place   between   the   several    relators    of   this 
,  history. 
Several  9-  The  rocords  of  Winchester  make  mention  of  a 

tend  to,  and  great  massacre,  whereby  at  this  time  all  their  monks 
SJe^^e^""*"  were  slain  in  their  church,  whilst  the  Chronicle  of 
rtyrdom.  nYgg^jnijjg^gp  challcngeth  the  same  to  be  done  in 

their  convent ;  and  the  history  of  Cambridge  ascribeth 
it  to  the  Christian  students  of  that  university,  killed 
by  their  British  persecutors.  Whether  this  happened 

q  Usher,     de     Brit.    Eccl.  of  this  name,  see  •*  The  Ap- 

160=85.  "  peal,  &c/'  p.  70,  in  which 

'  In  his  book  of  the  bishops  Fuller  has  published  a  Latin 

of  Worcester,  [quoted  by  Usher,  letter,  respecting  the  meaning 

ib.  84.]  of  the  word,  from  one  of  his 

"  [Respecting  the  etymology  Welsh  correspondents.] 


ma 


CEimr.  jy.  of  Britain.  SB 

in  any  or  all  of  these  places  I  will  not  determine :  a.  d.  503. 
for  he  tells  a  lie,  though  he  tells  a  truth,  that 
peremptorily  affirms  that  which  he  knows  is  but 
unoertain.  Meantime  we  see,  that  it  is  hard  for  men 
to  suffer  martyrdom,  and  easy  for  their  posterity  to 
brag  of  their  ancestors'  sufferings ;  yea,  who  would 
not  entitle  themselves  to  the  honour  when  it  is 
parted  from  the  pain  ?  When  persecution  is  a 
coming,  every  man  posteth  it  off,  as  the  Philistines 
did  the  ark  infected  with  the  plague,  and  no  place 
will  give  it  entertainment*.  But  when  the  storm  is 
once  over,  then  (as  seven  cities  contended  for  Homer's 
birth  in  them)  many  places  will  put  in  a  claim  to 
share  in  the  credit  thereof. 

10.  Besides  Amphibalus,  suffered  Aaron  and  Ju-Theimper- 
Kus,  two  substantial  citizens  of  Caerleon,  and  then (rfthese^'^ 
Socrates  and  Stephanus,  forgotten  by  our  British^*"™®** 
writers,  but   remembered   by  foreign   authors,  and 
Augulius,  bishop  of  London,  then  called  Augusta". 
Besides  these,  we  may  easily  believe  many  more 

went  the  same  way ;  for  such  commanders-in-chief 
do  not  fall  without  common  soldiers  about  them.  It 
was  superstition  in  the  Athenians  to  build  an  altar 
to  the  unknown  God'' ;  but  it  would  be  piety  in  us 
here  to  erect  a  monument  in  memorial  of  these  un- 
known martyrs,  whose  names  are  lost.  The  best  is, 
God's  calendar  is  more  complete  than  man's  best 
martyrologies ;  and  their  names  are  written  in  the 
book  of  life,  who  on  earth  are  wholly  forgotten. 

11.  One  may  justly  wonder  that  the  first  four  The  cause 

of  the  great 

*  I  Sam.  V.  on  the  1 7th  of  September,  Au- 

«  [See  Usher,  ib.  p.  89,  90.  gulius  on  the  7th  of  February 

Aaron  and  Julius  on  the  ist  of  the  next  year.^ 

July,  Socrates  and  Stephanus  v  Acts  xvii.  23. 

E  4 


56  The  Church  Hutory  book  i. 

A.  D.  303.  hundred  years  of  the  primitive  church  in  Britain^ 
giienoeof  beiniT  SO  much  observahle.  should  be  so  little  ob- 
-et  «rv^  the  pe,»  of  hMori.™  writi-^f  tha«of  >^g 
starved  for  matter  in  an  age  so  frmtful  of  memo- 
rable actions.  But  this  was  the  main  reason  thereof 
that  living  in  persecution  (that  age  affording  no 
Christians  idle  spectators,  which  were  not  actors  on 
that  sad  theatre)  they  were  not  at  leisure  to  do,  for 
suffering.  And  as  commonly  those  can  give  the 
least  account  of  a  battle  who  were  most  engaged  in 
it,  (their  eyes  the  while  being  turned  into  armies, 
their  seeing  into  fighting,)  so  the  primitive  confessors 
were  so  taken  up  with  what  they  endured,  they  had 
no  vacation  largely  to  relate  their  own  or  others'  suf- 
ferings. Of  such  monuments  as  were  transmitted  to 
posterity,  it  is  probable  most  were  martyred  by  the 
tyranny  of  the  pagans :  nor  was  it  to  be  expected, 
that  those  who  were  cruel  to  kill  the  authors,  would 
be  kind  to  preserve  their  books. 
A.D.304.      12.  Afterwards  it  pleased  God  to  put  a  period  to 

Constant.  *  r  r 

Chiorus  his  servants'  sufferings,  and  the  fiiry  of  their  ene- 
cifa^tianB  miesw.  For  when  Diocletian  and  Maximian  had 
laid  down  the  ensigns  of  command,  Constantius 
Chiorus  was  chosen  emperor  in  these  western  pro- 
vinces of  France,  Spain,  and  Britain*,  whose  carriage 
towards  Christians  Eusebius  thus  describeth:  tov9 

VTT  avTov  Oeoa-efieh  afiXafiet^   ^i/Xa^af,  "  that  he  pre- 

"  served  such  religious  people  as  were  under  his 
"  command  without  any  hurt  or  harm."  So  that 
imder  him  the  church  in  these  parts  had  a  breathing- 
time  from  persecution.     But  I  am  afraid  that  that 


^  [See  Usher,  ib.  91.]  13.  Cf.]  de vita Constantini^  lib. 

^  Eusebius^  [Hist.  £2ccl.  viii.     i.  c.  9,  11.  and  Orosius,  vii.  25. 


CBiiT.  IV.  of  Britain.  67 

learned  pen  3^  goes  a  little  too  far,  who  makes  him  a.d.3<>5. 
foonder  of  a  hishopric  at  York,  and  styleth  him  "  an 
**  emperor  surpassing  in  all  virtue  and  Christian 
** piety:"  seeing  the  latter  will  hardly  be  proved, 
that  Constantius  was  a  thoroughpaced  Christian, 
except  by  our  Saviour's  argument,  He  that  is  not 
ajainst  us  is  on  our  paH*.  And  Constantius  did  this 
good  to  Christianity,  that  he  did  it  no  harm :  and  not 
only  so,  a  privative  benefactor  to  piety,  but  positive 
thus  far,  that  he  permitted  and  preserved  those  who 
would  rebuild  the  decayed  Christian  churches.  But 
the  greatest  benefaction  which  he  bestowed  on 
Christians  was,  that  he  was  father  to  Constantino. 
Thus  as  physicians  count  all  sudden  and  violent 
alterations  in  men's  bodies  dangerous,  especially 
when  changing  from  extremes  to  extremes,  so  God 
in  like  manner  adjudged  it  imsafe  for  his  servants 
presently  to  be  posted  out  of  persecution  into  pro- 
sperity ;  and  therefore  he  prepared  them  by  degrees, 
that  they  might  be  better  able  to  manage  their  fu- 
ture happiness,  by  sending  this  Constantius,  a  prince 
of  a  middle  disposition  betwixt  pagan  and  Christian, 
to  rule  some  few  years  over  them. 

13.  At  York  this  Constantius  Chlorus  did  die  andHedieth  at 
was  buried*.  And  therefore  Florilegus,  or  the  flower- 
gatherer,  as  he  calleth  himself,  (understand  Matthew 
of  Westminster,)  did  crop  a  weed  instead  of  a 
flower,  when  he  reports  "that  in  the  year  1283  the 
•*  body  of  this  Constantius  was  found  at  Caer-Custe- 


7  Caoiden.  Brit,  in  descrip.  &  As  is  witnessed  by  Hiero- 

tion  of  York,  p.  573.  [Camden  nymus,  in  Chronico,  [rather  in 

does  not  speak  upon  this  point  his  translation  of  the  Chronicle 

from  his  own  authority.    See  of  Eusebius,  in  an.  309.   Hen. 

also  Usher^  ib.  p.  39.]  of  Huntingdon,  f.  1 76,]  and 

s  Mark  ix.  40.  Eutropius,  Hist.  x.  i. 


58  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.IX305.  **  nith*  in  Wales,  and  honourably  bestowed  in  the 

"  church  of  Caer-narvon  by  the  command  of  king 

"  Edward  the  First  ^^  Constantius  dying,  bequeathed 

the  empire  to  Constantino,  his  eldest  son  by  Helen 

his  former  wife ;  and  the  soldiers  at  York  cast  the 

purple  robe  upon  him,  whilst   he  wept,   and   put 

spurs   to    horse   to  avoid   the   importunity  of  the 

army,    attempting  and    requiring    so    instantly    to 

make   him   emperor:    but    the  happiness   of    the 

A.  D.  307.  state  overcame  his  modesty.     And  whereas  formerly 

^'     Christians  for  the  peace  they  possessed  were  only 

tenants  at  will  to  the  present  emperor's  goodness, 

this  Constantino  passed  this  peaceable  estate  to  the 

Christians  and  their  heirs,  or  rather,  to  the  immortal 

corporation  of  God's  church,  making  their  happiness 

hereditary  by  those  good  laws  which  he  enacted. 

Now  because  this  assertion,  that  Constantino  was  a 

Briton  by  birth,  meets  with  opposition,  we  will  take 

some  pains  in  clearing  the  truth  thereof. 

Worth  the      14.  Let  uoue  say,  the  kernel  will  not  be  worth 

SuTSn-  the  cracking,  and  so  that  Constantino  were  bom,  it 

JJJJ^^ijy  matters  not  where  he  was  bom.     For  we  may  ob- 

wrth.        serve  God's  Spirit  to  be  very  punctual  in  registering 

the  birthplaces  of  famous  men  ;    The  Lord  shall 

county  when  he  tvriteth  up  the  people^  that  this  man 

was  bom  there^.  And  as  David  cursed  mount  Gilboa, 

where  godly  Jonathan  got  his  death  ^,  so  by  the 

»  [That  18,  the  city  of  Con-  Yet  Matthew  of  Westminster, 

stantine.    Matthew  of  West-  under  the  year  305,  states  that 

minster  (Hist.  p.  371.)  merely  Constantius  died  at  York.] 

states  that  the  body  of  Constan-  ^   Compare    Mr.    Camden's 

tins  was  found  at  Caernarvon  Brit.in  Caernarvonshire,  p.535^ 

near  Snowdon, which  placeCam-  with  him  in  the  description  of 

den  conceives  to  be  the  same  as  York,  p.  572.  [And  Usher^  ib. 

Caer-custeinth,  or  rather  Cair-  p.  33.] 

custent^  the  old  town  upon  the  ^  Psalm  Ixxxvii.  6. 

ruins  of  which   he    supposes  ^  2  Sam.  i.  ai. 
Caernarvon  to  have  been  built. 


csnT.  IT.  o/Briiain.  69 

same  proportion  (though  inverted)  it  follows,  those  a.  d.  307. 
places  are  blest  and  happy  where  saints  take  their 
fiist  good  handsel  of  breath  in  this  world.  Besides, 
Constantine  was  not  only  one  of  a  thousand,  but  of 
myriads,  yea  of  millions,  who  first  turned  the  tide  in 
the  whole  world,  and  not  only  quenched  the  fire,  but 
even  overturned  the  famace  of  persecution,  and  en- 
franchised Christianity  through  the  Roman  emperor : 
and  therefore  no  wonder  if  Britain  be  ambitious  in 
having,  and  zealous  in  holding,  such  a  worthy  to  be 
bom  in  her. 

15.  An  unanswerable  evidence  to  prove  the  point  The  main 
in  controversy,  that  Constantine  the  Great  was  aJo^J^ 
Briton,  is  fetched  from  the  panegyrist,  (otherwise  ^*  ^*°^ 
called  Eumenius  Rhetor,)  in  his  oration  made  to  Con- 
stantine himself  %  but  making  therein  an  apostrophe 
to  Britain ;  Ofortunata^  et  nunc  omnibus  beatior  terris 
BritanniOy  qtuB  Constantinum  Ccesarem  prima  vidisti ! 
"  O  happy  Britain,  and  blessed  above  all  other  lands, 
"  which  didst  first  behold  Constantine  Csesar ! "  Twist 
this  testimony  with  another  thread,  spun  of  the  same 
hand ;  Liberavit  iUe  \jpater  Constantius']  Britannias 
servitute,  tu  etiam  nobileSy  iUic  oriendoy  fecisti^: 
**  Your  fother  Constantius  did  free  the  British  pro- 
"  vinces  from  slavery,  and  you  have  ennobled  them, 
"  by  taking  thence  your  original.''  The  same  is 
aflSrmed  by  the  writer  of  the  life  of  St.  Helen,  mother 
to  Constantine,  written  about  the  year  of  our  Lord 
940  in  the  English  Saxon  tongue  P:  as  also  by  Wil- 
liam of  Malmesbury,  Henry  Huntingdon^  John  of 

^  Panegyric  [ix.  9.  ed.Livin.  gend  of  St.  Helena  abridged 

1607.]  by  John  Capgrave^  and  printed 

'  Panegyric,  v.  4.  in  hiA  Legenda  Sanctorum]] 

g  [This  is  probably  the  le-  ^  [Hist.  f.  1 76.] 


60  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.307.  SaKsbury',  and  all  other  English  writers.  And  lest 
any  should  object  that  these  writing  the  history  of 
their  own  country  are  too  lightfingered  to  catch  any 
thing  (right  or  wrong)  sounding  to  the  honour 
thereof,  many  most  learned  foreign  historians,  Pom- 
ponius  Lsetus,  Polydore  Virgil,  Beatus  Rhenanus, 
Franciscus  Balduinus,  Onuphrius  Panvinius,  Caesar 
Baronius,  Anthony  Possevine,  and  others,  concur 
with  them,  acknowledging  Helen,  Constantine's 
mother,  a  Briton,  and  him  bom  in  Britain^. 
Aniwento  16.  But  whilst  the  aforesaid  authors  in  prose 
toni  J^  softly  rock  the  infency  of,  yet  little,  Constantino  the 
"JJ?J|^  Great  in  Britain,  and  whilst  others  in  verse  (espe- 
cially Joseph  of  Exeter^  and  Alexander  Necham) 
sweetly  sing  lullabies  unto  him™,  some  learned  men 
are  so  rough  and  uncivil  as  to  overturn  his  cradle, 
yea,  wholly  deprive  Britain  of  the  honour  of  his 
nativity :  whose  arguments  follow,  with  our  answers 
imto  them. 

Object.  1.  The  panegyrist  speaking  how  Britain 
first  saw  Constantino  Csesar,  refers  not  to  his  ordinary 
life,  but  imperial  lustre  °.  Britain  beheld  him  not 
first  a  child,  but  first  saw  him  Caesar ;  not  fetching 
thence  his  natural  being,  but  honourable  birth,  first 
saluted  Caesar  in  Britain. 

Ans.  Even  Lipsius  (Britain's  greatest  enemy  in 
this  point)  confesseth,  that  though  Constantino  was 

*  [Proleg.  in  Polycraticum.^  refers  also  to  this  subject  in  his 

k   [This   subject   has    been  Holy  War,  i.  §.  4.^ 

discussed  with  his  usual  learning  1  In  A  ntiocheide  sua,  [quoted 

b7PrimateUsher,ib.93andio3.  by  Usher^  ib.  94.^ 

But  the  reference  to  William  ^  See   his   Tetrastichon    in 

of  Malmsbury  is  an  oversight^  bishop  Usher  de  Brit.  Eccles. 

unless  Usher  used  some  MS.  primord.  p.  76=95. 

of  this  author  containing  the  °  Joannes  Livineius  not.  in 

passage    in   question,  varying  Panegyr.  v.  p.  331. 
from  the  printed  copy.   Fuller 


CEKT.  TV.  of  Britain.  61 

first  elected  emperor  in  Britain,  yet  he  was  first  a.  p.  307. 
pronounced  Csesar  in  France,  in  the  life  and  health  of 
his  fether°;  (Csesar  was  a  title  given  to  the  heir  ap- 
parent to  the  empire ;)  and  therefore  the  words  in 
the  panegyrist,  in  their  native  construction,  relate 
to  his  natural  hirth. 

Object.  2.  Constantino  Porphyrogenetes,  the  Gre- 
cian emperor,  about  700  years  since,  in  his  book  of 
government  P  which  he  wrote  to  his  son,  confesseth 
Constantino  the  Great  to  have  been  a  Frank  by  his 
birth,  whence  learned  Meursius  coUecteth  him  a 
Frenchman  by  his  extraction. 

Ans.  It  is  notoriously  known  to  all  learned  men, 
that  the  Greeks  in  that  middle  age  (as  the  Turks  at 
this  very  day)  called  all  western  Europeans  Franks. 
Wherefore  as  he  that  calleth  such  a  fiidt  of  the 
earth  grain  (a  general  name)  denieth  not  but  it  may 
be  wheat,  a  proper  kind  thereof;  so  the  terming 
Constantino  a  Frank  doth  not  exclude  him  from 
being  a  Briton,  yea  strongly  implieth  the  same, 
seeing  no  western  country  in  Europe  ever  pretended 
unto  his  birth. 

Object.  3.  Bede,  a  grave  and  faithful  author, 
makes  no  mention  of  Constantino  bom  in  Bri- 
tain, who  (as  Lipsius  marketh*J)  would  not  have 
omitted  a  matter  so  much  to  the  honour  of  his  own 
nation. 

Ans.  By  the  leave  of  Lipsius,  Constantino  and 
Bede,  though  of  the  same  country,  were  of  several 

o  Note  in  Admiranda,  lib.  Camden.     Non  Bedas— — ille 

iv.  c.  1 1.  [Antv.  1598.]  antiquus   et   fidus    an    gloriae 

P    [De    administrando    Im-  gentis    suae    non    fSavet?    Qin 

perio,  chap.  13.  ed.  Meursius^  Camdeni    Epist.    p.    67.    ed. 

1617.^  Smith ;  and  Usher^  ib.  p.  102.] 

4   In    his    Epistle  to    Mr. 


62 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.  D.  307.  nations.  Bede  being  a  Saxon,  was  little  zealous  to 
advance  the  British  honour:  the  history  of  which 
church  he  rather  toucheth  than  handleth,  using  it 
only  as  a  porch  to  pass  through  it  to  the  Saxon  his- 
tory. And  Saxons  in  general  had  little  skill  to  seek, 
and  less  will  to  find  out  any  worthy  thing  in  British 
antiquities,  because  of  the  known  antipathy  betwixt 
them. 

Object.  4.  Procopius''  maketh  Drepanum,  a  haven 
in  Bithynia,  (so  called  because  there  the  sea  runs 
crooked  in  form  of  a  sickle,)  to  be  the  place  where 
Constantino  had  his  TjOo^cFa,  or  first  nursing,  very 
near  to  his  birth";  and  Nicephorus  Gregoras*  makes 
him  bom  in  the  same  country. 

Ans.  The  former  speaks  not  positively,  but  saith 
<^a(r\  "  men  say  so,"  reporting  a  popular  error.  The 
latter  is  a  late  writer,  living  under  Andronicus 
junior,  anno  1340,  and  therefore  not  to  be  believed 
before  others  more  ancient. 

Object.  5.  But  Julius  Firmicus",  contemporary  with 
Constantino  himself,  an  author  above  exception, 
maketh  this  Constantino  to  be  bom  at  Naisus  (in 
printed  books  Tharsus)  a  city  of  Dacia. 

Ans.  An  excellent  critic^  hath  proved  the  printed 
copies  of  Firmicus  to  be  corrupted,  and  justifieth  it 
out  of  approved  manuscripts,  that  not  Constantino 
the  Great  the  father,  but  Constantino  the  younger. 


'  De  eedificiis  Justiniani. 
pib.  V.  p.  46.  ed.  Hceschel. 
1607] 

s  ['^Htircp  ra  Tpo<f>fia  K6>v(rray. 
rivot  c/trcti/a>y.  Upon  which 
passage  see  Usher,  ib.  98.] 

t  [Evidently  an  error  for  Ni- 
cephorus Callistius.  See  his 
Hist.  Eccl.  vii.  18.  and  viii.  2. 


ed.  Paris.  1 630^  nothing  of  the 

kind  is  to  be  found  in  Ore- 

goras,  as  far  as  I  can  discover.] 

^  [Mathes.  i.  4.   p.  14.  ed. 

▼Camden  in  his  letter  to 
Lipsius,  printed  in  Usher  de 
Eccl.  Brit.  p.  185=100.  [and 
in  Camden's  Epist.  p.  65.] 


CENT.  IV.  of  Britain.  6S 

his  son,  was  intended   by  Firmicus   bom   in   that  a.  d.  307. 
place. 

Thus  we  hope  we  have  cleared  the  point  with 
ingenuous  readers  in  such  measure  as  is  consistent 
with  the  brevity  of  our  history.  So  that  of  this 
Constantino  (a  kind  of  outward  saviour  in  the  world 
to  deliver  people  from  persecution)  we  may  say, 
with  some  allusion  to  the  words  of  the  Prophet  ^ 
(but  with  a  humble  reservation  of  the  infinite  dis- 
tance betwixt  the  persons,)  and  thou  BErrAiN  art 

NOT  THE  MEANEST  AMONG  THE  KINGDOMS  OF   EuROPE, 
FOR  OUT  OF  THEE  DID  COME   A   GOVERNOR,  WHICH   DID 

RULE  THE  Israel  of  God,  giving  deliverance  and 

PEACE  TO  THE  SAINTS. 

17.  Now  see  what  a  pinch  Verstegan^  (whose  Mr.  Fox 
teeth  are  sharpened  with  the  difference  of  religion)  a^joLt  the 
gives  Mr.  Fox :  "  What  is  it  other  than  an  absurdity  y^^^, 
""  for  an  English  author  to  begin  his  epistle  (to  a 
"  huge  volume '')  with  Constantino,  the  great  and 
"  mighty  emperor,  the  son  of  Helen,  an  English 
"  woman,  &c.  Whereas,"  saith  he,  "  in  truth  St. 
"  Helen,  the  mother  of  Constantino,  was  no  English 
**  woman,  but  a  British  woman.'*  And  yet  Fox  his 
words  are  capable  of  a  candid  construction,  if  by 
English  women  we  imderstand  (by  a  favourable  pro- 
lepsis)  one  bom  in  that  part  of  Britain  which  since 
hath  been  inhabited  by  the  English.  Sure  in  the 
same  dialect  St.  Alban  hath  often  been  called  the 
first  martyr  of  the  English  by  many  writers  of  good 
esteem.     Yea  the  Breviary  of  Sarum^  allowed  and 

V  Micah  V.  2.  Acts  and  Monuments. 

V  In  his  Epistle  to  this  na-  ^  In  officio  sancti  Albani. 
tion  [prefixed  to  his  Resti-  [Concerning  this  office  in  the 
tution  of  decayed  intelligence].  Breviary,  see  Usher^  ib.  78.] 

w  He  meaneth  his  Books  of 


64  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.S07.  confinned  no  doubt  by  the  infallible  church  of  Rome, 
greets  St.  Alban  with  this  salute ; 

Ave,  proto-martyr  Anglorum, 
Miles  regis  angelorum, 
O  Albane,  flos  martyrum. 

Sure  Helen  was  as  properly  an  English  woman  as 
Alban  an  English  man,  being  both  British  in  the 
rigid  letter  of  history,  and  yet  may  be  interpreted 
English  in  the  equity  thereof.  Thus  it  is  vain  for 
any  to  write  books,  if  their  words  be  not  taken  in 
a  courteous  latitude,  and  if  the  reader  meets  not  his 
author  with  a  pardon  of  course  for  venial  mistakes, 
especially  when  his  pen  slides  in  so  slippery  a 
passage. 
Three  dtiei     ig.  And  uow  haviuff  asscrtod  Constantino  a  Briton, 

ocmtendfor 

CaMtan-  WO  are  engaged  afresh  in  a  new  controversy  betwixt 
inUiem.  three  cities,  with  equal  zeal  and  probability,  chal- 
lenging Constantino  to  be  theirs  by  birth ;  London  y, 
York*,  and  Colchester*.  We  dare  define  nothing, 
not  so  much  out  of  fear  to  displease,  (though  he  that 
shall  gain  one  of  these  cities  his  friend  shall  make 
the  other  two  his  foes  by  his  verdict,)  but  chiefly 
because  little  certainty  can  be  pronounced  in  a 
matter  so  long  since,  and  little  evident.  Let  me 
refresh  myself  and  the  reader  with  relating  and 
applying  a  pleasant  story.  Once  at  the  burial  of 
St.  Teliau,  second  bishop  of  Landaif,  three  places 
did  strive  to  have  the  interring  of  his  body ;  Pen- 


7  William   Fiizstephens  in  ^  Oratores  Regis  Angliee  in 

the    description    of    London^  Concil.  Constant.   [See  Usber, 

p.  708.  [published  at  the  end  ib.  13,  95.] 

of  Stowe's  Survey  of  London,  *  Camden's  Brit,  in  Essex, 

1633O  [p.  3*5-] 


CENT.  IV.  of  Britain.  65 

nalun,  where  his  ancestors  were  buried,  Lan-Teilau-  a.  d.  307. 
vawr,  where  he  died,  and  LandafF,  his  episcopal  see. 
Now  after  prayer  to  God  to  appease  this  contention 
in  the  place  where  they  had  left  him,  there  appeared 
suddenly  three  hearses,  with  three  bodies  so  like, 
as  no  man  could  discern  the  right  ^:  and  so  every 
one  taking  one,  they  were  all  well  pleased.  If  by 
the  like  miracle,  as  there  three  corpses  of  Teliau 
encoffined,  so  here  three  child-Constantines  encradled 
might  be  represented,  the  controversy  betwixt  these 
three  cities  were  easily  arbitrated,  and  all  parties 
fully  satisfied.  But  seriously  to  the  matter.  That 
which  gave  occasion  to  the  varieties  of  their  claims 
to  Constantine's  birth  may  probably  be  this,  that  he 
was  bom  in  one  place,  nursed  in  another,  and  per- 
chance, being  young,  bred  in  a  third.  Thus  we  see 
our  Saviour,  though  bom  in  Bethlehem,  yet  was 
accoimted  a  Nazarite,  of  the  city  of  Nazareth,  where 
he  was  brought  up :  and  this  general  error  took  so 
deep  impression  in  the  people,  it  could  not  be  re- 
moved out  of  the  minds  and  mouths  of  the  vulgar. 

19.  Constantino  being  now  peaceably  settled  in  a.  0.312. 
the  imperial  throne,  there  followed  a  sudden  and  prosperity 
general  alteration  in  the  world ;  persecutors  turning  the  church 
patrons  of  religion.     O  the  efficacy  of  a  godly  eni-^^^?"^ 
peror's  example,  which  did  draw  many  to  a  consci- 
entious love  of  Christianity,  and  did  drive  more  to  a 
civil  conformity  thereunto !  The  gospel,  formerly  a 
forester,  now  became   a  citizen;    and   leaving   the 
woods,  wherein  it  wandered,  hills  and  holes,  where 
it  hid  itself  before,  dwelt  quietly  in  populous  places. 
The  stumps  of  ruined  churches  lately  destroyed  by 
Diocletian  grew  up  into  beautiful  buildings;  ora- 

^  Godwin,  [de  PraRsul.  p.  592.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  F 


66 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.3I2.  tories  were  furnished  with  pious  ministers,  and  they 
provided  of  plentiful  maintenance,  through  the  libe- 
rality of  Constantine.  And  if  it  be  true  what  one 
relates,  that  about  this  time,  when  the  church  began 
to  be  enriched  with  means,  there  came  a  voice  from 
heaven  (I  dare  boldly  say  he  that  first  wrote  it  never 
heard  it,  being  a  modem  author*-')  saying,  "  Now  is 
"  poison  poured  down  into  the  church :"  yet  is  there 
no  danger  of  death  thereby,  seeing  lately  so  strong 
an  antidote  hath  been  given  against  it.  Nor  do  we 
meet  with  any  particular  bounty  conferred  by 
Constantine  or  Helen  his  mother  on  Britain,  their 
native  country,  otherwise  than  as  it  shared  now  in 
the  general  happiness  of  all  Christendom.  The 
reason  might  be  this ;  That  her  devotion  most  moved 
eastward  towards  Jerusalem,  and  he  was  principally 
employed  far  off  at  Constantinople,  whither  he  had 
removed  the  seat  of  the  empire,  for  the  more  conve- 
niency  in  the  midst  of  his  dominions.  An  empire 
herein  unhappy,  that  as  it  was  too  vast  for  one  to 
manage  it  entirely,  so  it  was  too  little  for  two  to 
govern  it  jointly,  as  in  after-ages  did  appear. 

A.D.313.  20.  And  now  just  ten  years  after  the  death  of 
St.  Alban,  a  stately  church  was  erected  there  and 
dedicated  to  his  memory;  as  also  the  history  of 
Winchester  reporteth^  that  then  their  church  first 


c  John  Nauclerus  president 
of  Tubing  university,  anno 
1 500.  [This  information  Fuller 
has  derived  from  John  Bale^ 
(Scriptor.  p.  34.),  who,  as  is 
frequently  the  case  with  him^ 
has  misrepresented  the  passage. 
The  words  of  Nauclerus  are  as 
follows  :  "  Quod  vero  donante 
'*  Constantino   temporalia    ec- 


"  clesia:  Romanee,  vox  audita 
"  refertur  hujusmodi^  hodie 
"  veuenum  ecclesiee  est  immis- 
*'  sum,  non  bene  quadrat;  nam 
"  ecclesia  temporsdia  ante  Con- 
'*  stantinum."  Chronic,  ii* 
p.  603.  ed.  1564.1 

d  [MS.  quoted  by  Usher, 
ib.  p.  85.  See  also  Mat.  of 
Westminster  in  an.  3 13.^ 


rKXT.  IV. 


of  Britaui. 


67 


fouiided  by  king  Lucius,  and  since  destroyed,  was  a.d.  313, 
built  anew,  and  monks  (as  they  say)  placed  in  it. 
But  the  most  avouchable  evidence  of  Christianity 
flourishing  in  this  island  in  this  age,  is  produced 
firom  the 


Bishops  representing  Britain  in  th^e  council  of 

i.  Abjles  in  France,  called  to  take  cognizance  of  the  A.D.314. 
cause  of  the  Donatists ;  where  appeared  for  the  p«ar^  of 

British  theBritiA 

in  foreign 

1.  Eborius  bishop  of  York*.  omndii. 

2.  Restitutus  bishop  of  London. 

3.  Adelfius  bishop  of  the  city  called  the  colony 
of  London^,  which  some  count  Colchester, 
and  others  Maldon,  in  Essex. 

4.  Sacerdos  a  priest,  both  by  his  proper  \  Both  of 
name  and  office.  >  the  last 

5.  Arminius  a  deacon.  J    place. 

ii.  Nice  in  Bithynia,  summoned  to  suppress  Arianism,  a.d.  335. 
and  establishing  an  uniformity  of  the  observation 
of  Easter ;  to  which  agreed  those  of  the  church 

iii.  Sardis  inThracia,  called  by  Constantius  and  Con-  a.d. 347. 
stans,  sons  to  Constantino  the  Great ;  where  the 
bishops  of  Britain  concurred  with  the  rest  to  con- 
denm  the  Arians  and  acquit  Athanasius^. 


«  See  the  several  subscrip- 
tions at  the  end  of  this  council 
in  Binnius.  [Ck>ncil.  i.  1430. 
ed.  Labbe  1671.] 

^  [Of  this  city  called  Colonia 
Londinensium,  and  the  council 
of  Arles^  see  Stillingfleet's  An- 
tiq.  of  the  British   Churches^ 

P-  IS-'] 


ST  Eusebius  de  vita  Constant, 
iii.  19. 

h  Athanasius  in  the  begin- 
ning of  his  second  apology 
against  the  Arians^  [i.  p.  123. 
ed.  C698.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  the  British  bishops 
were  present  at  the  council  of 
Sardis.         Athanasius    states 

F  2 


68  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.  P.  359'  iv.  Abiminum  on  the  Adriatic  sea  in  Italy,  a  synod 
convocated  by  Constantius  the  emperor^ 

In  this  last  council  it  is  remarkable,  that  whereas 
the  emperor  ordered  that  provisions  (and  those  very 
plentiful)  of  diet  should  be  bestowed  on  the  bishops 
there  assembled,  yet  those  of  Aquitan,  France,  and 
Britain,  preferred  rather  to  live  on  their  proper  cost, 
than  to  be  a  burden  to  the  public  treasury^.  Only 
three  British  bishops,  necessitated  for  want  of  main- 
tenance, received  the  emperor's  allowance :  the  re- 
fusal of  the  former,  having  enough  of  their  own, 
being  an  act  full  of  praise,  as  the  latter's  accepting  a 
salary  to  relieve  their  want,  a  deed  free  from  censure. 
Collect  we  hence,  1.  That  there  were  many  British 
bishops  in  this  council,  though  their  names  and 
number  are  not  particularly  recorded.  2.  That  the 
generality  of  British  bishops  had  in  this  age  plentiful 
maintenance,  who  could  subsist  of  themselves  so  far 
off  in  a  foreign  country :  whereas  lately  in  the  council 
of  Trent  many  Italian  bishops,  though  in  a  manner 
still  at  home,  could  not  live  without  public  contri- 
bution. But  there  was  good  reason  why  the  British 
were  loath  to  accept  the  emperor's  allowance, 
though  otherwise  it  had  been  neither  manners  nor 
discretion  for  prelates  to  refuse  a  prince's  proffer, 
because  as  *  Daniel  and  the  children  of  the  captivity 
preferred  their  pulse  before  the  fare  of  king  Nebu- 

merely  that  they,  in  conjunc-  conduct  of  the  British  bishops 

tion   with   others,    subscribed  there  present,  see  Usher's  An- 

the  decrees  in  his  favour:  roU  tiq.  p.  105,  and  Stillingfleet, 

T«  KpiB^unv  vnip  rffA&y  awty^tj<f>i'  ib.  p.  1  76.] 

aaPTo.     See   however    Usher,         ^  Sulpitius    SeveniSj  Hist, 
p.  105.]  Sacra,  [ii.  56.] 


*  [Of  this  council,  and  the         1  Dan.  i.  8. 


CENT.  IV.  of  Britain.  69 

chadnezzar,  for  fear  they  should  be  defiled  with  his  A.D.359. 
(though  princely,  yet)  pagan  diet,  so  these  bishops 
did  justly  suspect,  that  Constantius  the  emperor, 
being  an  Arian,  had  a  design  to  bribe  their  judg- 
ments by  their  palates,  and  by  his  bounty  to  buy 
their  suffirages  to  favour  his  opinions.  In  very  deed 
this  synod  is  justly  taxed,  not  that  it  did  bend,  but 
was  bowed  to  Arianism,  and  being  overborne  by  the 
emperor,  did  countenance  his  poisonous  positions™. 

21.   Hitherto   the   church   in   Britain   continued  a.d.  360. 

Britain  be« 

sound  and  orthodox,  in  no  degree  tainted  with  ginneth  to 
Arianism;  which  gave  the  occasion  to  St.  Hilary  iUwithAnan- 
his  epistle  to  his  brethren  and  fellow-bishops  of""^* 
Germany  and  Britain,  &c.,  though  he  himself  was  in 
Phrygia  in  banishment,  to  solace  his  soul  with  the 
consideration  of  the  purity  and  soundness  of  religion 
in  their  countries^.  But  now,  alas !  the  gangrene 
of  that  heresy  began  to  spread  itself  into  this  island ; 
so  that  what  the  Jews  of  Thessalonica  said  unjustly 
of  St.  Paul  and  his  followers,  the  Britons  might  too 
truly  affirm  of  Arius  and  his  adherents.  These  that 
have  turned  the  world  upside  down  are  come  hither 
also^.  Hear  how  sadly  Gildas  complaineth ;  Mansit 
namque  hcec  Christi  capitis  membrorumque  conso- 
nantia  suavis,  donee  Arriana  perfidia  atrox^  ceu  an- 
guis  transmarina  nobis  evomens  venena,  fratres  in 
unum  hahitantes  eantiabiliter  faceret  sejungi^  &c.p  So 
that  the  words  of  Athanasius,  totv^  mundits  Arriani- 
zaty  were  true  also  of  this  peculiar  or  divided  world 
of  Britain.  Naturalists  dispute  how  wolves  had  their 

^     Episcopi     in     Arianum         ^  Dedicating  unto  them  his 

dogma  fuerant  subacti^  oppri-  book  De  Synodis. 
mente  Constantio.     Facundus,         o  Acts  xvii.  6. 
de  tribus  Capitulis^  v.  [3.  p.         P    [Hist.    chap.    ix.    Bede 

72.  ed.  1679.]  i.  8.] 

F  3 


70  The  Chttrch  History  book  i. 

A.  0.360.  first  being  in  Britain ;  i(k  being  improbable  that  mer- 

chants  would  bring  any  such  noxious  vermin  over  in 

their  ships,  and  impossible  that  of  themselves  they 

should  swim  over  the  sea :  (which  hath  prevailed  so 

far  with  some,  as  to  conceive  this,  now  an  island, 

originally  annexed  to  the  continent :)  but  here  the 

query  may  be  propounded,  how  these  heretics  {mys- 

Heal  wolves  not  sparing  the  flocks)  first  entered  into 

this  island.    And  indeed  we  meet  neither  with  their 

names,  nor  manner  of  transportation  hither,  but  only 

with  the  cursed  fruit  of  their  labours.     And  it  is 

observable,  that  immediately  after  that  this  kingdom 

was  infected  with  Arianism,  the  pagan  Picts  and 

Scots  out  of  the  north  made  a  general  and  desperate 

invasion  of  if.     It  being  just  with  Grod,  when  his 

vineyard  beginneth  to  bring  forth  wild  grapes,  then 

to  let  loose  the  wild  boar,  to  take  his  full  and  free 

repast  upon  it*. 

A.  D.  379.      22.  In  this  woeful  condition,  vain  were  the  com- 

uiurping    plaiuts  of  the  oppressed  Britons  for  assistance  unto 

expSeA*  Gratian  and  Valentinian  the  Roman  emperors,  who, 

out  rfj£i-  ^^^^^  wsLjs  employed,  neglected  to  send  them  suc- 

**^         cour.     This  gave  occasion  to  Maximus,  a  Spaniard 

by  birth*,  (though  accounted  bom  in  this  island  by 


<i  Acts  XX.  29. 

T  Ammianus  Marcellinns  in 
the  beginning  of  his  twentieth 
book  maketh  this  eruption  to 
happen  anno  360,  which  con- 
tinued many  years  after.  [See 
Usher,  ib.  306,  307.] 

8  [Of  this  charge  of  Arianism 
thus  brought  against  the  early 
British  church,  see  Stilling- 
fleet,  ib.  p.  146.  The  whole 
imputation  rests  however  upon 


the  obscure  passage  of  Oildss 
quoted  in  the  text,  which  has 
been  transcribed  by  Bede  into 
hisEcclesiastical  History.  Usher 
attribut-es  the  diffusion  of  Ari- 
anism into  this  part  of  the 
world  to  Valentinian,  who  in 
the  year  383  declared  himself 
a  patron  of  the  Arian  heresy.] 
t  Zosim.  Histor.  [iv.  35,  or 
p.  247.  ed.  Oxon.  1679.] 


CE»T.  IV.  of  Britain.  71 

Qur  homebred  authors",)  to  be  chosen  emperor  of  a. 0.382 
the  west  of  Europe  by  a  predominant  faction  in  his 
annj,  who  for  a  time  valiantly  resisted  the  Scots 
and  Picts,  which  cruelly  invaded  and  infested  the 
south  of  Britain.  For  these  nations  were  invincible, 
whilst,  like  two  arms  of  the  same  body,  they  assisted 
each  other;  but  when  the  Picts  (the  right  arm 
bdng  most  strong  and  active)  suffered  themselves 
to  be  quietly  bound  up  by  the  peace  concluded,  the 
Scots  ^,  as  their  own  authors  confess^,  were  quickly 
conquered  and  dispersed.  But  Maximus,  whose 
mam  design  was  not  to  defend  Britain  from  enemies, 
but  confirm  himself  in  the  empire,  sailed  over  with 
the  flower  of  the  British  nation  into  France ;  where, 
having  conquered  the  natives  in  Armorica,  he  be- 
stowed the  whole  country  upon  his  soldiers,  from 
them  named  at  this  day  Little  Britain^. 

28.  But  Ireland  will  noways  allow  that  name  unto  a.  d.  383 

Britain  in 

it,  pleading  itself  to  be  anciently  called  the  Lesser  France 
Britain,  in  authentic  authors':    and  therefore  this  queil^*^rn< 
FVench   Britain   must   be  contented   to   bear  that^^"® 
name,   with   the   difference   of  the    third   brother, 
except  any  will  more  properly  say,  that  the  French 

^  Gildas,  [Hist,  chap.x.  p.4.  land^  the   cradle    of  what    is 

But  it  is  questionable  whether  now     called     Scotland.      See 

Gildas  means  that  he  was  born  Usher,  ib.  3 1 0.] 

in  Britain^  or  commenced,  as  ^  John  Fordun,  Scoto.Chro- 


reelly  the  fact,  his  usurpa-  nic.  ii.  54. 
tion  in  this  island.]    H.  Hunt-        y  [See  Gul.  Malmesbur.  de 

ing.  Hist.    [i.  p.   176  b.  ed.  gestis  Regum,  f.  3.  ed.  1596.] 
i596.]Oalfnd.Monmouth.[fol.         '    Ptolemy    calls    it    luKpa 

37  J  and  before  the  three  latter,  Bptrrapia,    ii.    6.    p.    31.    ed. 

EUielwerdiis^  Chron.  i.  [p.  474.  Grsc.    [I  cannot  find  this  pas. 

ed.  1596.      Of  Maximus^  see  saee   in   Ptolemy.      Gale  has 

Usher,  ib.  106.]  collected  the  passages  of  this 

w  [It  is  certainly  more  than  writer,  which  relate  to  England 

probable  that  the  Scots  here  and  Ireland,  in  his  Scriptor.  i. 

mentioned  were  natives  of  Ire-  p.  735  sq.] 

F  4 


72  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.383.  Britain  is  the  daughter  of  our  Britain,  which  infimt, 
when  she  asks  her  mother  blessing,  doth  not  jabber 
so  strangely,  but  that  she  is  perfectly  understood  by 
her  parent.  Although  one  will  hardly  believe  what 
is  generally  reported,  namely,  that  these  French 
Britons  were  so  ambitious  to  preserve  their  native 
language,  that,  marrying  French  women,  they  cut 
out  their  wives'  tongues,  for  fear  they  should  infect 
their  children's  speech  with  a  mixture  of  French 
words*.  Here  the  Britons  lived,  and  though  they 
had  pawned  their  former  wives  and  children  at 
home,  they  had  neither  the  honesty  nor  affection  to 
return  thither  to  redeem  the  pledges  leff  behind 
them.  Strange  that  they  should  so  soon  forget  their 
native  soil !  But  as  the  lodestone,  when  it  is  rubbed 
over  with  the  juice  of  onions,  forgetteth  its  property 
to  draw  iron  any  longer,  so  though  we  allow  an  at- 
tractive virtue  in  one's  ovm.  country,  yet  it  loseth 
that  alluring  quality,  when  the  said  place  of  one's 
birth  is  steeped  in  a  sad  and  sorrowfiil  condition,  as 
the  state  of  Britain  stood  at  this  present.  And 
therefore  these  travellers,  having  found  a  new  habi- 
tation nearer  the  sun,  and  further  from  suffering, 
there  quietly  set  up  their  rest. 
A.D.388.  24.  But  not  long  after,  Maximus  marching  to- 
JJ^S'hu  wards  Italy,  was  overcome  and  killed  at  Aquilegia  **. 
J^^  ^  A  prince  not  unworthy  of  his  great  name,  bad  he 
i^y-  been  lifted  up  to  the  throne  by  a  regular  election, 
and  not  tossed  up  to  the   same   in  a  tumultuous 

*  Heylin's  Geogr.  in  the  de-  who  is  generally  very  accurate 

scription  of  France^  [p.  93.  ed.  in   his  chronology,  refers  the 

1627.    Such  is  the  statement  death  of  Maximus  to  the  year 

of    Nenuius^   Hist.   Brit.   ch.  386,  but  Fuller  follows  Usher, 

xxiii.J  ib.  p.  310.] 

*»  [Florence   of  Worcester, 


CENT.  IV. 


of  Britain. 


73 


maimer.  This  makes  St.  Ambrose^  Gildas,  and  a.d  a^g- 
other  authors*  violently  to  inveigh  against  his  me- 
mory, notwithstanding  his  many  most  honourable 
achievements.  This  difference  we  may  observe  be- 
twixt bastards  and  usurpers :  the  former,  if  proving 
eminent,  are  much  bemoaned,  because  merely  pas- 
sive in  the  blemish  of  their  birth ;  whilst  usurpers, 
though  behaving  themselves  never  so  gallantly,  never 
gain  general  good-will,  because  actually  evil  in  their 
original,  as  it  fared  with  Maximus,  who,  by  good 
using,  could  never  make  reparation  for  his  bad 
getting  of  the  empire.  Surely  Britain  had  cause  to 
curse  him  for  draining  it  of  her  men  and  munition ; 
so  leaving  it  a  trunk  of  a  commonwealth,  without 
head  or  hands,  wisdom  or  valour,  effectually  to  ad- 
vise or  execute  any  thing  in  its  own  defence®;  all 
whose  strength  consisted  in  multitudes  of  people, 


®  Orat.  de  obitu  Theodosii. 
[§.  39.  II.  p.  1209.  ed.  1690.] 
^  Sulpitius  Severus,  Dialog. 
II.  7. 

<  [The  effect  of  these  am. 
bitious  designs  of  Maximus^ 
and  of  Constantius,  who  in  the 
year  406  followed  the  same 
course,  is  strikingly  told  by 
William  of  Malmsbury.  **  Maxi- 
mus homo  aptus  imperio  si 
non  contra  ndem  ad  tyran. 
*'  nidem  anhelasset^  quasi  ab 
*'  exerdtu  impulsus  purpuram 
"  induit,  statimque  in  Galliam 
^  transitum  parans,  ex  pro- 
'*  vincia  omnem  pene  militem 
*'  abrasit.  Constantinus  etiam 
quidam  non  multo  post  ibi- 
dem spe  nominis  imperator 
allectus,  quicquid  residuum 
"  erat  militaris  roboris  exhau- 
"  sit.    Sed  alter  a  Theodosio^ 


€t 


€i 


« 


it 


r« 


€( 


€( 


'*  alter  ab  Honorio  interfecti, 
"  rebus  humanis  ludibrio  fii- 
*'  erunt.  Copiarum  quae  illos 
"  ad  bellum  secutae  fuerant, 
"  pars  occisa^  pars  post  fugam 
"  ad  superiores  Brittones  con- 
cessit. Ita  cum  tjrranni  nul- 
lum in  agris  pneter  semibar- 
"  baros,  nullum  in  urbibus 
'*  preeter  ventrideditos  reliquis- 
*'  sent,  Britannia  omni  patro- 
'*  cinio  militaris  vigoris  vidua- 
"  t&,  omni  artium  exercitio  ex- 
''inanita,  oonterminarum  gen- 
'*  tium  inhiationi  diu  obnoxia 
"  fuit,"  f.  3.  See  also  Bede 
£ccl.  Hist.  i.  II.  The  supe- 
riores Britannos  are  the  natives 
of  Brittany.  For  Malmsbury 
uses  the  term  superiores  to  dis- 
tinguish the  natives  of  the  con- 
tinent from  this  island.] 


74  The  Church  History  book  i, 

A.D.  388.  where  number  was  not  so  great  a  benefit  as  disorder 
was  a  burden:    which   encouraged   the  Picts  (the 
truce  expired)  to  harass  all  the  land  with  fire  and 
sword.     The  larger  prosecution  whereof  we  leave  to 
the  chronicles  of  the  state,  only  touching  it  here  by 
way  of  excuse  for  the  briefness  and  barrenness  of 
our  ecclesiastical  history,  the  sadness  of  the  com- 
monwealth being  a  just  plea  for  the  silence  of  the 
church. 
A.D.390.      25.  We  conclude  this  century  when  we  have  told 
pilgrimages  the  reader,  that  about  this  time  the  fathers  tell  us^ 
tons  to  Jel  ^^^  pilgrimages  of  the  Britons  began  to  be  frequent 
JJ^J^f    a^  ftiJ  8^  Jerusalem,  there  not  only  to  visit  Christ's 
Keby  Kyed  gepulchro,  but  also  to  behold  Simon  Stilita  a  pious 

quietly  in         ^  ^  '- 

Anfljbwy.  man,  and  Melania  a  devout  woman,  both  residing  in 
Syria,  and  at  this  time  eminent  for  sanctity  i^.  Per- 
chance discontentment  mingled  with  devotion  moved 
the  Britons  to  so  long  a  journey,  conceiving  them- 
selves, because  of  their  present  troubles  at  home, 
more  safe  any  where  else  than  in  their  own  cotmtry. 
As  for  those  Britons  who  in  this  age  were  zealous 
asserters  of  the  purity  of  religion  against  the  poison 
of  Arianism,  amongst  them  we  find  St.  Keby,  a  prin- 
cipal champion,  son  to  Salomon  duke  of  Cornwall, 
scholar  to  St.  Hilary  bishop  of  Poictiers  in  France, 
with  whom  he  lived  50  years,  and  by  whom,  being 
made  bishop,  he  returned  first  to  St.  David's,  after- 
wards into  Ireland,  and  at  last  fixed  himself  in^the 
isle  of  Anglesey.     So  pious  a  man,  that  he  might 


'  Hieronymiis     [in     Epist.  1033.  Bib.  Magnse  Vet.   Pa- 

Paul.  et  Bust,  ad  Marcel,  torn.  trum.  ed.  de  la  Bigne,  1654*] 
^«  P*  '55'    «P;  17-  ^«  Paris.         »  [See  Usher,  ib.  109,  408, 

1 609.]   Palladius  Ghdata,  Hist.  411.] 
Lausiac.  c.    119.  [in  t.  XIII. 


CXKT.  IV.  of  Britain.  75 

seem  to  have  communicated  sanctity  to  the  place,  a.d.  390. 
being  a  promontory  into  the  sea,  called  from  him 
Holyhead ;  (but  in  Welsh  Caer-guiby :)  as  in  the  same 
island,  the  memory  of  his  master  is  preserved  in 
Hilary-point;  where  both  shall  be  remembered,  as 
long  as  there  be  either  waves  to  assault  the  shore,  or 
rocks  to  resist  them. 


THE  FIFTH  CENTURY. 


TO  THOMAS  BIDE  OF  LONDON,  ESQ.' 

Amongst  your  many  good  qualities,  I  have  particularly 
observed  your  Judicious  delight  in  the  mathematics. 
Seeing  there/ore  this  century  hath  so  much  of  the  sur- 
veyor therein,  being  employed  in  the  exact  dividing  of 
the  English  shires  betwixt  the  seven  Saxon  kingdoms, 
the  proportions  herein  are  by  me  submitted  to  your  cen- 
sure and  approbation. 

10W  the  Arian  heresy,  by  God's  provi- 
dence and  good  men's  diligence,  was  in 
some  measure  suppressed,  when  the 
unwearied  malice  of  Satan  (who  never 
leaveth  off,  though  often  changeth  his 
ways  to  seduce  souls)  brought "  in  a  worse,  be- 
cause more  plausible,  heresy  of  Pelagianismc.  For 
every  man  is  bom  a  Pelagian,  naturally  proud  of 
his  power,  and  needeth  little  art  to  teach  him  to 
think  well  of  himself  This  Pelagius  was  a  Biiton 
by  birth,  (as  we  take  no  delight  to  confess  it,  so 
we  will  tell  no  lie  to  deny  it,)  as  some  say  called 
Mo^gan^  that  is  in  Welsh, "  near  the  sea,"  (and  well 
had  it  been  for  the  Christian  world  if  he  had  been 
nearer  the  sea,  and  served  therein  as  the  Egyptians 
served  the  Hebrew  males,)  being  to  the  same  sense 

'  [Arms.    Or,  on  a  pile  en-         *<  Usber,  de  Brit.  Ecc.  Prim, 

grailed,    az.   three  anchorB  of  p.  107=111.  et   Hen.    Spel- 

the  field.  B.]  man  in  Concil.  1. 46.  [Wilkina' 

«  [Bede  E.  H.  i.  1  o.]  Condi.  IV.  7 1  a.] 


CENT.  V.         The  Church  History  of  Britain,  Tt 

called  in  Latin  Pelagius.  Let  no  foreigner  insult  on  a.  P.  401. 
the  infelicity  of  our  land  in  bearing  this  monster ; 
but  consider  first,  if  his  excellent  natural  parts,  and 
eminent  acquired  learning  might  be  separated  from 
his  dangerous  doctrine,  no  nation  need  be  ashamed 
to  acknowledge  him.  Secondly,  Britain  did  but 
breed  Pelagius,  Pelagius  himself  bred  his  heresy,  and 
in  foreign  parts  where  he  travelled.  Prance,  Syria, 
Egypt,  Rome  itself,  if  not  first  invented,  much  im- 
proved his  pestilent  opinions.  Lastly,  as  our  island 
is  to  be  pitied  for  breeding  the  person,  so  she  is  to  be 
praised  for  opposing  the  errors  of  Pelagius.  Thus  the 
best  father  cannot  forbid  the  worst  son  from  being 
his  child,  but  may  debar  him  from  being  his  heir, 
affording  no  favour  to  countenance  his  badness. 

2.  It  is  memorable  what  one  relates*,  that  the  Pehghi*  no 
same  day  whereon  Pelagius  was  bom  in  Britain,  Cambridge, 
St.  Augustine  was  also  bom  in  Afric;  divine  pro- J^bJJ^^. 
vidence  so  disposing  it,  that  the  poison  and  the  anti- 
dote should  be  twins  in  a  manner,  in  respect  of  the 
same  time.  To  pass  from  the  birth  to  the  breeding 
of  Pelagius ;  John  Cajus^  who  observes  eight  solemn 
destructions  of  Cambridge  before  the  conquest,  im- 
puteth  that  which  was  the  third  in  order  to  Pela- 
gius; who  being  a  student  there,  and  having  his 
doctrine  opposed  by  the  orthodox  divines,  cruelly 
caused  the  overthrow  and  desolation  of  all  the  uni- 
versity. But  we  hope  it  will  be  accounted  no  point 
of  Pelagianism  for  us  thus  far  to  improve  oiur  free- 
will, as  to  refuse  to  give  credit  hereunto  till  better 
authority  be  produced.  And  yet  this  sounds  much 
to  the  commendation  of  Cambridge,  that,  like  a  pure 

^  Dempster,  Hist.  Scot.  1.  xv.  §.1012.      ^  Hist.  Cantab,  p.  38. 


78  The  Church  History  book  f  • 

A.D.401.  crystal  glass,  it  would  prefer  rather  to  fly  a  pieces 
and  be  dissolved,  than  to  endure  poison  put  into  it, 
according  to  the  character  which  John  Lidgate,  a 
wit  of  those  times,  gave  of  the  university : 

Of  heresy  Cambridge  bare  never  blamed 

More  true  it  is  that  Pelagius  was  bred  in  the  mo- 
nastery of  Banchor,  in  that  part  of  Flintshire  which 
at  this  day  is  a  separatist  from  the  rest,  where  he 
lived  with  two  thousand  monks,  industrious  in  their 
callings,  whose  hands  were  the  only  benefactors  for 
their  bellies;  abbey  labourers,  not  abbey  lubbers, 
like  their  successors  in  after-ages,  who,  living  in 
laziness,  abused  the  bounty  of  their  patrons  to  riot 
and  excess. 

The  prin-       3.  Infinite  are  the  deductions  and  derived  conse- 

ofPcfa^. quences  of  Pelagius  his  errors. 
These  are  the  main : 

1.  That  a  man  might  be  saved  without  God's  grace 
by  his  own  merits  and  freewill, 

2.  That  infants  were  bom  without  original  sin, 
and  were  as  innocent  as  Adam  before  his  Ml. 

3.  That  they  were  baptized  not  to  be  freed  from 
sin,  but  thereby  to  be  adopted  into  the  kingdom  of 
God. 

4.  That  Adam  died  not  by  reason  of  his  sin,  but 
by  the  condition  of  nature ;  and  that  he  should  have 
died  albeit  he  had  not  sinned. 

Here  to  recount  the  learned  works  of  fathers 
written,  their  pious  sermons  preached,  passionate 
epistles  sent,  private  conferences  entertained,  public 
disputations    held,    provincial    sjmods    summoned, 

1  In  his  poeui  of  Cambridge^  [quoted  in  Twyne's  Antiq.  Acad. 
Oxon.  p.  14.] 


cnrr.  v. 


of  Britain. 


79 


general  councils  called,  wholesome  canons  made  to  A.D.401. 
eonfiite  and  condemn  these  opinions,  under  the 
'name  of  Pelagius,  or  his  scholar  Coelestius,  would 
amount  to  a  Tolume  fitter  for  a  porter's  back  to  bear, 
than  a  scholar's  brains  to  peruse.  I  decline  the  em- 
ployment, both  as  over  painful,  and  nothing  proper 
to  our  business  in  hand,  fearing  to  cut  my  fingers  if 
I  put  my  sickle  into  other  men's  com,  these  things 
being  transacted  beyond  the  seas,  and  not  belonging 
to  the  British  history.  The  rather,  because  it  cannot 
be  proved  that  Pelagius  in  person  ever  dispersed  his 
poison  in  this  island,  but  ranging  abroad,  (perchance 
because  this  &lse  prophet  counted  himself  without 
honour  in  his  own  country^)  had  his  emissaries  here, 
and  principally  Agricola,  the  son  of  Severian  a 
bishop™. 

4.  It  is  incredible  how  speedily  and  generally  the  j^  ^•,  **?• 

French  bi" 

infection  spread  by  his   preaching,  advantaged  no  shops  lent 
doubt  by  the  ignorance  and  laziness  of  the  British  pms  pX- 
bishops  in  those  days,  none  of  the  deepest  divines  or§J^^™ 


"  Bede  E.  H.  i.  1 7.  [Pelagius 
first  endeavoured  to  pave  the 
way  for  his  heresy  in  his  letter  to 
Paulinus  bishop  of  Nola  in  the 
year  405.  (Usher,  ib.  p.  1 11.) 
i'elagius  was  dead  by  the  year 
430  (Id.  p.  166.),  but  his  he- 
resy was  promoted,  especially 
in  the  west,  by  his  disciples 
Ccelestius  and  Julianus,  and  in 
this  island  by  Agricola  (Bede, 
£ccl.  Hist.  i.  17.)  The  disse- 
mination of  these  errors  by 
Agricola  is  referred  by  Flo- 
rence of  Worcester  to  the  year 
429,  in  which  year  he  also 
places  the  mission  of  Germanus 
and  Lupus,  and  their  successful 


efforts  in  restoring  this  island 
to  its  orthodox  and  primitive 
faith.  From  the  words  of 
Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  17,  it 
clearly  appears  that  the  Pela- 
gian heresy  was  checked  in  its 
early  stage  in  this  island,  which 
renders  the  account  of  the 
rapid  success  of  Germanus  and 
Lnpus  the  more  probable, 
though  scarcely  consistent  with 
the  expression  of  some  writers, 
who  have  represented  it  as  if 
the  whole  island  had  been  in- 
fected by  Pelagianism.  See 
those  quoted  by  Usher,  ib. 
172.J 


80  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.410.  most  learned  clerks,  as  having  little  care,  and  less 
comfort  to  study,  living  in  a  distracted  state ;  and 
those  that  feel  practical  discords  will  have  little  joy ' 
to  busy  themselves  with  controversial  dignity.  How- 
ever, herein  their  discretion  is  to  be  conmiended, 
that  finding  their  own  forces  too  feeble  to  encounter 
so  great  a  foe,  they  craved  the  assistance  of  foreigners 
out  of  France,  and  sent  for  Germane,  bishop  of 
Auxerre,  and  Lupus,  bishop  of  Troyes,  not  being  of 
their  envious  and  proud  disposition,  who  had  rather 
suffer  a  good  cause  to  fall,  than  to  borrow  supporters 
to  hold  it  up,  lest  thereby  they  disgrace  themselves, 
confessing  their  own  insuflSciency,  and  preferring  the 
ability  of  others.  The  two  bishops  cheerfully  em- 
braced the  emplojrment,  and  undertook  the  journey, 
no  whit  discouraged  with  the  length  of  the  way, 
danger  of  the  sea,  and  badness  of  the  winter ;  seeing 
all  weather  is  fair  to  a  willing  mind,  and  opportu- 
nity to  do  good  is  the  greatest  preferment  which  a 
humble  heart  doth  desire.  This  Lupus  was  brother 
to  Vincentius  Lirinensis",  husband  to  Pimeniola, 
the  sister  of  Hilary,  archbishop  of  Aries®;  one  of 
such  learning  and  sanctity,  that  a  grave  author  of 
those  times  styleth  him  a  father  of  fathers,  and 
bishop  of  bishops,  yea,  another  James  of  that  age  p. 
And  yet  in  this  employment  he  was  but  a  second  to 
Germane  the  principal ;  and  both  of  them,  like  Paul 
and  Barnabas,  jointly  advanced  the  design *>. 


°  Eucherius  de  laude  Eremi  ed.  Sirmondi  1652.] 

ad  Hilarium,  [§  42.  T.  vi.  866.  M  [They  were  sent  over  by 

Bib.  Max.  Patr.  Lugd.  1677.]  pope  Celestine  at  the  instiga- 

o  Usher  de  Brit.  Eccl.  Pri-  tion    of    Palladius    Diaconus. 

mord.  p.  325=  175.  Flor.  Wigorn.  ib.] 

P  Sidonius  [vi.  ep.  i.  p.  155. 


CSHT.  V.  of  Britain.  81 

5.  Coming  into  Britain,  with  their  constant  labours  A.D.  499 
they  confirmed  the  orthodox,  and  reclaimed  the  erro-  Oermanui 
neous,  preaching  openly  in  fields  and  highways',  comfi  orer 
As  the  king's  presence  makes  a  court,  so  theirs  did  ^  BnSn 
a  church,  of  any  place;  their  congregation  being 
bounded  with  no  other  walls  than  the  preacher's 
voice,  and  extending  as  far  as  he  could  intelligibly    • 

be  heard.  As  for  their  formal  disputation  with  the 
Pelagian  doctors,  take  it  from  the  pen  of  Bede  and 
mouth  of  Stapleton  translating  him*. 

6.  **  The  authoui's  and  head  professours  of  hereticall  Their  dis- 

,  putation 

•*  errour  lay  lurking  all  this  while,  and  like  the  wicked  with  the 
•*  sprites,  much  spighted  to  see  the  people  daily  to  fall dwtlS^* 
**  from  them.  At  length,  after  long  advisement 
**  used,  they  taketh  upon  them  to  try  the  matter  by 
**  open  disputation ;  which  being  agreed  upon,  they 
**  come  forth  richly  appointed,  gorgiously  apparaled, 
**  accompanied  with  a  number  of  flattering  favours, 
**  having  leifer*  to  commit  their  cause  to  open  dis- 
**  puting,  then  to  seem  to  the  people,  whom  they 
**  had  subverted,  to  have  nothing  to  say  in  defence 
**  thereof.  Thether  resorted  a  great  multitude  of 
**  people  with  their  wives  and  childeren.  The  people 
was  present  both  to  see  and  judge  the  matter :  the 
parties  there  were  farre  unleke  of  condition.  In  the 
**  one  side  was  the  Faith,  on  the  other  man's  Pre- 
**  sumption ;  on  the  one  side  Meeknesse,  on  the  other 
"  Pride ;  on  the  one  side  Pelagius,  on  the  other 
"  Christ.     First  of  all  the  blessed  priest  Germanus 


*■  Per  trivia,  per  rura,  [per  of  Stapleton's  words,  take  it 

devia.]   [Bede,  E.  H.  ib.]  with   all  the  printer's   faults, 

*  [Stapleton*8     Trandation  done  probably  by  an  outlandish 

of  Bede,  p.  25,  b.  ed.  1565.]  press. 

^  Not  presuming  to  alter  any 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  G 


it 


SSt  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D»4a9-  **  and  Lupus  gave  their  adversaries  leave  to  speak, 

"  which  vainly  occupied  both  the  time  and  eares  of 

the   people  with   naked  words.      But   after   the 

reverend  Bishops  poored  out  their  flowing  words, 

confirmed  with  scriptures  out  of  the  Gospels  and 

"  Apostles,  they  joyned  with  their  own  words  the 

words  of  God ;  and  after  they  had  said  their  own 

mind,  they  read  other  men's  minds  upon  the  same. 

"  Thus  the  vanite  of  hereticks  is  convicted,  and  false- 

"  hed  is  confuted ;  so  that  at  every  objection  they 

"  were  forced  in  effect  to  confesse  their  errour,  not 

"  being   able  to   answerc  them.     The  people   had 

"  much  to  do  to  keep  their  hands  from  them,  yet 

**  shewed  their  judgement  by  their  clamours." 

Many  re-        7-  A  Conference  every  way  admirable.     First,  in 

inthudit-  the  Opponents,  who  came  forth  gallantly,  as  ante- 

imtation.    jg^^jjjg  ^.j^^  couqucst,  and  bringing  the  spoils  of  their 

victory  with  them.  But  gay  clothes  are  no  armour 
for  a  combat.  Secondly,  in  the  defendants  of  the 
truth,  appealing  to  no  unwritten  traditions,  but  to 
the  scriptures  of  the  Gospels  and  Apostles ;  because 
the  point  of  grace  controverted  appeared  most 
plainly  in  the  New  Testament.  Thirdly,  in  the 
auditors,  or,  as  they  are  called,  the  judges,  men, 
women,  and  children.  Wonder  not  at  this  feminine 
auditory,  seeing  they  were  as  capable  of  the  antidote 
as  of  the  poison :  and  no  doubt  the  Pelagians  had 
formerly  (as  other  heretics)  ci'ept  into  hotises  to  se- 
duce silly  women\  and  therefore  now  the  plaster  must 
be  as  broad  as  the  sore.  As  for  children,  we  know 
who  it  was  that  said,  Suffer  little  children  to  come 
unto   me^   and  forbid  them   not,   &c."      But   here, 

*  2  Tim.  iii.  6. 

«  Matt.  xix.  14.     In  Latin,  not  pucri,  but  liberi. 


CKKT.  V.  of  Britain.  88 

though  called  children  in  relation  to  their  parents,  A.D.435 
they  might  be  in  good  age  and  capacity  of  under- 
standing ;  or  if  they  were  little  ones  indeed,  flocking 
out  of  fashion  in  a  general  concourse  to  see  these 
men  speak  divine  mysteries,  they  could  not  here- 
after, when  grown  old,  date  their  remembrance  from 
a  more  remarkable  epoch.  See  we  here  that  in  these 
times  the  laity  were  so  well  acquainted  with  God's 
word,  that  they  could  competently  judge  what  was 
or  was  not  spoken  in  proportion  thereunto.  Lastly 
and  chiefly,  in  the  success  of  this  conference.  For 
though  generally  such  public  disputations  do  make 
more  noise  than  take  effect,  (because  the  obstinate 
maintainers  of  error  come  with  their  tongues  tipt 
with  clamorousness,  as  their  proselyte  auditors  do 
with  ears  stopped  with  prejudice,)  yet  this  meeting, 
by  Grod's  blessing,  was  marvellously  powerful  to 
establish  and  convert  the  people.  But  here  a  main 
difiiculty  is  by  authors  left  wholly  untouched,  namely, 
in  what  language  this  conference  was  entertained 
and  managed,  that  Germanus  and  Lupus,  two  French 
bishops,  and  foreigners,  could  both  speak  with  fluent- 
n^s,  and  be  understood  with  facility.  Perchance 
the  ancient  Grauls  in  France,  whence  these  bishops 
came,  spake  still  (as  they  did  anciently)  one  and  the 
selfsame  tongue  with  the  Britons,  differing  rather  in 
dialect  than  language^;  or,  which  is  more  probable, 
both  France  and  Britain,  remaining  as  yet  Roman 
provinces,  spake  a  coarse  vulgar  Latin,  though 
invaded  with  a   mixture  of  many  base  words,  as 

▼  [That  sacli  was  the  fact,  at  to  this  island,  would  scarcely 

all  events  in  the  Saxon  times,  have    taken    his    interpreters 

is  plain ;  for  otherwise  St.  Au-  from  France.  See  Bede,  £.  H. 

gustine,  when  on  his  mission  i.  25.] 

G  2 


84  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.  D.  439.  Britain  especially,  now  or  near  this  time,  was  infested 

with  foreign  barbarous  nations. 
St.  Aiban'8      8.  This  Conference  was  held  at  St.  Alban's,  even 
the  a>n-  ^  where  at  this  day  a  small  chapel  is  extant  to  the 
erenoe.     Jiq^qu^  Qf  g^    German,  though  Hector  Boethius'' 

assigns  London  the  place;  adding  moreover,  that 
such  obstinate  Pelagians  as  would  not  be  reclaimed, 
were,  for  their  conttmiacy,  burnt  by  the  king's 
officers.  But  it  will  be  hard  to  find  any  spark  of 
fire  in  Britain  or  elsewhere,  employed  on  heretics  in 
this  age.  We  may  observe,  that  the  aforesaid  Hector 
Boethius  and  Polydore  Virgil,  (writing  the  chronicles, 
the  one  of  Scotland,  the  other  of  England,  at  the 
same  time,)  as  they  bear  the  poetical  names  of  two 
sons  of  Priamus,  so  they  take  to  themselves  much 
liberty  of  fancy  and  fiction  in  their  several  histories. 
Gennanui  9.  Not  loug  after,  the  aid  of  Germanus  and  Lupus 
against  the  was  implored,  and  employed  an  hundred  miles  off  in 
and^&uLoua!  another  service,  against  the  pagan  Picts  and  Saxons. 
Here  we  meet  with  the  first  mention  of  Saxons, 
being  some  straggling  volunteers  of  that  nation, 
coming  over  to  pillage  here  of  their  own  accord,  not 
many  years  before  they  were  solemnly  invited  hither 
under  Horsus  and  Hengistus,  their  generals.  Ger- 
manus, after  the  Lent  well  spent,  in  the  fasting  of 
their  bodies  and  feasting  of  their  souls,  (for  the 
people  had  daily  sermons*,)  and  the  solemnity  of 
Easter  festival  duly  celebrated,  wherein  he  christened 
multitudes  of  pagan  converts  in  the  river  Aleny, 
marched  with  an  army  of  them,  whilst  their  bap- 
tismal water  was  scarce  wiped  from  their  bodies. 


^  Scot.   Hi8t.  lib.  viii.  [p.         X  Bede,  E.  H.  i.  20. 
I45»  b]  y  [In  Flintshire.] 


CENT.  V. 


of  Britain. 


85 


against  the  aforesaid  enemies,  whom  he  fomid  in  the  A.D.439. 
north-east  of  Wales.  Here  the  pious  bishop,  turning 
politic  engineer,  chose  a  place  of  advantage,  being  a 
hollow  dale  surrounded  with  hills,  near  the  village 
called  at  this  day  by  the  English  Mold,  by  the 
British  Guid-cruc,  in  Flintshire,  where  the  field  at 
this  day  retains  the  name  of  Maes  Garmony,  or 
Grerman's  Field;  the  more  remarkable,  because  it 
hath  escaped  (as  few  of  this  note  and  nature)  the 
exact  observation  of  master  Camden*. 

10.  Here  Germanus  placed  his  men  in  ambush,  a  victory 
with  instructions,  that  at  a  signal  given  they  should  ^r^, 
all  shout  Hallelujah  three  times  with  all  their  might,  \^^  *  *^*" 
which  was  done  accordingly.     The  pagans  were  sur- 
prised with  the  suddenness  and  loudness  of  such  a 
sound,  much  multiplied  by  the  advantage   of  the 


ing. 


y  Usher  de  Brit.  Ecc.  Pri- 
mord.  p.  333=179. 

«  [From  the  absence  of  au- 
thentic materials,  this  portion 
of  British  history  is  involved 
in  hopeless  confusion.  Nen- 
niofl,  one  of  the  principal  au- 
thorities, (for  Bede  has  given 
only  a  cursory  account  of  the 
period,)  is  so  completely  cor- 
rupted and  interpolated^  his 
chronology  so  confused,  as  to 
defy  all  attempts  at  arrange- 
ment, and  fiirnish  no  clue  for 
reducing  the  contradictory 
statements  of  our  chroniclers 
into  harmony  and  consistency. 
By  Nennius  the  reign  of  Vor- 
tigem  is  placed  about  the  year 
440  (Hist.  Brit,  xxriii.),  the 
reception  of  Hengist  and  Horsa 
in  447,  and  the  mission  of 
€rermanus  about  the  same  pe- 
riod. But  according  to  Bede, 
the  mission  of  Germanus  took 


place  some  years  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Saxons,  (Eccl. 
Hist.  i.  17.),  probably  in  429 
(see  Flor.  Wigorn.  in  429,) 
and  the  arrival  of  the  Saxons 
in  450  (Eccl.  Hist.  i.  15.  Flor. 
Wigorn.  in  450) ;  and  yet  Bede 
speaks  of  the  defeat  of  the 
combined  forces  (Saxones  Pic- 
tique — junctis  viribus)  of  the 
Picts  and  the  Saxons  by  Ger- 
manus in  this  first  mission,  and 
not  as  if  these  Saxons  were,  as 
Fuller  has  represented,  "  some 
"  straggling  volunteers."  The 
authority  of  later  chroniclers 
upon  this  topic  is  of  little 
value,  their  narratives  though 
sometimes  woven  together  with 
much  seeming  consistency, 
(such  as  Matthew  of  West- 
minster,) having  been  derived 
from  the  legendary  tales  of 
Geoffry  of  Monmouth.] 

G  3 


86  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.429-  echo,  whereby  their  fear  brought  in  a  false  list  of 
their  enemies'  number ;  and  rather  trusting  their  ears 
than  their  eyes,  they  reckoned  their  foes   by  the 
increase  of  the  noise  rebounded  unto  them;  and  then 
allowing  two  hands  for  every  mouth,  how  vast  was 
their  army !  But  besides  the  concavity  of  the  valleys 
improving  the  sound,  God  sent  a  hollowness  into  the 
hearts  of  the  pagans,  so  that  their  apprehensions 
added  to  their  ears,  and  cowardice  often  resounded 
the  same  shout  in  their  breasts,  till  beaten  with  the 
reverberation  thereof,  without  striking  a  stroke,  they 
confusedly  ran  away,  and  many  were  drowned  for 
speed  in  the  river  Alen,  lately  the  Christians'  font, 
now  the  pagans'  grave.     Thus  a  bloodless  victory 
was  gotten,  without  sword  drawn,  consisting  of  no 
fight,  but  a  fright  and  a  flight ;  and  that  hallelujah, 
the  song  of  the  saints  after  conquest  achieved*,  was 
here  the  forerunner  and  procurer  of  victory.     So 
good  a  grace  it  is  to  be  said  both  before  and  after  a 
battle.     Gregory  the  Great  (a  grave  author)  in  his 
Conmient  upon  Job^  makes  mention  of  this  victory, 
occasioned  on  those  words.  Can  any  understand  the 
noise  of  his  tabernacle? 
A.D.  4.;o.      11.  Germanus,  now  twice  a  conqueror,  of  Pelagians 
ill  Hert-     and  pagans,  prepares  for  his  return,  after  first  he  had 
Cc?(^e!'    caused  the  tomb  of  St.  Alban  to  be  opened,  and 
OMii'^re-  therein  deposited  the  relics  of  many  saints  which  he 
tend  to  the  brought  ovcr  with  him,  conceiving  it  fit  (as  he  said) 
of  St.  Ai-    that  their  corpses  should  sleep  in  the  same  grave, 
whose  souls  rested  in  the  same  heaven^.     In  lieu  of 
what  he  left  behind  him,  exchange  is  no  robbery, 

a  Rev.  xix.  I.  Gregory    quoted     by    Usher, 

^   Chap,    xxxvi.     29,      30.     179.] 
[See  the  other  passages  of  St.         c  [Bedc,  E.  H.  i.  18.] 


CENT.  V.  of  Britain,  87 

he  carried  along  with  him  some  of  St.  Alban's  dust,  a.  0.430- 
wherein  spots  of  the  martyr's  blood  were  as  fair  and 
fresh  as  if  shed  but  yesterday**.  But  what  most 
concerns  St.  Alban's  monks  to  stickle  in,  some 
report  German  to  have  carried  the  body  of  Alban  to 
Rome,  whence  some  hundred  years  after,  the  em- 
press to  Otho  the  Second  brought  it  to  Cologne, 
where,  at  this  day,  they  maintain  his  uncorrupted 
body  to  be  enshrined®;  the  monks  of  Ely  in  Cam- 
bridgeshire pretending  to  the  same,  as  also  do  those 
of  Ottonium  or  Osell  in  Denmark.  Thus,  as  Mettus 
Fuflfetius  the  Roman  was  drawn  alive  by  horses  four 
ways,  like  violence  is  offered  to  the  dead  body  of 
Alban,  plucked  to  four  several  places  by  importunate 
competitors  ;  only  with  this  difference,  that  the 
former  was  mangled  into  quarters,  whereas  here  each 
place  pretends  to  have  him  whole  and  entire,  not 
abating  one  hair  of  his  beard  ^:  nor  know  I  how  to 
reconcile  them,  except  any  of  them  dare  say,  though 
without  show  of  probability,  that  as  the  river  in 
Paradise  went  out  of  Eden,  from  whence  it  was 
parted^  and  became  into  four  heads^^  Alban  in  like 
manner,  when  dead,  had  the  same  quality,  of  one  to 
be  multiplied  into  four  bodies. 

12.  Now  after  Germanus  and  Lupus  were  returned  After  the 
home  into  their  native  country,  Pelagianism  began  to  of  Germa- 
sprout  again  in  Britain^.  An  accident  not  so  strange ^"nifm^ 
to  him  that  considers  how  quickly  an  error  much  of  ^j^^"* 
kin  thereunto  grew  up  amongst  the  Galatians  pre- 

^  [See  the  authorities  quoted  [Surius,  ib.] 

in  Usher,  176.]  e  Gen.  ii.  10. 

«  Surius,  vita  Sanct.  Junii  ^  [Bede,  Eccl.  Hist.  i.  21. 

22.  [T.  iii.  233.  ed.  1581.]  Usher,  ib.  204.] 

^  *'  Caput  enim  cum  barba," 

G  4 


88  The  Church  History  book  l 

A.D.430.  sently  on  Paul's  departure.  /  marvel  (said  he)  that 
ye  are  so  soon  removed  from  him  that  called  you 
into  the  grace  of  Christ  unto  another  gospelK  St. 
Paul's  marvelling  may  make  us  marvel  the  less, 
seeing  that  wonder  which  hath  a  precedent  is  not  so 
great  a  wonder.  Here  we  may  sadly  behold  the 
great  proneness  of  men  to  go  astray,  whose  hearts  by 
nature  cold  in  goodness,  will  bum  no  longer  than 

A.D.449.  they  are  blown.  To  suppress  this  heresy,  Germanus 
is  solicited  to  make  a  second  voyage  into  Britain, 
which  he  did  accordingly,  accompanied  with  his 
partner  Severus,  because  Lupus  his  former  com- 
panion was  otherwise  employed.  Hereupon  a  prime 
poet^  of  his  age  makes  this  apostrophe  unto  St. 
German : 

Tuque  O,  cui  toto  discretos  orbe  Britannos 
Bis  penctrare  datum,  bis  intima  cernere  magni 
Monstra  maris : 

O  thou  that  twice  pierced  Britain,  cut  asunder 
From  the  whole  world,  twice  didst  survey  the  wonder 
Of  monstrous  seas. 

The  same  success  still  followed,  and  this  conqueror, 
who  formerly  had  broken  and  scattered  the  main 
body  of  the  Pelagians,  now  routed  the   renmant, 
which  began  to  rally  and  make  head  again  I 
Pelagian-        13.  He  also  Called  a  synod,  wherein  those  damn- 

iam  and 

kingVor-  able  doctrfues  were  condemned"^;  as  also  the  in- 
oStaoiia*""  cestuous  marriage  of  Vortigem  king  of  Britain,  (a 
©raSOTned  kicked  prfuce,  in  whom  all  the  dregs  of  his  vicious 
in  a  synod,  ancostors   Were  settled,)   who   had   took    his    own 

>  Gal.  i.  6.  p.  243.  ed.  BoUand.] 
^  Ericus  Antissiodorensis  in         ^  Bede,  E.  H.  i.  ai. 

vita  S.  German],  [iv.  3.  §.  i  iS.         ^  Mat.  West,  in  anno  449. 

Acta  SS.  die  21  Julii^  T.  vii. 


CENT.  V. 


of  Britain. 


89 


daughter  to  wife".  And  yet  of  this  unlawful  copu-  a. p. 449' 
lation  a  pious  son,  St.  Faustus,  was  bom ;  to  shew 
that  no  crossbar  of  bastardy,  though  doubled  with 
incest,  can  bolt  grace  out  of  that  heart  wherein  God 
will  have  it  to  enter.  Germanus  having  settled 
Britain  in  good  order,  went  back  to  his  own  country, 
where  presently  upon  his  return  he  died,  as  God 
useth  to  send  his  servants  to  bed  when  they  have 
done  all  their  work :  and  by  God's  blessing  on  his 
endeavours,  that  heresy  was  so  cut  down  in  Britain, 
that  it  never  generally  grew  up  again  ®. 

14.  Meantime  the  south  of  this  island  was  in  a  in  vain  the 
woeful  condition,  caused  by  the  daily  incursions  of tiS)n'u)Se 
the  Picts.  As  for  the  Picts'  wall  built  to  restrain  ^*^^^- 
them,  it  beinff  a  better  limit  than  fortification,  served  ^leip  against 

'  °  '  the  Picts. 

rather  to  define  than  defend  the  Roman  empire; 
and  useless  is  the  strongest  wall  of  stone  when  it 
hath  stocks  only  upon  it :  such  was  the  sottish  lazi- 
ness of  the  Britons  to  man  it,  a  nation  at  this  time 


o  Nennius,  c.  [xxxviii.  Gil- 
das,  p.  II.  Usher,  ib.  206.] 

o  [St.  Germanus  died  at  Ra- 
venna, on  a  mission  to  Aetius  in 
behalf  of  the  people  of  Brittany 
(Bede,  E.  H.i.  21.)  It  appears 
that  he  did  not  leave  this  island 
till  the  latter  years  of  his  life. 
There  are  two  calculations  re- 
specting the  date  of  his  arrival 
and  stay  in  the  island;  the 
first  by  Prosper,  from  the  year 
429  to  435  ;  the  other,  accord- 
ing to  Constantius,  who  is  foL 
lowed  by  Bede,  from  the  year 
446  to  453.  Both  are  how- 
ever involved  in  inextricable 
difficulties.  See  Smith's  Bede, 
i.  22.  n. 

Bede's  narrative  of  the  mis- 
sion and  life  of  Germanus  is 


taken  verbally  from  a  life  of 
that  saint  written  by  Constan- 
tius, a  presbyter  of  Lyons,  who 
flourished  about  the  year  480. 
See  the  Acta  Sanctorum,  and 
Surius,  Act.  SS.  ad  diem  Julii 
3 1 .  Another  life  of  Germanus, 
written  in  verse  by  Venantius 
Fortunatus, bishop  of  Poictiers, 
who  flourished  about  the  year 
560,  has  been  published,  by 
Mabillon  in  the  Acta  SS.  Be- 
ned.  Saec.  i.  p.  319,  and  in  the 
Acta  SS.  T.  vi.  Maii  27.  p.  778, 
and  in  Surius  for  the  same 
day.  It  is  not  a  little  strange 
that  so  judicious  a  writer  as 
Malmsbury  should  have  omit- 
ted all  notice  whatever  of  Ger- 
manus and  Lupus.] 


90  Tlie  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.  449-  given  over  to  all  manner  of  sin,  insomuch  as  Gildas 
their  countryman  calls  them  cetatis  atramentum^  ^  the 
"  ink  of  the  age  p."  And  though  God  did  daily  cor- 
rect them  with  inroads  of  pagans,  yet,  like  restive 
horses,  they  went  the  worse  for  beating.  And  now 
the  land  being  exhausted  of  the  flower  of  her  chi- 
valry, (transported  and  disposed  in  Roman  garrisons 
as  £ur  as  Judaea  and  Egypt  itself^,)  could  not  make 
good  her  ground  against  the  Picts,  and  was  fain  to 
request  first  Theodosius  the  younger,  then  Valen- 
tinian,  the  third  Roman  emperor,  (whose  homagers 
the  British  kings  were  until  this  time,)  for  their 
assistance.  They  dispatch  petition  after  petition, 
embassy  on  embassy,  representing  their  woeful  estate. 
Now  the  barbarians  beat  them  to  the  sea,  the  sea 
repelled  them  to  the  barbarians ;  and  thus  bandied 
betwixt  death  and  death,  they  must  either  be  killed 
or  drowned.  They  enforced  their  request  for  aid 
with  much  earnestness  and  importunity ;  all  in  vain, 
seeing  whisperings  and  hoUowings  are  alike  to  a  deaf 
ear,  and  no  answer  was  returned.  Had  they  been  as 
careful  in  bemoaning  their  sins  to  God,  as  clamorous 
to  declare  their  sufferings  to  the  Roman  emperor, 
their  requests  in  heaven  had  been  as  graciously 
received,  as  their  petitions  on  earth  were  carelessly 
rejected  ^ 

P  In  prologo  libri  de  Excid.  ter  occasion,  after  driving  the 

Brit.  [p.  5.  ed.  G^e.]  Picts  out  of  the  kingdom,  the 

<l  See  Notitia  Provinciarum,  Romans  built  for  them  a  turf 

[fol.  Basil.  1553.]  wall  (probably  similar  to  that 

'  [Their    first   embassy   to  which   the   Romans  used  for 

Theodosius  was    probably   in  fortifying  their   camps)    from 

422,   and    to   Valentinian    in  Sol  way  Firth  to  the  mouth  of 

446.     See  Usher,  ib.  313  sq.  the  Tyne,  in  the  place  where 

Flor.  Wigorn.  an.  446.      At  the   ancient   wall   of  Severus 

both  applications  the  Britons  stood.      This   proved   ineffec- 

received  assistance ;  on  the  lat-  tual ;  assistance  was  again  de« 


CEirr.  ▼. 


of  Britain. 


91 


15.  What  might  be  the  cause  of  this  neglect?  A.D.4 
Had  the  imperial  crown  so  many  flowers  that  itTro«w 

Mms  wh 

might  afford  to  scatter  some  of  them?  Was  Britain  the  Ron 
grown  inconsiderable,  formerly  worth  the  conquering,  send  ai^ 
not  now  worth  the  keeping?  or  was  it  because  they'^®®"* 
conceived  the  Britons  need  not  so  much  as  was 
pretended ;  and  aid  is  an  alms  ill-bestowed  on  those 
beggars  who  are  lame  of  laziness,  and  will  not  work 
for  their  living?  Or  was  the  service  accounted  despe- 
rate ;  and  no  wise  physician  will  willingly  undertake 
a  disease  which  he  conceives  incurable.  The  plain 
truth  is,  the  Roman  empire,  now  grown  ruinous, 
could  not  repair  its  out-rooms,  and  was  fein  to  let 
them  fall  down  to  maintain  the  rest ;  and  like 
fencers,  receiving  a  blow  on  their  leg  to  save  their 
head,  exposed  the  remote  countries  of  Spain,  France, 
and  Britain,  to  the  spoil  of  pagans,  to  secure  the 
eastern  countries  near  Constantinople,  the  seat  of  the 
empire. 

16.  Here  Vortigem,  forsaken  of  God  and  man,  The  sac 
and  left  to  himself,  (malice  could  not  wish  him  ath^^ 
worse  adviser,)  resolves  on  a  desperate  project,  to  call^^*^ 
in  the  pa^ran  Saxons  out  of  Germany  for  his  assist- ^"^.^ 
ance,  under  Horsus  and  Hengistus  their  captains  •.Britain 
Over  they  come  at  first  but  in  three  great  ships,  (a 
small  earnest  will  serve  to  bind  a  great  bargain,)  first 
possessing  the  island  of  Thanet  in  Kent ;  but  following 


inanded  from  the  Romans  with 
the  same  success :  in  the  place 
of  the  old  one,  a  new  wall  was 
built  of  solid  stone,  flanked 
with  fortifications  which  were 
continued  towards  the  south, 
with  towers  at  intervals,  for 
better  defence   and    security. 


'*  Sicque  valedixerunt  Britan* 
"  nis  Romani  tanquam  ultra 
*'  non  reversuri."  See  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  i.  12.  Flor.  Wi- 
gorn.  ib.] 

8  [See  Nennius,  c.  xxxv.  sq. 
Bede,  E.  H.  i.  15.  Usher,  ib. 
206-208,  216-221,  230.] 


9S  The  Church  Hutmy  book  t. 

A.P.  449'  afterwards  in  such  swarms,  that  quickly  they  grew 
formidable  to  him  that  invited  them  over,  of  guests 
turning  sojourners,  then  inmates,  and  lastly  land- 
lords, till  they  had  dispossessed  the  Britons  of  the 
best  of  the  island:  the  entertaining  of  mercenary 
soldiers  being  like  the  administering  of  quicksilver 
to  one  in  ilidca  passioy  a  receipt  not  so  properly  pre- 
scribed by  the  physician  to  the  patient,  as  by  neces- 
sity to  the  physician.  If  hired  aid  do  on  a  sudden 
the  work  they  are  sent  for,  and  so  have  a  present 
passage  to  be  discharged,  sovereign  use  maybe  made- 
of  them :  otherwise,  if  long  tarrying,  they  will  eat 
the  entrails,  and  corrode  the  bowels  of  that  state 
which  entertains  them,  as  here  it  came  to  pass. 
There-  17.  For  soou  after  the  Saxons  erected  seven  king- 

bouncUof  doms  in  Britain:  and  because  their  several  limits 
SptordSy.  ^^^^^^c®  much  to  the  clear  understanding  of  the  fol- 
lowing history,  and  we  for  the  present  are  well  at 
leisure,  we  will  present  the  reader  with  the  de- 
scription of  their  several  principalities.  The  partition 
was  made  by  mutual  consent,  thus  far  forth,  that 
every  king  caught  what  he  could,  and  kept  what  he 
caught ;  and  there  being  amongst  them  a  parity  of 
high-spirited  princes,  who  more  prized  an  absolute 
sovereignty  over  a  little  than  a  propriety  with  sub- 
jection in  never  so  much,  they  erected  seven  several 
kingdoms  in  little  more  than  but  the  third  part  of 
this  island ;  a  thing  which  will  seem  no  wonder  to 
him  who  hath  read  how  the  little  land  of  Canaan^ 
found  room  at  the  same  time  for  one  and  thirty 
kings.     But  let  us  reckon  them  up. 

i.  The  first  was   the  kingdom  of  Kent,  which 

^  Joshua  xii.  24. 


CSVT.  V. 


of  Britain. 


9S 


began  anno  457,  under  king  Hengisfi.  It  contained  a.d. 
the  county  of  Kent,  as  it  is  at  this  day  bounded, 
without  any  notable  difference.  And  though  this 
kingdom  was  the  least  of  all,  as  consisting  but  of  one 
entire  county  without  any  other  addition,  yet  was  it 
much  befriended  in  the  situation  for  traffick  with 
France  an^  Germany.  Besides,  it  being  secured  on 
three  sides  with  Thames  and  the  sea,  and  fenced  on 
the  fourth  with  woods,  this  made  their  kings  (natu- 
rally defended  at  home)  more  considerable  in  their 
impressions  on  their  neighbours. 

ii.  Of  the  South-Saxons,  comprising  Sussex  and 
Surrey,  both  which,  till  very  lately,  were  under  one 
sheriff.  And  this  kingdom  began  anno  491  ^  under 
king  -^le,  and  was  the  weakest  of  all  the  seven, 
affording  few  kings,  and  fewer  actions  of  moment. 

iii.  Of  the  East-Saxons,  comprehending  Essex, 
Middlesex,  and  so  much  of  Hertfordshire  as  is  under 
the  bishop  of  London's  jurisdiction,  whose  diocese  is 
adequate  to  this  kingdom.  A  small  ring,  if  we 
survey  the  little  circuit  of  ground ;  but  it  had  a  fair 
diamond  in  it,  the  city  of  London,  though  then  but 
a  striphng  in  growth,  well  thriving  in  wealth  and 
greatness.  This  kingdom  began  in  Erchenwin  about 
the  year  527 ''. 


^  [The  Saxon  Chronicle,  and 
Florence  of  Worcester  both  in 
the  body  of  his  history  and  in 
the  appendix,  (expressly  de- 
voted to  the  rise  and  limits  of 
these  kingdonis)>  date  the  com- 
mencement of  the  reign  of 
Hengist  in  the  year  455.  From 
both  historians,  however,  it  is 
evident  that  the  Britons  were 
not  entirely  expelled  from 
Kent  till  457.     This  kingdom 


included  also  the  Isle  of  Wight 
and  the  coast  opposite.] 

^  [In  477.  According  to  the 
Saxon  Chronicle,  Florence  of 
Worcester,  and  Henry  of 
Huntingdon,  (f.  179.)  the  Bri- 
tons were  completely  extirpated 
from  this  kingdom  at  the  siege 
of  Andredes-cester  (Peven- 
sey?)  in  491.] 

^  [See  Mat.  of  Westm.  a.  5  2  7 . 
Hen.  of  Huntingdon,  f.  180.] 


94 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I. 


A.D>449-  iv.  Of  the  East-Angles,  contaming  Norfolk,  Suf- 
folk, Cambridgeshire,  with  the  isle  of  Ely,  and  (as  it 
seems,  saith  a  reverend  writer*)  part  of  Bedford- 
shire. It  began  anno  575  y,  under  king  Uffa,  and 
lay  most  exposed  to  the  cruelty  of  the  Danish 
incursions. 

V.  Of  Mercia,  so  called  because  it  lay  in  the  midst 
of  the  island,  being  the  merches  or  limits  on  which 
all  the  residue  of  the  kingdoms  did  bound  and 
border".  It  began  anno  582%  under  king  Crida, 
and  contained  the  w^hole  counties  of  Lincoln,  North- 
ampton, (with  Rutland,  then  and  long  since  part 
thereof,)  Huntingdon,  Buckingham,  Oxford,  Wor- 
cester, Warwick,  Derby,  Nottingham,  Leicester, 
Stafford,  and  Chester ;  besides  part  of  Hereford  and 


X  Usher  de  Brit.  Ecc.  Pri- 
mord.  p.  394=210. 

y  [This  date  is  far  too  low. 
It  is  evident  from  Florence  of 
Worcester,  (p.  569,)  and  Wil- 
liam of  Malmsbury,  (f.14,)  that 
the  kingdom  of  the  East- An- 
gles was  prior  to  that  of  the 
West- Saxons.  Indeed  from 
their  language  it  may  fairly  be 
concluded  to  be  next  in  anti- 
quity to  that  of  Kent.  The 
opinion  therefore  of  Ranulph 
Hygden  (though  a  writer  of  no 
great  judgment)  is  probably 
correct,  that  it  commenced  in 
492  under  king  Ufia.  This  is 
more  probable  from  a  fact 
stated  by  the  same  writer,  and 
confirmed  by  Bede,  that  the 
East-Angles  were  originally 
called  UffingdB.  Bede,  Eccl. 
Hist.  ii.  15.  R.  Hygden  p.  224. 
ed.  Gale.  See  also  Mat.Westm. 
p.  196,  197. 

Of  the  precise  date  of  the 


kingdom  of  the  East- Saxons, 
neither  Florence  of  Worcester 
nor  Malmsbury  have  spoken 
positively  ;  they  state  that  it 
was  founded  at  the  same  time 
as  that  of  the  East-Angles. 
Perhaps  somewhat  later.  Ful- 
ler probably  derived  this  date 
from  Henry  of  Huntingdon, 
who  seems  to  place  the  com- 
mencement of  the  kingdom  of 
the  East- Saxons  in  the  ninth 
year  of  Cerdic,  king  of  Wessex, 
which  would  make  the  date 
527.  See  Huntingd.  f.  180.] 

<  Lambarde's  Descript.  of 
Kent,  [p.  5.  ed.  1596.  The 
name  was  derived,  according 
to  Lambard,  from  the  Saxon 
word  mearc,  signifying  a  bound 
or  limit.] 

A  [In  585  according  to  Mat. 
of  Westminster.  None  of  the 
earlier  writers  speak  positively 
as  to  the  date.  See  Huntingd. 
f.  181.3 


CENT.  V. 


of  Britain, 


96 


Salop,  (the  remnant  whereof  was  possessed  by  the  a.d.  ^ 
Welsh,)  Gloucester,  Bedford,  and  Lancaster.  In 
view  it  was  the  greatest  of  all  the  seven:  but  it 
abated  the  puissance  thereof,  because  on  the  west  it 
affironted  the  Britons,  being  deadly  enemies;  and 
bordering  on  so  many  kingdoms,  the  Mercians  had 
work  enough  at  home  to  shut  their  own  doors**. 

vi.  Of  Northumberland,  corrival  with  Mercia  in 
greatness,  though  far  inferior  in  populousness,  as  to 
which  belonged  whatsoever  lieth  betwixt  Himiber 
and  Edinborough-Frith.  It  was  subdivided  some- 
times into  two  kingdoms,  of  Bemicia  and  Deira. 
The  latter  consisted  of  the  remainder  of  Lancashire, 
with  the  entire  counties  of  York,  Durham,  West- 
moreland, and  Cumberland.  Bemicia  contained 
Northumberland,  veith  the  south  of  Scotland  to 
Edinborough.  But  this  division  lasted  not  long, 
before  both  were  imited  together.  It  began  anno 
547,  imder  king  Ida^. 

vii.  Of  the  West-Saxons,  who  possessed  Hamp- 
shire, Berkshire,  Wiltshire,  Somerset,  Dorset,  and 
Devonshire ;  part  of  Cornwall,  and  Gloucestershire : 
yea,  some  assign  a  moiety  of  Surrey  imto  them. 
This  kingdom  began  anno  519  ^  under  king  Cerdicus, 


1>  [Lambardc^  ib.  Under 
Mercia  was  included  the  terri- 
tory or  kingdom  of  the  Middel- 
AngU,  of  which  frequent  men*- 
tion  occurs  in  Bede  and  the 
Saxon  Chronicle.     It  was  ap- 

Sarently  governed  by  a  viceroy 
ependant  on  the  kingdom  of 
Mercia.] 

^  [Saxon  Chron.  and  Flor. 
Wigorn.  in  a.  547.  Previous 
to  &e  time  of  Idiia,  Northum- 


berland was  governed  by  dukes, 
who  were  subject  to  the  kings 
of  Kent ;  for  when  Hengist 
was^confirmed  in  Kent,  he  sent 
Otha  and  Ebusa  to  subjugate 
the  northern  parts  of  the  island. 
Malms.  De  gestis  R^um^  f.  8.] 
d  [In  the  Saxon  Chronicle 
it  is  attributed  to  the  year  495, 
but  the  complete  and  undis- 
turbed possession  of  it  to  the 
year  5 1 9.  See  WiU.  of  Malms- 


96  The  Chtirch  History  book  i. 

A.D.449.  and  excelled  for  plenty  of  ports  on  the  south  and 
Severn  sea,  store  of  boroughs,  stoutness  of  active 
men,  (some  impute  this  to  the  natural  cause  of  their 
being  hatched  under  the  warm  wings  of  the  south- 
west wind,)  which  being  excellent  wrestlers,  gave  at 
last  a  fall  to  all  the  other  Saxon  kingdoms.  So  that 
as  the  seven  streams  of  Nilus  lose  themselves  in  the 
midland  sea,  this  heptarchy  was  at  last  devoured  in 
the  West-Saxons'  monarchy. 

The  reason  that  there  is  some  difference  in  writers 
in  bounding  of  these  several  kingdoms  is,  because 
England  being  then  the  constant  cockpit  of  war,  the 
limits  of  these  kingdoms  were  in  daily  motion,  some- 
times marching  forward,  sometimes  retreating  back- 
ward, according  to  variety  of  success.  We  may  see 
what  great  difference  there  is  betwixt  the  bounds  of 
the  sea  at  high-water,  and  at  low-water  mark :  and 
so  the  same  kingdom  was  much  disproportioned  to 
itself,  when  extended  with  the  happy  chance  of  war, 
and  when  contracted  at  a  low  ebb  of  ill  success. 
And  here  we  must  not  forget  that  amongst  these 
seven  kings,  during  the  heptarchy,  conmionly  one 
was  most  puissant,  overruling  the  rest,  who  styled 
himself  king  of  the  English  nation*. 
Irish  St  18.  But  to  rotum  to  the  British  church,  and  the 
^SJemd* year  of  our  Lord  449,  wherein  St.  Patrick,  the  apo- 
^bu  ^^**"  ^^'^  ^^  Ireland,  is  notoriously  reported  to  have  come 
to  Glassenbury;  where  finding  twelve  old  monks, 
successors  to  those  who  were  first  founded  there  by 

bur.  f.  5,  6,  and  Hen.  Hunt-  cording   to   the    earliest    and 

ingd.  f.  1 79.    For  the  division  most  trustworthy  chroniclers, 

of  these  kingdoms^  and  the  ex-  see  Malms,  ibid.  f.  18.] 

tent  of  the  different  sees,  ac-  ^  Camden's  Brit.  p.  97* 


CEMT.  V.  ^Britain.  97 

Joseph  of  Arimathea,)  he,  though  unwilling,  was  a.  d.  44. 
cfaonn  their  abhot,  and  lived  with  them  thirty-nine 
years,  obserring  the  rule  of  St.  Mark  and  his 
^Tptian  monks;  the  order  of  Benedictines  being 
as  yet  unborn  in  the  world.  Give  we  here  a  list 
of  these  twelve  monks,  withal  forewarning  the 
reader,  that  for  all  their  harsh  sound,  they  are  so 
many  saints;  lest  otherwise  he  should  suspect  them  by 
the  ill  noise  of  their  names  to  be  worse  creatures. 

1  Brumbam.  7  Loyor. 

2  Hyregaam.  8  Wellias. 

3  Brenwal.  9  Breden. 

4  Wencreth.  10  Swelwes. 

5  Bantconmieweng.        11  Hinloemius. 

6  Adelwahed.  12  Hin^ 

Bat  know  that  some  of  these  names,  as  the  3rd, 
6fAi,  and  9th,  are  pure,  plain,  Saxon  words  ^,  which 
renders  the  rest  suspected.  So  that  whosoever  it 
was  that  first  gave  these  British  monks  such  Saxon 
names,  made  more  haste  than  good  speed,  preventing 
the  true  language  of  that  age. 

19*  So  great  was  the  credit  of  St.  Patrick  at  Glas-  a.  p.  449 
senbuiy,  that  after  his  death  and  burial  there,  thatoo^i^^t^ 
church  which  formerly  was  dedicated  to  the  Virgin  J^^ 
Mary  alone,  was  in  after-ages  jointly  consecrated  to^^.^ 
her  and  St.  Patrick.     A  great  presumption :  for  if  it  Mary. 
be  true  what  is  reported,  that  at  the  first,  by  di- 
rection of  the  angel  GabrieU,  that  church  was  solely 
devoted  to  the  Virgin  Mary ;  surely  either  the  same 
or  some  other  angel  of  equal  power  ought  to  have 

•  [See  Malmsbury,  De  An-  Camden^  and  since  by  the  arch- 

tiq.  Olaston.  EcclesiK,  p.  296^  bishop  of  Armagh.  [SeeUsher^ 

and  Usher,  ib.  p.  56.]  ib.  p.  56.] 

'  First    observed     by    Mr.         e  See  i .  Cent.  2.  parag.  p.  1 7. 

FULLEB,  VOL.  I.  H 


98  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.449.  ordered  the  admission  of  St.  Patrick  to  the  same,  to 

be  matched  and  impaled  with  the  blessed  Virgin  in 

the  honour  thereof.     In  reference  to  St.  Patrick's 

being  at  Glassenbmy,  several  Saxon  kings  granted 

large  charters,  with  great  profits  and  privileges  to 

this  place. 

Yet  the  ere-     20.  But  now  the  spito  is,  that  an  unparalleled 

trick's  *"    critic  in  antiquity**  leaves  this  Patrick  at  this  time 

GWn-     sweating  in  the  Irish  harvest,  having  newly  con- 

^u  ^'  ji      verted  Leinster  to  the  faith,  and  now  ffone  into  the 

shrewdly  '  «5 

shaken,  proviuco  of  Muustor  ou  the  same  occasion.  Yea, 
he  denies  (and  proveth  the  same)  that  this  Patrick 
ever  lived,  or  was  buried  at  Glassenbury.  But  be  it 
known  to  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  British 
are  not  so  overfond  of  St.  Patrick,  as  to  ravish  him 
into  their  coimtry  against  his  will,  and  the  consent 
of  time.  Yea,  St.  Patrick  missed  as  much  honour 
in  not  being  at  Glassenbury,  as  Glassenbury  hath 
lost  credit  if  he  were  never  there ;  seeing  the  British 
justly  set  as  high  a  rate  on  that  place,  as  the  Irish 
do  on  his  person.  See  but  the  glorious  titles  (which 
with  small  alteration  might  serve  for  Jerusalem 
itself)  given  to  Glassenbury:  and  seeing  now  the 
place  is  for  the  most  part  buried  in  its  own  dust,  let 
none  envy  these  epithets  for  the  epitaph  thereof. 

Here  lies  the  Cityi  which  once  was  the  Fountain  and 

Original  of  all  Religion,  built  by  Christ's  disciples, 

consecrated  by    Christ   himself  ^^ ;  and  this 

place  is  the  Mother  of  Saints  ^ 

^  James    Usher,    de    Brit.  [Malmsbur.    ib.   p.    313    and 

Eccl.   Primord.   p.  875,  883,  p.  320.] 

894,  895=519. .  1  So  called  in  the  charter  of 

J  Or  borough.  king     Kenwin.      Malmsbury, 

^  In  the  charter  of  king  Ina,  [ib.  p.  308.] 
and     also    in    king    Edgar's. 


CZKT.  V.  of  Britain.  99 

We  are  sorry  therefore  for  St.  Patrick's  sake,  if  he  a.  p.  449 
was  never  there.  To  salve  all,  some  have  found  out 
another  Patrick,  called  Senior,  or  Sen  Patrick,  (a 
nice  difference,)  equal  with  the  Irish  apostle  in  time, 
and  not  much  inferior  in  holiness,  who  certainly 
lived  at  Glassenbury".  The  plain  truth  is,  that  as 
in  the  CJomedian^  when  there  were  two  Amphitruos 
and  two  Sosias,  they  made  much  ftillacious  intricacy 
and  pleasant  delusion  in  the  eyes  of  the  spectators  : 
80  there  being  in  this  age  two  Patricks,  (others  say 
threeP,)  two  Merlins **,  two  Gildases^  and  (that  the 
homonomy  may  be  as  well  in  place  as  in  persons) 
three  Bangors*,  three  Glassenburies',  (as  haste  or 
ignorance  in  writers  mistake  them,)  these  jumbled 
together  have  made  a  marvellous  confusion  in  writers, 
to  the  great  prejudice  of  history,  where  they  are  not 
exactly  observed. 

21.  But  leaving  St.  Patrick,  let  us  try  whether  we  a.  0.450 
can  have  better  success  with  St.  Ursula,  daughter  of  ioii»  histor 
Dinoth,  or  Deo-notus  duke  of  Cornwall,  who  in  this^^^*^" 
yew  is  said  with  eleven  thousand  virgins  to  have^*«^^ 
sailed  over  into  Little  Britain  in  France,  there  to  be 
married  to  the  Britons  their  coimtrymen,  who  refused 
to  wed  French  women  for  their  wives :  but  by  foul 
weather  these  virgins  were  cast  on  the  French  shore, 
amongst  pagans,  by  whom  they  were  cruelly  mur- 
dered, for  refusing  to  forsake  their  religion  or  betray 
their  chastity.  Others  tell  the  story  quite  contrary; 
how  the  aforesaid  Ursula  with  her  virgin  army  went 

n  [See  Usher,  ib.  458,  464.]  *  In   Flintshire,  in  Carnar- 

*»  Plautus  his  Amphitruo.  vonshire,  in  Down  in  Ireland. 

P  See  Usher,  ib.  p.  895.  *  Glasgow  in  Scotland,  Dun- 

4  Ambrofiius,  Caledonius.  glass  in  Ireland. 


oon- 


r  Albanius,  Badonicus. 


H  2 


100  The  Church  HUt&ry  book  i. 

A.D.450.  to  Rome,  where  she  conversed  with  pope  Cyriacus^, 
her  countryman,  and  with  him  returning  back  into 
Britain,  was  murdered  by  the  command  of  Attila 
king  of  the  Hunnes,  at  Cologne,  with  all  the  rest  of 
the  virgins,  and  the  aforesaid  pope  Cyriacus,  whose 
name  is  omitted  in  the  papal  catalogue,  because 
before  his  death  he  surrendered  his  place  to  Anterus 
his  successor.  In  which  relation  we  much  commend 
the  even  tenor  thereof,  consisting  of  so  level  lies, 
that  no  one  swelling  improbability  is  above  the  rest ; 
but  for  matter  of  time,  place,  and  persons,  all  pas- 
sages unlikely  alike.  We  dare  not  defame  Britain, 
as  to  suspect  but  that  eleven  thousand  Christian 
virgins,  all  at  once,  able  to  travel,  might  be  found 
therein :  though  at  this  time  paganism  prospered  in 
this  land,  and  religion  was  in  a  low  condition.  But 
what  made  these  Christian  Amazons  with  Ursula 
their  Penthesilea  to  go  (not  to  say  to  gad)  to  Rome  ? 
Surely  they  were  no  daughters  of  Sarah,  which  did 
abide  in  her  tenV^y  but  rather  sisters  of  Dinah*,  which 
woidd  go  abroad  to  see  foreign  fashions ;  and  there- 
fore their  hard  usage  is  the  less  to  be  pitied.  Was 
it  modest  for  so  many  maids  to  wander  by  them- 
selves, without  a  masculine  guard  to  protect  them  ? 
Did  ever  such  a  wood  of  weak  ivy  grow  alone,  with- 
out any  other  trees  to  support  it  ?  But  the  city  of 
Cologne  will  not  abate  us  one  of  the  eleven  thousand, 
where  their  relics  and  sepulchral  inscriptions  are  at 
this  day  to  be  seen.  And  we  may  as  safely  believe 
that  these  virgin-martyrs  lie  there  entombed,  as  that 
the  bodies  of  the  three  wise  men  of  the  east,  com- 

^  Visiones  Elizabethse  iv.  2.         ^  Gen.  xviii.  9. 
ed.     Paris,   1513,     et   Colon.         *  Gren.  xxxiv.  i . 
1628. 


CEKT.  V.  of  Britain.  101 

monly  called  the  three  kings  of  Cologne,  which  A.D.450. 
came  to  visit  our  infant  Saviour  at  Bethlehem,  are 
interred  in  the  same  city,  which  the  monks  of 
Cologne  brag  of,  and  shew  to  travellers.  Besides  all 
this,  there  is  a  town  in  Berkshire  called  Maidenhead  y, 
which  (as  many  other  churches  in  Christendom)  was 
dedicated  in  memory  of  their  virginity :  which,  if  it 
be  not  an  argument  strong  enough  to  convert  the 
reader  to  the  belief  of  this  story,  we  must  leave  him 
to  his  infidelity ;  that  as  tales  of  bugbears  are  made 
to  fiight  crying  children,  so  this  story  of  Ursula  was 
contrived  to  befool  credulous  men. 

22.  Nor  hath  the  judicious  reader  cause  to  wonder  A.D.453. 
that  no  better  account  is  given  of  the  British  church  uttiechLdi 
in  this  age,  considering  the  general  persecution  by  J|^  *° 
pagan  Saxons.  Religion  nowadays  played  least  in 
sight,  hiding  itself  in  holes;  and  the  face  of  the 
church  was  so  blubbered  with  tears,  that  she  may 
seem  almost  to  have  wept  her  eyes  out,  having  lost 
her  seers  and  principal  pastors.  Only  two  prime 
preachers  appear:  Vodine,  the  learned  and  pious 
bishop  of  London,  who,  taking  the  confidence  to 
reprove  Vortigem  the  British  king,  for  putting  away 
his  lawful  wife  and  wedding  Rowen,  the  heathen 
daughter  of  Hengist,  was  by  him  most  barbarously 
murdered*:  the  second,  Gildas  Albanius,  (much 
ancienter  than  his  namesake  sumamed  the  wise,) 
bom  in  Scotland,  bred  in  France ;  whence  returning 
into  the  south  of  Britain,  he  applied  himself  to  the 
preaching  of  divinity,  and  reading  liberal  sciences  to 

7  Camden's  Brit,  in   Berk-         2  Hector  Boeth.  Scot.  bist. 
shire^  [p.  207.    Of  St.  Ursula,     viii.  [p.  143.] 
see  Usher,  ib.  p.  331.] 

H  3 


102  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.462.  many  auditors  and  scholars  at  Pepidiauc*,  a  promon- 

tory  in  Pembrokeshire, 
oiidaiata  23.  It  happened  on  a  day,  as  Gildas  was  in  his 
I^  TOd-  sermon,  (reader,  whether  smiling  or  frowning,  forgive 
fmcedf  *^®  digression,)  a  nim^  big  with  child  came  into  the 
congregation,  whereat  the  preacher  presently  was 
^struck  dumb,  (would  not  a  maid's  child  amaze  any 
man  ?)  and  could  proceed  no  further.  Afterward  he 
gave  this  reason  of  his  silence,  because  that  virgin 
bare  in  her  body  an  infant  of  such  signal  sanctity,  as 
far  transcended  him.  Thus  as  lesser  lodestones  are 
reported  to  lose  their  virtue  in  the  presence  of  those 
that  are  bigger,  so  Gildas  was  silenced  at  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Welsh  St.  David,  (being  then  but 
Hanse  en  Keldar,)  though  afterward,  like  Zachary, 
he  recovered  his  speech  again.  Thus  fabulous  au- 
thors** make  this  St.  David  a  mock  John  Baptist, 
forcing  a  fond  parallel  betwixt  them ;  where  to  make 
the  proportion  current,  Gildas  must  be  allowed  father 
to  St.  David.  But  enough ;  I  like  this  scent  so  ill, 
I  will  follow  it  no  further. 
The  par-  24.  Meantime  fierce  and  frequent  fighting  betwixt 
SwJon  the  British  and  Saxons  about  defending  and  enlarging 
their  dominions.  And  although  Gildas  (and  out  of 
him  Bede)  confess  often  alternation  of  success,  yet 
other  Saxon  writers  mention  not  the  least  overthrow 
of  their  own  side,  but  constant  conquering;  as  if 


*  Usher  de  Brit.  Ecc.  p.  Cambrensis^  as  quoted  below.] 
442  =  237.  [In  Welsh,  Can-  c  Girald.  Cambrens.  in  the 
tred-Dewi,  that  is,  St.  David's  life  of  St.  David.  [Since  pub- 
land.]  lished  by  Wharton  in  the  An- 

^  [Not  a  nun.   though  her  glia  Sacra,  vol.  II.  p.  630.] 

name  was  Nonnita.  See  Girald.  d  [Usher,  ib.  p.  443=237.] 


wnten. 


cKirr.  ▼. 


of  Britain, 


103 


their  generals  had  always  buckled  on  victory  with  a.  p.  4 
their  armour.  It  is  almost  incredible  that  ingenuous 
men  should  be  so  injurious  to  the  truth  and  their 
own  credits,  by  partiality,  were  it  not  that  the  factions 
of  modem  pens  invite  us  to  the  belief  thereof;  not 
describing  battles  with  a  fiill  face,  (presenting  both 
ffldes,)  but  with  a  half  face,  advancing  their  own,  and 
depressing  the  achievements  of  the  opposite  party. 
Most  true  it  is  the  British  got  many  victories,  espe- 
cially under  hopeful  prince  Vortimer®,  whose  valour 
was  the  best  bank  against  the  Saxon  deluge ;  until 
broken  down  by  untimely  death,  the  pagans  generally 
prevailed,  much  by  their  courage,  more  by  their 
treachery. 

25.  For  they  invited  the  British  to  a  parley  andTheBri 
banquet  on  Salisbury  plain ;  where  suddenly  drawing  erousiy 
out  their  seaxes,  (concealed  under  their  long  coats,)  ™^^®" 
being  crooked  swords,  the  emblem  of  their  indirect 
proceedings,  they  made  their  innocent  guests  with 
their  blood  pay  the  shots  of  their  entertainment. 
Here  Aurelius  Ambrosius  is  reported  to  have  erected 
that  monument  of  Stonehenge  to  their  memory^ 

26.  It  is  contrived  in  form  of  a  crown,  consisting  a.  d.  4 
of  three  circles  of  stones  set  up  gatewise;  some^®^ 
called    corsestones,   of  twelve   tons,   others  called^'®'*®- 
cronets,   of  seven    tons   weight :    those  haply  for 
greater,  and  these  for  inferior  officers  fi^:   and  one 


«  [Son  of  Vortigem.  For 
an  account  of  his  ^ttles  with 
Hengist,  and  the  subsequent 
treachery  of  the  Saxons^  see 
Nennius,  chap,  xlv — Hi,  and 
the  judicious  narrative  of  Wil- 
liam of  Malmsbury,  De  G^- 
tis  R^.  f.  4.  Comparq,Matth. 


Westmon.  an.  460  sq.,  who  has 
incorporated  into  his  chronicle 
the  British  accounts.] 

f  [See  the  Life  of  St.  Dubri- 
cius,  in  Wharton's  Angl.  Sacr. 
11.656.] 

g  Camden's  Britann.  in  Wilt- 
shire,  [p.  183.] 

H  4 


104  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.463.  stone  at  distance  seems  to  stand  sentinel  for  the 
rest.  It  seems  equally  impossible  that  they  were 
bred  here,  or  brought  hither,  seeing  (no  navigable 
water  near)  such  voluminous  bulks  are  unmanage- 
able in  cart  or  waggon.  As  for  the  tale  of  Merlin's 
conjuring  them  by  magic  out  of  Ireland,  and 
bringing  them  aloft  m  the  skies,  (what  in  Charles' 
wain?)  it  is  too  ridiculous  to  be  confuted.  This 
hath  put  learned  men  on  necessity  to  conceive  them 
artificial  stones,  consolidated  of  sand.  Stand  they 
there  in  defiance  of  wind  and  weather,  which  hath 
discomposed  the  method  of  them ;  which,  if  made  of 
any  precious  matter,  (a  bait  to  tempt  avarice,)  no 
doubt  long  since  had  been  indicted  of  superstition ; 
whereas  now  they  are  protected  by  their  own  weight 
and  worthlessness. 
A.D.466.  27.  Vortigem  the  British  king  fled  into  Wales,  to 
b,^^^™„  his  castle  Genereu,  impregnable  for  situation,  which 
to  Mh«™^  he  manned  and  womaned,  (conveying  a  multitude  of 
his  whores  into  it,)  and  there  lived  surfeiting  in  lust, 
while  his  land  lay  sweltering  in  blood.  Here  Aure- 
lius  Ambrosius,  setting  fire  on  his  castle,  biimt  him 
and  his  to  ashes.  This  gave  occasion  to  the  report 
so  constantly  affirmed  by  many  authors,  (and  men 
are  prone  to  believe  prodigious  deaths  of  such  as  led 
licentious  lives,)  that  Vortigem's  palace,  like  another 
Sodom,  was  burnt  by  fire  from  heaven^.  Indeed  in 
a  secondary  sense  it  was  true;  as  all  exemplaiy 
punishments  more  visibly  proceed  from  divine  ven- 
geance. But  otherwise,  the  first  raisers  of  this  fable 
did  apparent  wrong  to  the  attribute  of  God's  truth, 

^  [As  Nennius  describes  it,  ports  concerning  the  death  of 
Hist.  Brit.  chap.  xlix.  He  Vortigern.  See  also  Usher,  ib. 
also  sets  down  the  other  re-     206^  34P*] 


cEwi.  V.  of  Britain.  106 

in  pretending  to  do  extraordinary  right  unto  his  a.  d.  466. 
justice. 

28.  This  Aurelius  Ambrosius  is  said  to  be  ex-Aureiius 
tracted  of  the  Roman  race,  who  having  done  thisSmdered^ 
execution  on  Vortigem  the  tyrant,  was  a  singular  J JJ^ 
champion  of  the  British  against  their  enemies.    One 
composed  of  valour  and  religion  ^  wholly  employing 
himself  in  time   of  peace  to   raise  new  churches, 
repair  old,  and  endow  both :  unworthy  therefore  the 

Ubel  of  an  ^  Italian  author,  who  on  no  other  evidence 
than  bis  own  bare  assertion,  traduceth  this  Ambro- 
sius to  have  been  a  favourer  of  Judaism,  Arianism, 
Manicheism,  and  a  persecutor  of  the  professors  of 
true  religion.  Thus  the  greatest  virtue  is  sanctuary 
too  small  to  secure  any  from  the  pursuit  of  slan- 
derous pens  :  and  thus  some  humorous  authors, 
leaving  the  road  of  true  reports,  because  common, 
go  a  way  by  themselves  of  different  relation,  so  to 
entitle  themselves  to  more  immediate  and  peculiar 
intelligence  ;  as  if  others  (being  only  of  truth's 
council)  had  not  received  such  private  instructions  as 
themselves,  being  cabinet  historians. 

29.  Leave  we  this  Ambrosius  bickering  with  the  The  aca- 
Saxons,  with  interchange   of  success,  much  com-i^^ed 
mended  for  his  constancy  in  all  conditions.     For^^^^^ 
sometimes  his  valour  was  the  hammer  upon,  some- 
times his  patience  was  the  anvil  beneath  his  enemies ; 

but  always  he  bravely  bare  up  his  spirits :  and  as  the 
sun  looks  biggest  on  the  earth  when  he  is  nearest  to 
set,  so  he  carried  it  out  with  the  boldest  appearance 
in  the  lowest  declination  of  his  fortune.     If  we  be- 


i  [SeeBede,  E.  H.i.  16.] 

^  Gotfrid.  Viterbiensis  Chro.  part  18.  [Basil.  1559.] 


106 


The  Church  Htstary 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.  466.  hold  the  church  in  his  time,  the  most  visible  estate 
thereof  presents  itself  to  us  in  the  academy  which 
Dubritius  kept,  near  the  river  Wye  in  Monmouth- 
shire. His  father,  say  some^  was  unknown ;  others 
make  him  to  be  son  to  Pepiau,  a  petty  king  in  this 
age°^:  it  being  observable,  that  in  this  and  the  next 
century  all  men  eminent  for  learning  and  religion 
are  either  made  without  known  fathers,  or  sons  to 
kings ;  (no  mean  betwixt  these  extremes,  as  by  many 
instances  may  appear ;)  so  that  such  as  consider  the 
narrowness  of  the  principality,  will  admire  at  the 
number  of  British  princes.  •  This  Dubritius  taught 
many  scholars  for  seven  years  together,  in  human 
and  divine  learning,  (being  himself,  in  his  life,  a  book 
of  piety  of  the  best  edition  for  his  pupils  to  peruse,) 
amongst  whom  the  chiefest,  Theliau,  Sampson, 
Ubelin,  Merchiguin,  Elguored,  &c.;  for  the  reader 
had  better  believe  than  read  the  names  of  the  rest", 
remarkable  only  for  length  and  hardness,  without 
any  other  information.  Afterward  Dubritius  removed 
to  Warwick,  (haply  mistaken  for  Werwick,  a  village 
some  two  miles  from  Cardigan®,)  and  from  thence  it 
seems  returned  to  Moch-Rhos,  that  is,  "  the  place  of 
a  hog :"  because  he  was  admonished,  in  a  vision  in 
his  sleep,  there  to  build  a  chapel  or  oratory,  where 


1  Johan.  Tinmuthensis  in  ejus 
vita,  [quoted  by  Usher,  ib. 
445  =  238.] 

™  Chro.  colleg.  Warwicensis, 
[quoted  by  Usher,  ib.  Capgrave 
abridged  the  narratives  of  John 
of  Tinmouth.  In  an  ancient 
life  of  St.  Dubricius,  written 
in  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  cen- 
tury by  Benedict,  a  monk  of 
Gloucester,  he  is  stated  to  be 


the  grandson  of  Pepiau,  and  a 
very  different  account  is  given 
of  his  birth.  This  life  has  been 
printed  in  Wharton's  Ans. 
Sacr.  II.  654.  Benedict  in  his 
introduction  states  that  he  com- 
piled this  life  from  authentic 
materials.] 

n  [Usher,  ib.  p.  445  =  338.] 
o  Vid.  Speed's  map  of  that 
county. 


CENT.  V.  of  Britain.  107 

he  should  find  a  white  sow  lodgmg  with  the  hogsP,  a  A.D.461^ 
clean  conceit,  and  as  full  of  wit  as  devotion.  It 
seems  the  fnar,  father  of  this  £a.ble,  had  read  as  far 
as  the  eighth  book  of  Virgil's  iEneids,  where  the 
riyer  Tiber,  in  a  dream,  advised  Maess  to  erect  an 
dtar,  and  sacrifice  to  Juno  in  the  place  where  he 
should  find  the  sow  lying  with  the  pigs ;  and  from 
this  pagan  hint,  was  advantaged  for  a  popish  legend. 

30.  Here  we  cannot  but  renew  our  former  com-  Forged  lies 
plaint :  and  it  is  some  mitigation  to  our  misery,  (as  wMteritv  in 
perchance  some  ease  to  the  reader,)  if  we  can  buttnith». 
vent  our  old  grievances  in  new  expressions :  how  in- 
stead of  true  history,  devoured  by  time,  prodigious 
tales  of  impudent  brazenfaced  monks  are  obtruded 
upon  us.  Thus  when  the  golden  shields  of  king 
Solomon  were  taken  away,  Rehoboam  substituted 
shields  of  brass  in  their  room^;  though  not  so  good, 
perchance  more  gaudy,  especially  to  ignorant  eyes 
viewing  them  at  distance,  and  wanting  either  the 
skill  or  opportunity  to  bring  them  to  the  touch. 
Amongst  which  the  tale  of  Cungarus  the  Eremite, 
otherwise  called  Doccuin',  (but  first  let  the  one  man 
be  allowed  before  his  two  names  be  admitted,)  may 
challenge  a  principal  place ;  being  reported  son  of  a 
Constantinopolitan  emperor,  and  Lucilia  his  em- 
press'. A  name  imowned  by  any  Grecian  historians. 
The  best  is,  that  imconscionable  liars,  though  they 
most  hurt  themselves,  do  the  least  harm  others, 
whose  loud  ones  are  both  the  poison  and  the  anti- 
dote, seeing  no  wise  man  will  believe  them.     Small 

P    [Scropham     albam    cum  >^  [Usher^  ib.  252.] 

porcia  cubantem  repent.  Usher,  *  Joh.  Capgrave  in  vita  S. 

ib.]  Gungari^  [f.  Ixxx.  ed.  1516.] 

<l  I  Kings  xiv.  27. 


108  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.469.  grit  and  gravel  may  choke  a  man,  but  that  stone 
can  never  stop  his  throat  which  cannot  enter  into 
his  mouth. 
A.D.495.      31.  In  very  deed,  very  little  at  this  time  was  ever 
sacre'ofUie reported   of  church   matters*.     For  a  drought  of 
^jJ^JJJJgj.  Christian  writers  (in  the  heat  of  persecution)  caused 
a  dearth  of  all  history.     Now  it  was  that  Cerdicus 
first  king  of  the  West-Saxons,  having  overcome  the 
Britons  at  Winchester,  killed   all  the  monks  be- 
longing to  the  church  of  St.  Amphibalus,  and  turned 
the  same  into  a  temple  of  idolatry'*.     Also  Theon, 
archbishop  of  London,  seeing  the  pagan  Saxons  to 
prevail,  left  his  see,  and  about  this  time  may  be 
presumed  to  have  fled  into  Wales^.     I  say,  about 
this  time.     For  what  liberty  is  allowed  to  prognos- 
ticators  of  weather,  to  use  all  favourable  correctives 
and  qualifications,  (like  to  be  rain,  inclined  to  rain, 
somewhat  rainy,  &c.)  the  same  latitude  we  must 
request  in  relating  actions  past  in  point  of  chrono- 
logy ;  his  fere  temporibus^  per  hcec  tempora^  circOy 
circiter^  plus  minus^  Sfc.     And  what  we  take  upon 
trust  in  this  kind,  let  the  reader  be  pleased  to 
charge,  not  on  the  score  of  our  ignorance,  but  on  the 
uncertainty  of  that  age*s  computation.     As  for  St. 
Petrock,  son  to  the  king  of  Cumberland,  we  remit 
him  to  the  next  age,  because  though  budding  in  this, 
full  blown  in  the  next  century. 
Meriin  left      82.  This  age  is  assigned  by  authors  for  that  famous 
light  ;whe- Ambrose  Merlin,  (differing  from  Sylvester  Merlin 
^i^    ^^^  Scot,)  though  it  be  doubtful  whether  ever  such 
Mtmm'  ^  ™*^  ^^  rerum  natura;  it  being  suspicious, 

t  [Usher,  ib.  249.]  ▼  But  Matth.  Florilegus  de. 

»  Wintoniensis   Ecc.   Hist,     signeth  the  year  586. 
c.  ix.  [quoted  by  Usher,  ib.] 


GENT.  V.  of  Britain.  109 

First,  because   he  is  reported   bom  at  Carmar- a.d.495* 


then,  and  that  city  so  denominated  from  him.  his  whole 
Whereas  it  is  called  Maridimum  by  Ptolemy  manyf^jj^^ 
years   before.     Thus  it  is  ominous  to  begin  with^J^Jj^^ 

a  lie,  posterity. 

Secondly,  because  it  was  said  his  mother  was  a 
nun,  got  with  child  by  a  devil  in  the  form  of  an 
incubus ;  perchance  such  a  one  as  Chaucer  describes. 

It  seems,  that  as  vestal  virgins,  when  they  had 
stolen  a  great  belly,  used  to  entitle  some  deity  to  the 
getting  of  their  child,  (so  did  the  mother  of  Ro- 
mulus and  Remus,)  whereby  they  both  saved  them- 
selves from  shame,  and  gained  reputation ;  so  nuns 
in  this  age,  when  with  child,  unable  to  persuade 
people  (as  the  poets  feign  of  the  Spanish  mares)  that 
they  were  impregnated  by  the  wind  alone,  made  the 
world  believe  that  some  spirit  had  consorted  with 
them.  This  makes  the  whole  story  of  Merlin  very 
doubtful ;  and  as  for  all  his  miracles  and  prophecies, 
they  sink  with  the  subject.  For  sure  the  same  hand 
which  made  the  puppet  gave  it  all  its  motions,  and 
suited  his  person  with  properties  accordingly.  May 
the  reader  be  pleased  to  take  notice  of  three  ancient 
British  writers: 

1.  Aquila  Septonius,  or  the  Eagle  of  Shaftsbury, 
whether  he  or  she. 

8.  Perdix  Prsesagus,  or  Partridge  the  prophesier. 

8.  Merlin  Ambrose. 

All  three  birds  of  a  feather,  and  perchance  hatched 
in  the  same  nest  of  ignorant  credulity :  nor  can  I 
meet  with  a  fourth  to  make  up  the  mess,  except  it 
be  the  Arabian  Phoenix.  But  because  it  is  a  task 
too  great  for  a  giant,  to  encounter  a  received  tra- 
dition, let  Merlin  be  left  in  a  twilight  as  we  foimd 


110 


The  Church  HiMtary  of  Briiam. 


BOOK  I. 


A.D.495.  him.  And  surely  no  judicious  man  will  censure  the 
mention  of  Merlin,  whose  magical  pranks  and  con- 
jurations are  so  frequent  in  our  stories,  to  be  a 
deyiation  from  the  history  of  the  church,  who  hath 
read  both  of  Simon  Magus,  and  Elymas  the  Sorcerer, 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles ''. 


w  [For  a  specimen  of  Mer- 
lin's predictions,  see  Mat. 
Westmin.  an.  464.  Up  to  this 
period  onr  British  history  is 
involved  in  darkness  and  con- 
fusion. What  should  be  re- 
ceived«  and  what  rejected,  is 
still  doubtful,  after  all  the 
labour  and  research  of  Usher, 
and  the  critical  sagacity  of 
Stillingfleet.  The  Welsh,  if 
they  ever  possessed,  have  never 
preserved  any  authentic  mate, 
rials  of  their  history  previous 
to  the  time  of  G^ffry  of  Mon- 
mouth, and  the  legends  of 
Monmouth  which  have  won 
their  way  in  different  shapes 
and  disguises  into  the  pages  of 
various  chroniclers,  are  the  only 
source  from  which  our  British 
history  is  derived.  By  them- 
selves indeed  they  never  can 
deceive  a  sagacious  reader  into 
a  belief  of  their  authenticity, 
but  when  mixed  with  truths, 
or  employed  to  give  connection 
and  consistency  to  a  few  bare 
fEU^,  and  swell  them  out  into 
the  proportions  of  a  just  and 
real  history,  they  perplex  the 
reader,  who  is  continually  ha- 


rassed with  the  difficulty  of  se- 
parating truth  from  fdbefaood, 
and  is  in  constant  danger  of  as- 
sumingplausible  interpretations 
ofhistoricalfiuts  for  tmeand  ge- 
nuine, whidi  are  purely  legend- 
ary. Inthis^BritiJi  history  is  not 
singular;  the  same  is  ofaa^vable 
in  the  early  annals  of  all  other 
nations.  A  few  isolated  fiids 
remain  through  the  liqpae  of 
yea«.  tiU  the  ^^  rf 
some  modem  writer  woavea 
them  together  into  a  seeming 
consistency,  with  sudi  addi- 
tions as  his  own  ingenuity 
suggests  as  likely  to  give  an 
air  of  plausibility  to  the  whole. 
When  once  such  a  composition 
has  prevailed  to  be  reputed 
the  true  history  of  any  coun- 
try, the  work  of  separating 
truth  ftt)m  fEdsehood  becomes 
extremely  difficult.  The  ex- 
periment has  been  tried  in 
Koman  history,  and  until  our 
own  writers  have  passed  through 
as  searching  a  process,  we  look 
in  vain  for  a  trustworthy  his- 
tory, not  merely  of  the  earlier, 
but  likewise  of  the  later  annals 
of  this  nation.] 


THE  SIXTH  CENTURY. 


TO  DOUSE  FULLER  OP  HAMPSHIRE,  ESQ  w 

/  ccmnot  say  certainly  of  you  as  Naomi  did  of  Boaz,  He 
is  near  of  kin  unto  us^,  having  no  assurance^  though 
great  probability ^  of  alliance  unto  you.  However^  Sir^ 
if  you  shaU  be  pleased  in  courtesy  to  account  me  your 
kinsman^  I  wUl  endeavour  that,  as  it  wiU  be  an  honour 
to  me^  it  may  be  to  you  no  disgrace, 

UESTIONLESS  we  shall  not  be  ac-A.D.501. 
counted  trespassers,  though  only  eccle-  The  most 

misfirftblo 

siastical  business  be  our  right  road,  to  estate  of  the 
go  a  little  in  the  by-way  of  state- ^^n. 
matters,  because  leading  the  shortest  ^®*^^- 
passage  for  the  present  to  our  church  story.  Most 
miserable  at  this  time  was  the  British  common- 
wealth, crowded  up  into  barren  comers,  whilst  their 
enemies,  the  pagan  Saxons,  possessed  the  east  and 
south;  if  not  the  greatest,  the  best  part  of  the 
island.  Much  ado  had  Utery  Pen-dragon,  the  British 
king,  with  all  the  sinews  of  his  care  and  courage,  to 
keep  his  disjointed  kingdom  together:  whose  only 
desire  was  to  prolong  the  life,  it  being  above  his 
hopes  to  procure  the  health  of  that  languishing 
state.  And  though  sometimes  the  Britons  got  the 
better,  yet  one  may  say,  their  victories  were  spent 
before  they  were  gained ;  being  so  far  behindhand 

^    [Arms  :    Argent,    three         *  2  Ruth  20. 
bamilets  and  a  canton  gules.         7  [Uthr,  that  is,  fearful  or 
B.]  wonderful.  Usher,  ib.  249.] 


lis  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.501.  before,  that  their  conquest  made  no  show,  swallowed 
up  in  the  discharging  of  old  arrearages.  Needs 
then  must  religion  now  in  Britain  be  in  a  doleful 
condition ;  for  he  who  expects  a  flourishing  church 
in  a  fading  commonwealth,  let  him  try  whether  one 
side  of  his  face  can  smile  when  the  other  is  pinched. 
A.D.508.  2.  Pen-dragon  dying,  left  the  British  kingdom  to 
^^gac^  Arthur  his  son,  so  femous  in  history,  that  he  is 
2J^J^  counted  one  of  the  nine  worthies  y:  and  it  is  more 
Jy^«^kUi  than  comes  to  the  proportion  of  Britain,  that  amongst 
but  nine  in  the  whole  world,  two  should  prove 
natives  in  this  island,  Constantino  and  Arthur.  This 
latter  was  the  British  Hector,  who  could  not  defend 
that  Troy  which  was  designed  to  destruction :  and  it 
soundeth  much  to  his  honour,  that  perceiving  his 
country  condemned  by  God's  justice  to  rum,  he 
could  procure  a  reprieve,  though  not  prevail  for  the 
pardon  thereof.  More  unhappy  was  he  after  his 
death,  hyperbolical  monks  so  advancing  his  victories, 
above  all  reach  of  belief,  that  the  twelve  pitched 
battles  of  Arthur,  wherein  he  conquered  the  pagan 
Saxons,  find  no  more  credit  than  the  twelve  labours 
of  Hercules.  Belike  the  monks  hoped  to  pass  their 
lies  for  current,  because  countenanced  with  the  mix- 
ture of  some  truth ;  whereas  the  contrary  came  to 
pass,  and  the  very  truths  which  they  have  written  of 
him  are  discredited,  because  found  in  company  with 
so  many  lies.  Insomuch  that  learned  Leland  is  put 
to  it  to  make  a  book  for  the  asserting  of  Arthur. 
Many  are  unsettled  about  him,  because  Gildas  his 
coimtryman  (living  much  about  his  age)  makes  no 
mention  of  him:   though  such  may  be  something 

y  [See  Usher,  ib.  249  sq.   Arthur  Latine  translatum  sonat 
ursum  horribilem,  &c.  ib.] 


CENT.  VI. 


of  Britam 


113 


satisfied,  if  considering  the  principal  intent  of  that  a.  0.508. 
querulous  author  is  not  to  praise,  but  to  reprove,  not 
greatly  to  grace,  but  justly  to  shame  his  country ; 
his  book  being  a  bare  black  bill  of  the  sins  and 
sufferings,  monsters  and  tyrants  of  Britam,  keeping 
no  catalogue  of  the  worthies  of  this  island ;  so  that 
neither  Lucius,  Constantino,  nor  Arthur,  are  once 
named  by  him.  But  the  best  evidence  that  once 
Arthur  lived  in  Britain  is,  because  it  is  certain  he 
died  in  Britain,  as  appeared  undeniably  by  his  corpse, 
coffin,  and  epitaph,  taken  up  out  of  his  monument  in 
Glassenbury  in  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the  Second, 
whereof  many  persons  of  quality  were  eyewit- 
nesses*. 

3.  The  entire  body  of  the  British  church  at  this  Caer-iion  a 
time  was  in  Wales,  where  Bangor  on  the  north,  staple  of 
and  Caer-lion  (on  Usk  in  Monmouthshire)  on  the^^rX 
south,  were  the  two  eyes  thereof  for  learning  and^^"* 
religion.     The  latter  had  in  it  the  court  of  king 
Arthur,  the  see  of  an  archbishop,  a  college  of  200 
philosophers,  who  therein  studied   astronomy,  and 
was  a  populous  place  of  great  extent*.     But  cities. 


*  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  an 
eyewitness.  Camden*s  Brit, 
in  Somersetshire,  [p.  166.  Au- 
relius  Ambrosius,  of  whom 
some  account  is  given  at  p.  1 05. 
was  assisted  in  his  efforts  to 
repel  the  Saxons  by  Arthur. 
William  of  Malmsbury,  who 
mentions  the  fact,  observes  in 
reference  to  the  legendary  tales 
circulated  by  the  Britons  re- 
specting this  prince,  and  sub- 
sequently embodied  into  a  re- 
gular narrative  by  Geoffry  of 
Monmouth  ;    "  Hie  est   Ar- 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


*'  thurus  de  quo  Brittonum 
"  nugse  hodieque  delirant ; 
**  dignus  plane  quern  non  fal- 
**  laces  somniarent  fabulae,  sed 
**  veraces  praedicarent  historiae, 
"  quippe  qui  labantem  patriam 
*^  diu  sustinuerit,  infractasque 
"  civium  mentes  ad  bellum 
'*  acuerit."    De    Gestis    Reg. 

f.4.] 

a  Thomas  James  out  of  A- 
lexander  Elsebiensis.  MS. 
quoted  by  Camden  in  his  Brit. 
in  Monmouthshire,  [p.  492.] 


114  The  Church  History-  book  i. 

A.  D.  508.  as  well  as  their  builders,  are  mortal :  it  is  reduced  at 
this  day  to  a  small  village.  But  as  aged  parents 
content  and  comfort  themselves  in  beholding  their 
children,  wherein  their  memories  will  be  continued 
after  their  death,  so  Caer-lion  is  not  a  little  delighted 
to  see  herself  still  survive  in  her  daughter  Newport^ 
a  neighbouring  town  raised  out  of  the  ruins  of  her 
mother  ^  Whilst  the  other  stood  in  prime,  there 
was  scarce  an  eminent  man  who  did  not  touch  here 
for  his  education;  whom  we  will  reckon  in  order, 
the  rather  because  all  the  church  history  of  this  age 
seems  confined  to  some  principal  persons.  Dubritius 
aforementioned  was  the  father  and  founder  of  them 
all,  late  bishop  of  LandafF,  now  archbishop  of  Caer- 
lion,  a  great  champion  of  the  truth  against  Pela- 
gius^;  and  he  had  the  honour  here  to  crown  two 
kings,  Uter  and  Arthur.     Being  very  old,  he  re- 

A.D.516.  signed  his  archbishopric  to  David,  his  scholar;  and 
that  he  might  be  more  able  and  active  to  wrestle 
with  death,  he  stripped  himself  out  of  all  worldly 
employment,  and  became  an  anchoret  in  the  island 
of  Bardsey*^.  Six  himdred  years  aflber,  (namely.  May 
the  20th,  1120,)  his  bones  were  translated  to  Lan- 
daff,  and  by  Urban,  bishop  thereof,  buried  in  the 
church,  towards  the  north  side  thereof 

St.  David        4.  David,  the  next  archbishop,  of  royal  extraction, 

ofmoMwtic  w^  uncle  to  king  Arthur®.     He  privately  studied 

life. 

^  [Camden,  ib.]  the  early  Welsh  bishops^  having 

c  [For  which    purpose    he  been  principally  compiled  from 

was  consecrated  by  Germanus  the  celebrated  '*  Liber  Llanda- 

and  Lupus,  according  to  the  **  vensis."      He   was    himself 

writer  of  his  life,  in  Wharton's  bishop  of  Llandaff.] 
Angl.  Sacr.  IL  656.]  e  [See  his  life  by  Giraldus 

^   Godwin,  [De  praesuL,  p.  Cambrensis  in  Wharton's  Ang. 

571.  Godwin's  book  is  particii-  Sacr.  IL  p.  628.] 
larly  valuable,  for  the  history  of 


CSKT.  VI. 


of  Britain. 


115 


the  scriptures  ten  years  before  he  would  presume  to  a.  d.  5 19. 
preach,  and  always  carried  the  Gospels  about  him. 
He  kept  a  synod  against  the  Pelagian  error,  a  second 
edition  whereof  was  set  forth  in  his  time,  and  con- 
firmed many  wavering  souls  in  the  faith.  By  leave 
obtained  from  king  Arthur,  he  removed  the  archi- 
episcopal  seat  fix)m  Caer-lion  to  Menevea,  now 
called  St.  David*s,  in  Pembrokeshire.  In  which  ex- 
change his  devotion  is  rather  to  be  admired,  than  his 
discretion  to  be  commended ;  leaving  a  fruitful  soil 
for  a  bleach  barren  place';  though  the  worse  it  was, 
the  better  for  his  purpose,  being  a  great  promoter  of 
a  monastical  life.  And  though  the  place  was  much 
exposed  to  the  rapine  of  pirates^,  yet  this  holy  man 
laid  up  his  heavenly  treasure  where  thieves  do  not 
break  through  nor  steal. 

5.  Yet  I  am  sensible  that  I  have  spent,  to  my  One  para- 
shame,  so  much  precious  time  in  reading  the  legend  rade  of  st. 
of  his  life,  that  I  will  not  wilfully  double  my  guilti- 
ness in  writing  the  same,  and  tempt  the  reader  to 
offend  in  like  nature.  This  miracle  I  cannot  omit*". 
David  one  day  was  preaching  in  an  open  field  to  the 
multitude,  and  could  not  be  well  seen  because  of  the 
concourse,  (though  they  make  him  four  cubits  high, 


f  Giraldus  Cambreiisis.  [De 
Statu  Menevensis  Eccl.  in 
Wharton's  A.  S.  II.  p.  542.] 

sr  Camden's  Brit,  in  Pem- 
brokeshire^ [p.  510.] 

^  H.  Porter's  Flowers  of 
the  English  Saints,  p.  222. 
["  The  Flowers  of  the  lives  of 
"  the  most  renowned  Saints  of 
*'  the  three  kingdoms^England, 
"  Scotland,  and  Ireland.  By 
*'  the  R.  Father  Hierome  Por- 
"  ter.  Priest  and  Monke  of  the 


*•  holy  order  of  Sainct  Bene- 
**  diet,  of  the  Congregation  of 
"  England.  The  first  tome. 
•'  Printed  at  Doway,  with  li- 
'*  cence  and  approbation  of  the 
"  ordinary,  1632."  4*^.  Formed 
on  the  plan  of  the  Roman  and 
other  martyrologies.  The  first 
volume  reaches  to  the  end  of 
June.  I  have  not  been  able  to 
discover  whether  the  second 
volume  was  ever  published.] 

I  2 


116  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A.D.519.  a  man  and  half  in  statu^e^)  when,  behold,  the  earth 
whereon  he  stood,  officiously  heaving  itself  up, 
mounted  him  to  a  competent  visibility  above  all  his 
audience^.  Whereas  our  Saviour  himself,  when  he 
taught  the  people,  was  pleased  to  choose  a  mountain'^, 
making  use  of  the  advantage  of  nature,  without 
improving  his  miraculous  power.  He  died  aged  146 
years,  on  the  first  of  March^  still  celebrated  by  the 
Welsh  with  wearing  of  a  leek™;  perchance  to  per- 
petuate the  memory  of  his  abstinence,  whose  con- 
tented mind  made  many  a  savoury  meal  on  such 
roots  of  the  earth. 

Reasons  6.  A  wondor  it  is  to  see  how  many  Methuselahs 

t^Jage'^'^l  extreme  aged  men)  these  times  did  produce.     St. 

^l^^  Patrick  died  aged  122;  Samson,  aged  120;  David, 
146  ;  Gildas  Badonicus,  90,  &c.°  Some  reason 
whereof  may  be  alleged,  because  living  retired  in  a 
contemplative  way,  they  did  not  bruise  their  bodies 
with  embroiling  them  in  worldly  affairs :  or  it  may 
be  ascribed  to  their  temperate  diet,  whilst  many  of 
.  our  age  spill  their  radical  moisture  through  the 
leaks  of  their  own  luxury.  Nor  is  it  absurd  to  say, 
that  God  made  these  great  tapers  of  a  more  firm 
and  compacted  wax  than  ordinary,  that  so  they  might 
last  the  longer  in  burning  to  give  light  to  his  church, 
and  bestowed  on  them  an  especial  strong  natural 
constitution. 

The  dis-         7.  About  the   same  time  (accurateness  in  com- 

creet  devo- 

1  Bale,  Cent.  I.  §.  55.  eleventh  century.] 

J  [Taken  from  among  many         ^  Matt.  v.  i . 

other  miracles  related  of  him         1  [In  the   year    544.      See 

by  Giraldus,  ib.  638.    The  life  Usher,  ib.  274.] 

by  Giraldus  is  chiefly  a  com-         *"  Several  reasons  hereof  as- 

pilation  from  a  life  of  St.  Da-  signed  by  authors. 

vid,    written    by    Ricemarch,         ^  See  Bale  in  their  general 

bishop  of  St.  David's   in  the  lives,  [I.  §.  46,  55,  62,  66.] 


csKT.  VI.  of  Britain.  117 

puting  years  is  not  to  be  expected,  for  never  were  A.D.519. 
more  doublings  and  redoublings  niade  by  a  hunted  tion  of  Ca. 
hare,  than  there  are  intricacies  in  the  chronology  of 
this  age,  going  backward  and  forward)  flourished 
Cadocus,  abbot  of  Llancarvan  in  Glamorganshire, 
son  of  the  prince  and  toparch  of  that  country.  This 
godly  and  learned  man  so  renounced  the  world,  that 
he  retained  part  of  his  paternal  principality  in  his 
possession,  whereby  he  daily  fed  three  hundred  of 
clei^ymen,  widows,  and  poor  people,  besides  guests 
and  visitants  daily  resorting  to  him®.  He  is  equally 
conunended  for  his  policy,  in  keeping  the  root,  the 
right  of  his  estate,  in  his  own  hands ;  and  for  his 
piety,  in  bestowing  the  fruit,  the  profits  thereof,  in 
the  relieving  of  others.  It  seems  in  that  age  wilfiil 
poverty  was  not  by  vow  entailed  on  monastical  life. 
Nor  did  this  Cadocus,  as  regulars  in  aftertimes, 
with  open  hands  scatter  away  his  whole  means,  so 
foolishly  to  grasp  his  fist  full  of  popular  applause. 
He  is  said  afterwards  to  have  died  at  Beneventum 
in  Italy. 

8.  Iltutus  comes  next  into  play,  a  zealous  man,iitutiis 
and  deep  scholar;  who  not  fer  from  Cadocus,  at  monkish 
Llan-lwit  in  Glamorganshire,  (contractedly  for  Llan-  ®^^"®*' 
iltut,)  preached  God's  word,  and  set  up  a  college  of 
scholars,  being  himself  a  great  observer  of  a  single 
life.     It  is  reported  of  him,  that  when  his  wife  re- 
paired to  him  for  due  benevolence,  or  some  ghostly 
counsel,  he  put  out  her  eyes,  out  of  anger,  for  inter- 
rupting him  in  his  constant  course  of  chastity  i'.   But 
surely  some  blind  monk,  having  one  of  his  eyes  put 

"  Joan.  Tinmuthensis  in  ejus     about  three  miles  from  Cow- 
vita,    [quoted    by    Usher,    ib.     bridge.] 
1124=248.        Llancarvan    is         P  Bale,  Cent.  i.  §.  52. 

i3 


118  The  Church  History  book  i. 

A»i>»5'9'  out  with  ignorance,  and  the  other  with  supergtition, 
was  the  first  founder  of  this  feble.  Thus  godly 
saints  in  that  age  were  made  martyrs  afker  their 
death ;  persecuted  (though  in  their  commendation) 
with  impudent  and  improbable  lies.  It  is  reported 
also  of  the  same  Iltutus,  that  he  turned  men  into 
stones  *i.  Had  it  been  stones  into  men,  converting 
stupid  souls  into  Christians  by  his  preaching,  it  had 
been  capable  of  an  allegorical  construction ;  whereas, 
as  now  told,  it  is  a  lie  in  the  literal,  and  nonsense  in 
the  mystical  meaning  thereof. 

A.D.sai.      9,  Samson  succeeds,  scholar  to  Iltutus,  made  by 

bamson  , 

archbishop  Dubritius  bishop  at  large,  sine  tittdo^.  It  seems  in 
that  age  all  bishops  were  not  fixed  to  the  chair  of  a 
peculiar  church,  but  some  might  sit  down  in  any 
vacant  place  for  their  cathedral,  and  there  exercise 
their  episcopal  authority,  provided  it  were  without 
prejudice  to  other  bishops.  Afterwards  this  Samson 
was  made  archbishop  of  Dole  in  French  Britain; 
and  in  those  days,  such  was  the  correspondency  be- 
twixt this  Greater  and  that  Lesser  Britain,  that  they 
seemed  to  possess  learned  men  in  common  betwixt 
them.  Scarce  am  I  reconciled  to  this  Samson  for 
•carrying  away  with  him  the  monuments  of  British 
antiquity.  Had  he  put  them  out  to  the  bank,  by 
procuring  several  copies  to  be  transcribed,  learning 
thereby  had  been  a  gainer ;  and  a  saver,  had  he  only 
secured  the  originals ;  whereas  now  her  loss  is  irre- 
coverable :  principal  and  interest,  authentics  and 
transcripts,  are  all  embezzled.  Nor  is  the  matter 
much,  whether  they  had  miscarried   at   home,  by 


*»  Bale,  ib.  p.  1130=277. 

''  Usher,  de  Brit.  Eccl.  prim.         »  Bale,  [Cent.  i.  §.  6a.] 


cxiTT.  VI.  of  Britain,  119 

foes'  violence,   or  abroad,  by  such   friends'   negli- a.  D.  540 
gence. 

10.  It  were  a  sin  to  omit  St.  Patem,  for  three  and  Paternus  1 

x  1         -Tk  •     pattern  foi 

twenty  years  a  constant  preacher  at  Llan-Patem  m  au  bishops 
Cardiganshire^  His  fatherlike  care  over  his  flock 
passeth  with  peculiar  commendation  ;  ^^  that  he 
**  governed  his  people  by  feeding  them,  and  fed  his 
"  people  by  governing  them"."  Some  years  after 
the  place  continued  an  episcopal  see,  and  was  extin- 
guished upon  occasion  of  the  people's  barbarously 
murdering  of  their  bishop. 

11.  St.  Petrock   comes    in   for   his  share,  from  a.  d.  548. 
whom  Petrock-stow,  contracted  Padstow,  in  Com- captain  of 
wall,    is   denominated'^.      One  of  great  piety  aod^^ 
painfiilness  in  that  age.     Afterward  he  is  said  to 

have  gone  to  the  East  Indies,  (all  far  countries  are 
East  Indies  to  ignorant  people,)  and  at  his  return  to 
be  buried  at  Bodman  in  Cornwall.  That  county  is 
the  Cornucopia  of  saints,  (most  of  Irish  extraction,) 
and  the  names  of  their  towns  and  villages  the  best 
nomenclature  of  the  devout  men  of  this  age.  If  the 
people  of  that  province  have  as  much  holiness  in 
their  hearts,  as  the  parishes  therein  carry  sanctity  in 
their  names,  Cornwall  may  pass  for  another  Holy 
Land  in  public  reputation. 

12.  Next  St.  Petrock  comes  St.  Teliau;  for  it  is  a.  0.550. 
pity  to  part  two  such  intimate   friends.     He  was  of  st.'*Tel^ 
called,  by  allusion  to  his  name,  Helios^  which  in^'*"* 
Greek  signifieth  the  sun,  because  of  the  lustre  of  his 

life  and  learning.  But  the  vulgar  sort,  who  count  it 
no  fault  to  miscall  their  betters,  if  they  have  hard     * 

*  [Usher,  ib.  275.]  w  [Usher,  ib.  292.] 

'I  Camden's  Brit,  in  Cardi-         »  Harpsfield  Hist.  Eccl.  Ang. 
ganshire^  [p.  518.]  P-  41.  [ed.  1622.] 

I4 


120 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  r. 


A.  P.  550-  names,  called  him  Eliud,  (one  of  that  name  was  one 
of  our  Saviour*8  ancestors^,)  turning  the  Greek  into 
an  Hebrew  word,  and  understanding  both  alike.  He 
was  scholar  to  Dubritius,  and  succeeded  him  in  the 
bishopric  of  LandafT.  A  pious  man,  constant  preacher, 
and  zealous  reprover  of  the  reigning  sins  of  that 
time*.     This  is  all  the  certain  truth  extant  of  him ; 
which  some  monks  counting  too  little,  have  with 
their  fabulous  breath  blown  up  the  story  of  his  life 
to  such  a  bigness,  that  the  credit  thereof  breaks 
with  its  own  improbability*.     Witness  his  journey 
to  Jerusalem,  full  of  strange  miracles,  where  he  had 
a  cymbal  given  him,  excelling  the  sound  of  an  organ, 
and  ringing  every  hour  of  its   own   accord.      No 
doubt  a  loud  one.     "  Loaden  with  merits,*'  saith  the 
author ^  (I  had  thought  nothing  but  sin  could  bur- 
den a  saint,)  he  departed  this  life,  having  his  me- 
mory continued  in  many  churches  of  South- Wales, 
dedicated  to  him,  and  is  remembered  in  the  Roman 
Calendar  on  the  ninth  of  February. 
A.D.580.      13.   I   had   almost   forgotten    Congel,   abbot    of 
other  wor-  Banffor^,  who  much  altered  the  discipline  of  that 
lameage.*  nionastery;  Kentigem,  the  famous  bishop  of  Elwy 
in   North- Wales ;    St.  Asaph,  his  successor  in  the 
same  place.      In  whose  mouth  this  sentence  was 
frequent,  "  Such  who  are  against  the  preaching  of 
"  God's  word,  envy  the  salvation  of  mankind^."     As 


y  Matt.  1.  14. 

«  Bale.  Cent.  i.  §.  58. 

*  In  the  book  of  his  life  ex- 
tant in  the  church  of  Landaff. 
[See  the  life  of  St.  Teliau  in 
Wharton's  Ang.  Sacr.  II.  662.] 

^  H.  Porter's  Flowers  of 
the  Saints,  p.  151. 

^  [Fuller  has  fallen  into  the 
same  error  as  Bale,  Cent.  i.  §.  53 . 


This  Congellus  or  Comgallus 
was  an  Irishman,  not  a  Briton ; 
the  monastery  founded  by  him 
was  in  Ulster,  not  the  cele- 
brated Bangor  in  Wales.  See 
Usher,  ib.  69,  494.] 

^  Godwin,  [de  Praesul.  633. 
See  also  the  life  of  Kentigem, 
ib.  631.] 


CXMT.  IV.  of  Britain,  121 

for  Gildas,  sumamed  the  Wise,  their  contemporary,  A.D.58a 
we  reserve  his  character  for  our  library  of  British 
historians^.  Many  other  worthy  men  flourished  at 
the  same  time ;  and  a  national  church  being  a  large 
room,  it  is  hard  to  count  all  the  candles  God  lighted 
therein. 

14.  Most  of  these  men  seem  bom  under  a  tra- Pano™  in 

.» •    

veiling  planet;  seldom  having  their  education  in  thewhyinooo 
place  of  their  nativity :  ofbtimes  composed  of  Irish  Jj^*  ™^ 
infancy,  British  breeding,  and  French  preferment ; 
taking  a  cowl  in  one  coimtry,  a  crozier  in  another, 
and  a  grave  in  a  third;  neither  bred  where  bom, 
nor  beneficed  where  bred,  nor  buried  where  bene- 
ficed ;  but  wandering  in  several  kingdoms.  Nor  is 
this  to  be  imputed  to  any  humour  of  inconstancy, 
(the  running  gout  of  the  soul,)  or  any  affected  unset- 
tledness  in  them ;  but  proceeding  from  other  weighty 
considerations.  First,  to  procure  their  safety.  For 
in  time  of  persecution,  the  surest  place  to  shift  in,  is 
constant  shifting  of  places :  not  staying  any  where  so 
long  as  to  give  men's  malice  a  steady  aim  to  level  at 
them.  Secondly,  to  gain  experience  in  those  things 
which  grew  not  all  in  the  same  soil.  Lastly,  that 
the  gospel  thereby  might  be  further  and  faster  pro- 
pagated. When  there  be  many  guests  and  little 
meat,  the  same  dish  must  go  clean  through  the 
board ;  and  Divine  providence  ordered  it,  that  in  the 
scarcity  of  preachers,  one  eminent  man,  travelling 
far,  should  successively  feed  many  countries. 

15.  To  most  of  these  authors  many  written  volumes  Books 
are  assigned,  the  titles  and  beginnings  whereof  you  ^[j^  ^' 

«  Vide  our  Library  of  Bri-  haps  being  merged  in  **  The 
tish  Histor.  N®.  i.  [This  work  '•  Worthieft/*  where  some  ac« 
was  never  accomplished ;  per-     count  of  Oildas  will  be  found.] 


I 


182  The  Church  History  of  Britain.         book  i. 

A.D.58O'  may  find  in  our  countrymen  Bale  and  Pits,  who  will 
British  persuade  you  that  they  have  seen  and  perused  some 
of  them.  This  they  do  partly  to  enhance  the  merit 
of  their  industry  in  finding  out  so  many  rarities,  and 
partly  to  commend  to  the  world  the  latitude  of  their 
own  reading.  I  shall  as  soon  believe  that  they  have 
seen  all  Solomon's  volumes,  which  he  wrote  from 
the  Cedar  of  Libanus,  to  the  hyssop  that  groweth  on 
the  wall.  But  this  humour  possesseth  many  men 
that  brag  of  many  books  coming  under  their  dis- 
covery ;  as  if  not  only  with  the  mice,  they  had  crept 
through  the  crannies  of  all  libraries,  but  also  with 
the  moths,  had  got  betwixt  the  leaves  of  all  treatises 
therein.  In  plain  truth,  as  it  is  probable  that  those 
British  prelates  wrote  many  books  of  consequence, 
so  it  i8  certain  that  long  since  by  time  they  have 
been  abolished.  As  for  those  spurious  tracts  which 
monks  in  after-ages  set  out  under  these  worthy 
men's  names,  they  are  no  more  to  be  accounted  the 
true  offspring  of  these  learned  saints,  than  that 
common  manna,  ordinarily  sold  in  apothecaries* 
shops,  is  the  selfsame  with  that  angel's  food  which 
fell  down  from  heaven  and  feasted  the  Israelites. 


THE 


CHURCH  HISTORY 


OP 


BRITAIN. 


THE  SECOND  BOOK, 

FROM  THE  CONVERSION  OF  THE  SAXONS  TO  CHRIS. 

TIANITY,  UNTIL  THE  (COMMONLY  CALLED) 

CONQUEST  OF  THE  NORMANS. 


RIGHT  HONOURABLE 
HENRY, 

LORD  MARQUIS  OP  DORCHESTER, 

EARL  OF  KINGSTON,  VISCOUNT  NEWARK.  LORD  FIERRE- 
FONT,  fto.* 

10W  low  learning  ran  in  our  land 
amongst  the  native  nobility  Bome  two 
hundred  years  since,  in  the  reign  of 
king  Henry  the  Sixth,  too  plainly  ap- 
peareth  by  the  motto  in  the  sword  of  the  martial 
earl  of  Shrevrabury,  where  at  the  same  time  one 
may  smile  at  the  simplicity  and  sigh  at  the  bar- 
barism thereof,  Sum  Talboti,  pro  occidebe  inimicds 
MEOS.  The  best  Latin  that  lord,  and  perchance  his 
chaplains  too  in  that  age,  could  afford. 

But  in  the  next  generation  we  may  observe  the 
rise  of  learning  in  noble  femilies.  I  behold  John 
THptoft,  earl  of  Worcester,  bred  in  Balliol  college, 
as  the  iirst  English  person  of  honour  that  graced 
learning  with  the  study  thereof  in  the  days  of  king 

>  [This  was  the  celebrated  of  him  in  Wood's  Fasti,  ii.  33. 

Heniy  Pierrepoint,    wfaa  was  He  was   highly  esteemed   for 

appcrinted  one  of  king  CharW  his  abilities  both  aa  a  scholar 

oommisBiunerB  at  the  treaty  of  and  an  author.] 
Uxbridge.     See  some  account 


126 


DEDICATION. 


Edward  the  Fourth,  both  at  home  and  in  foreign 
universities.  He  made  so  eloquent  an  oration  m 
the  Vatican  in  the  presence  of  pope  Pius  the 
Second,  one  of  the  least  bad,  and  most  learned  of 
any  of  his  order,  that  his  holiness  was  divided 
betwixt  weeping  and  wondering  thereat^. 

This  earl  may  be  said  to  have  left  John  Bourchier, 
baron  of  Bemers^  and  governor  of  Calais,  the  heir 
to  his  learning;  as  who  wrote  many  treatises  and 
made  exciuisions  into  variety  of  studies  in  the  days 
of  king  Henry  the  Seventh^. 

This  learned  baron  had  several  successors  under 
king  Henry  the  Eighth  at  the  same  time  to  his  parts 
and  liberal  studies. 

1.  Henry  lord  Stafford,  son  to  the  last  duke  of 
Buckingham  of  that  name  ®. 

2.  William  lord  Montjoy,  a  great  patron  to 
Erasmus,  and  well  skilled  in  chymistry  and  mathe- 
matics^. 

8.  Henry  Howard,  earl  of  Surrey,  though  last  in 


^  Bale,  [Cent.  viii.  §.  46.] 

c  [The  celebrated  translator 
of  Froissart.  He  died  in  1533. 
For  a  further  account  of  him 
and  his  writings,  see  Wood's 
Ath.  i.  33.] 

d  Bale,  Cent.  ix.  §.  i,  et  Pits 
de  Scrip.  Anglic,  [p.  713.] 

e  [A  nobleman  of  consider- 
able parts.  Among  other  things, 
he  translated  the  treatise  '*  De 
"  vera  differentia  inter  regiam 
'•potestatem  et  ecclesiasticam :" 
generally  known  by  the  name 


of  the  king's  book,  but  attri- 
buted by  Bale  to  Fox,  bishop 
of  Hereford,  the  king's  al- 
moner. This  nobleman  died 
in  1558.  See  his  life  in  Wood's 
Ath.  i.  109.  Bale,  App.  p.  1 12. 
Strype's  Cran.  75.  Mem.  II.  i. 

^  [William  Blount,  fourth 
baron  Mountjoy.  Erasmus  de- 
dicated to  him  his  Adagia. 
His  corres|K)ndence  with  Eras- 
mus is  published  in  Epist. 
Erasmi,  1642.] 


DEDICATION.  187 

time,  not  least  in  merit,  the  first  reviver  of  English 
poetry :  so  that  he  may  seem  in  some  sort  to  wave 
his  coronet  to  wear  the  laurel  8^. 

Since  whose  time  to  our  days  learning  hath  ever 
had  a  visible  succession  in  our  nobility.  Amongst 
whom  your  honour,  as  captain  of  the  highest  form, 
is  most  illustrious. 

Indeed  your  lordship  is  a  real  refutation  of  that 
scandalous  position  which  some  maintain,  that  such 
who  are  generally  seen  in  all  arts,  cannot  be  emi- 
nently skilful  in  any  one.  A  position  no  better  than 
a  libel  on  learning,  invented  and  vented  either  by 
the  idle,  who  would  not  themselves  study,  or  by  the 
envious,  who  desire  to  discourage  the  endeavours  of 
others. 

Whereas  there  is  such  a  sympathy  betwixt  several 
sciences,  as  also  betwixt  the  learned  languages,  that 
as  in  a  regular  fortification  one  piece  strengtheneth 
another,  a  resultive  firmness  ariseth  from  their  com- 
plication, reflecting  life  and  lustre  one  on  another. 
Arts  may  be  said  to  be  arched  together:  and  all 
learned  faculties  have  such  a  mutual  reciprocation. 
Thus  one  is  the  better  canonist  for  being  a  good 
civilian,  and  a  better  common  lawyer,  for  being  both 
of  them.  And  hereof  your  honour  is  an  experi- 
mental proof,  whose  knowledge  is  spread  so  broad, 
yet  lieth  so  thick  in  all  liberal  sciences. 


?  [He  was  beheaded  in  1547.     too  well  known  to  require  a 
His  excellencies  as  a  poet  are     more  detailed  account.] 


1«8  DEDICATION. 

What  remaineth,  but  that  I  crave  leave  humbly 
to  mind  your  lordship  of  that  allusive  motto  to  your 
name,  Pie  repone  te;  that  your  honour  reposing 
yourself  piously  in  this  life,  may  in  a  good  old  age  be 
gloriously  translated  into  another.     The  desire  of, 

Your  Lordship's 

Most  bounden  orator, 

THOMAS  FULLER. 


THE 

CHURCH    HISTORY 

OF 

BRITAIN. 

CENTURY  VI. 

T  is  wonderful  to  see  how  the  fruits  of  a.d.s8s. 


great  events  are  virtually  comprised  in  The  em 
I  the  small  seed  of  their  causes,  and  how  the  Suom' 
I  a  contemptible  accident  may  give  the  ^"J^^ 
occasion  of  most  considerable  effects ;  '^■'r- 
u  may  appear  by  the  conversion  of  the  Saxons  to 
Christianity.     For  it  happened  that  certain  Saxon 
children  were  to  be  sold  for  slaves  at  the  market- 
place at  Rome,  when  Divine  providence,  the  great 
clock-keeper  of  time,  ordering  not  only  hoiure,  but 
even  instants  ^  to  his  own  honour  so  disposed  it,  that 
Gregory,  afterwards  fint  bishop  of  Rome  of  that 
name,  was  present  to  behold  them.     It  grieved  the 
good  man  to  see  the  disproportion  betwixt  the  faces 
and  fortunes,   the  complexions  and   conditions   of 
tboee  children,  condemned  to  a  servile  estate,  though 
carrying  liberal  looks,  so  legible  was  ingenuity  in 
their  laces.     It  added  more  to  his  sorrow,  when  he 
conceived    that   those    youths    were   twice    vassals, 

■  Bede,  Hist.  Eocl.  ii.  i.  <>  Luk«  ii.  38. 

rOLLBX,  VOL.  I.  K 


180  The  Church  History  booi 

A.D.  585.  bought  by  their  masters,  and  sold  under  sin^;  servj 
in  their  bodies,  and  slaves  in  their  souls  to  Sal 
which  occasioned  the  good  man  to  enter  into  -furl 
inquiry  with  the  merchants  which  set  them  to 
what  they  were,  and  whence  they  came,  accordin 
this  ensuing  dialogue. 

G7'eff.  Whence  come  these  captives  ? 

Mer.  From  the  isle  of  Britain. 

(jh'eff.  Are  those  islanders  Christians  ? 

Me7\  O  no :  they  are  pagans. 

Gfreff.  It  is  sad  that  the  author  of  darkness  sb 
possess  men  with  so  bright  faces.  But  what  is 
name  of  their  particular  nation  ? 

Mer.  They  are  called  Angli. 

Greff.  And  well  may,  for  their  angel-like  facee 
becometh  such  to  be  coheirs  with  the  angelf 
heaven.  In  what  province  of  England  did  1 
live? 

Mer.  In  Deira^. 

Cfreg.  They  are  to  be  freed  de  Dei  ira,  from 
anger   of  God.      How   call   ye   the   king   of 
country  ? 

Mer.  ELLA. 

Gfreg.  Surely  Hallelujah  ought  to  be  simg  in 
kingdom  to  the  praise  of  that  God  who  create<] 
things^. 

^  Rom.  vii.  14.  "  major um  ad  nos  asqtie 

d  Which  at  this  day  is  the  "  lata    est/'      This    trad 

bishopric  of  Deirham,  or  Dur-  however    has    been    inse 

ham.  nearly  in  the  same  word 

®    [Bede  narrates  this  dia-  the  life  of  Gregory  attrit 

logue    as    merely   traditional,  to  Joannes  Diaconus  (ii. 

prefixing   to   it  the  following  who  also  mentions  the  nan 

observation  :    *•  Nee    silentio  the    pope   to   whom   Grc 

"  prsetereunda  opinio  qu»  de  imparted   his   design   of 

••  beato     Gregorio    traditione  verting  Britain^  but  whi< 


VI. 


of  Britain. 


181 


lus  Gregory's  gracious  heart  set  the  sound  of  A.D.58J 
f  word  to  the  tune  of  spiritual  goodness.     Nor 
his  words  be  justly  censured  for  levity,  if  we 
ider  how  in  that  age  the  elegancy  of  poetry  con- 
i  in  rhythm,  and  the  eloquence  of  prose  in  allu- 
I.    And,  which  was  the  main,  where  his  pleasant 
eits  did  end,  there  his  pious  endeavours  began ; 
h  did  not  terminate  in  a  verbal  jest,  but  produce 
effects,  which  ensued  hereupon. 
For  repairing  to  Pelagius,  bishop  of  Rome,  he  Oregatj 
Tted   his   discoveries   unto  him,   desiring  that  vert  £ng. 
J  might  be  sent  to  endeavour  the  conversion  of  pg^ioli^  bu 
English  nation,  tendering  his  personal  service  ^^  *' ^^y 
^onto.     But  Pelagius  was  unwilling  to  expose 
;ory  to  so  dangerous  a  design,  and  the  people  of 
8  accounting  him  a  precious  jewel,  to  be  choicely 
for  his  own  wearing,  would  not  cast  this  pearl 
e  stvine^  by  hazarding  him  to  the  insolency  of 
pagans.     Now  Pelagius  not  long   after  being 
d  into  another  world,  Gregory  succeeded  in  his 


sd  in  Bede.  This  was 
lict  I.^  who  died  in  582, 
tot  Pelagius  II.,  his  sue 
*^  88  Fuller  states  (see 
^almsb.  De  Gestis,  f.  8.). 
refore  any  credit  be  due 
is  life  of  Gregory,  this 
;ae  must  have  taJcen  place 
$585.  But  this  error  of 
rathor  should  rather  be 
Qted  to  Godwin,  who 
ig  the  passage  of  Paulus 
nas,    states    that    about 

years  (he  should  rather 
said  eleven,  for  Gregory 
aised  to  the  popedom  in 

bad  elapsed  since  this 
rsation^  when  Gregory, 
pope,  attempted  that  by 


his  own  authority  which  he 
was  not  permitted  to  do  whilst 
in  an  inferior  station.  (De  Pre- 
sul.  p.  28.) 

Archbishop  Parker  however, 
and  I  think  justly,  throws  dis- 
credit upon  this  whole  narra. 
tive.  Observing  upon  the  au- 
thority of  Gregory 'sown  letters^ 
that  his  first  motive  to  the 
conversion  of  the  Anglo-Sax- 
ons, was  an  application  made 
to  him  from  them  for  that 
purpose.  See  the  letters  quoted 
by  him  in  his  Antiq.  Brit. 
Eccl.  p.  52.  They  are  printed 
at  full  length  in  Wilkins*  Cone. 
I.  10  sq.  fV.  714.] 

K  2 


\ 


188  Tlie  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.P.585»  place ;  who  rising  to  new  greatness,  did  not  fidl  from 
his  old  goodness,  but  prosecuting  his  project  with 
more  earnestness,  sent  Augustine  the  monk,  with 
Mellitus,  and  forty  more,  to  preach  the  gospel  in 
Britain.  He  himself  tarrying  behind  in  body,  went 
with  them  in  his  spirit^,  accompanying  them  with 
his  effectual  prayers :  and  none  will  deny  but  that 
Moses  in  the  mount  contributed  as  much  to  the 
conquering  of  Amalekfif,  as  Joshua  in  the  valley. 
A.D.596.  3.  These  men  had  not  gone  far,  when  they  were 
and  his  fd-  Surprised  with  a  qualm  of  fear,  and  sending  Au- 
foTfeap.  gustine  back  again  to  Gregory,  requested  to  be  ex- 
cused from  going  to  so  barbarous  a  nation,  not  as 
yet  converted  to  civility,  whose  language  they  did 
not  understand.  Here  some  will  be  ready  to  deride 
them  for  cowards ;  who  more  seriously  considering 
with  how  many  excuses  Moses,  being  sent  by  Grod 
himself,  declined  the  going  to  Pharaoh**,  and  how 
loath  Jeremy  was  to  preach  to  his  countrymen,  the 
stiff-necked  Jews*,  will  presently  change  their  cen- 
suring into  commiserating  the  frailty  of  flesh,  and 
common  condition  of  mankind.  But  those  make 
short  miles,  who  looking  through  a  window,  travel  a 
day's  journey  in  an  instant,  whilst  wayfaring  men 
must  honestly  pay  for  every  step,  and  dearly  earn  it 
with  their  industry.  It  is  facile  for  men  in  their 
pleasing  speculations  to  project  the  conversion  of  a 
kingdom,  and  with  themselves  to  discourse  a  heathen 
nation  into  Christianity ;  whilst  those  must  encoimter 
many  difficulties  who  really  go  about  to  perform  it. 
Gregory  perceiving  them   to  tire   in  their   under- 


f  I  Cor.  V.  3.  ^  £xod.  iii.  and  iv. 

K  Exod.  xvii.  II.  *  Jer.  i.  6. 


CENT.  VI.  of  Britain.  18S 

takings,  spurred  them  on  with  his  exhortatory  letter ;  a.d.  55 
the  copy  whereof  is  here  inserted  ^  to  acquaint  us 
with  the  style  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  in  that  age. 

"  Gregorius,  the  servant  of  the  servants  of  God, 
"  &c.  For  so  much  as  better  it  were  never  to  begin 
**  a  good  work,  then  after  it  is  once  begun  to  go 
"  from  it  again,  you  must  needs,  my  dear  sons,  now 
"  fulfill  the  good  work,  which  by  the  help  of  God 
"  you  have  taken  in  hand.  Let  therefore  neither  the 
**  travail  of  the  journey,  neither  the  talk  of  evill- 
"  tongued  men  dismay  you.  But  with  all  force  and 
"  fervour  make  up  that  you  have  by  the  motion  of 
"  God  begun,  assuring  yourselves,  that  aft;er  your 
"  great  labour  etemall  reward  shall  follow.  Be  you 
**  in  all  points  obedient  unto  Augustine,  whom  I 
**  have  sent  back  unto  you,  and  appointed  him  to  be 
**  your  abbot,  knowing  that  shall  much  profit  your 
"  souls,  which  you  shall  do  upon  obedience  of  his 
**  commandment.  Our  Almighty  Lord  defend  you 
**  with  his  grace,  and  grant  me  to  see  the  fruit  of 
"  your  labours  in  his  kingdome  of  heaven:  and  though 
"  I  cannot  labour  myself  with  you,  yet  I  may  enjoy 
**  part  of  your  reward,  for  that  I  have  a  will  to 
**  labour.  God  keep  you  healthy,  my  dearly  beloved 
**  children. 

"  Dated  the  23rd  of  July,  our  Lord  Mauricius 
**  Tiberius  reigning,  our  most  vertuous  emperour,  in 
"  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  empire,  the  thirteenth 
**  year  after  his  consulship,  indie tione  14 1" 

As  yet  we  see  the  chaplain  had  not  lorded  it  over 
his  patron;  as  yet  the  pope's  crown  was  not  built 

^  Bede's  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  23,  translated  by  Stapleton. 
1  [That  is  in  the  year  596.] 

K  3 


1S4  The  Church  Hhiory  book  it. 

A  D.  596.  three  stories  high,  but  observed  a  distance  of  sub- 
mission towards  the  emperor,  as  appears  by  his 
respectful  expressions.  Yea,  this  bishop  measured 
the  time  by  the  years  of  the  emperor's  reign,  whose 
successors  have  learned  a  new  arithmetic  in  their 
modem  dates  of  charters,  only  reckoning  by  the  years 
of  their  own  consecration,  Avithout  relating  to  any 
imperial  account.  Gregory  (by  the  way)  was  the 
first  which  in  humility  used  the  style  of  servtis  ser^ 
vorum  Dei,  But  as  in  the  method  of  nature,  a  low 
valley  is  immediately  seconded  with  an  ambitious 
hill,  so  after  this  humble  Gregory,  (a  submissive 
soul,)  within  two  years  followed  Boniface  the  Third, 
in  whom  was  the  pitch  of  pride,  and  height  of 
aspiring  haughtiness,  to  be  termed  the  universal 
bishop  of  the  world™. 

Augustine       4.  Besidcs  the    aforesaid    letter,  Gregory  wrote 

troubled  rmi.  Tfroii 

with  mock,  many   others,   one    to   Theodonc   and   rheodebert, 
i^hispas-'l^i^^gs  of  France",  and   several   epistles  to    sundry 
SSough     French  bishops,  to  accommodate  and  assist  Augus- 
France.      tine  and  his  companions  in  so  pious  a  design.     And, 
which  must  not  be  forgotten,  with  them  he  sent 
over  Candidus'',  a  priest,  into  France,  to  receive  the 
profits  and  long-detained  arrears  of  the  pope's  patri- 
moniolum^y  as  he  terms  it,  (the  diminutive  is  well 
increased  at  this  time,)  and  with  the  money  to  buy 
clothes  for  the  poor,  and  also  to  buy  English  pagan- 
captive  youths  in  France  of  seventeen  or  eighteen 
year  old,  that  they  might  be  brought  up  in  Chris- 

^   [He   was   raised   to   the  Flor.  Wigorn.  an.  608.] 
popedom  in  607.    *•  Hie  impe-         ^  Gregor.  Ep.  v.  58. 
"  travit  a  Phoca  ut  scdes  apo-         ©  Ibid.  v.  10. 
"  stolica  caput  esset  Ecclesiae,         P  Ibid.  v.  57.  [All  these  let- 

"  cum   antea  Constantinopolis  ters   are   printed   in   Wilkins' 

'*  primamseomniumscriberet."  Cone.  I.  10  sq.  IV.  716.] 


CKNT.  vi.  of  Britain.  1S6 

tianity  in  monasteries;  so  at  once  bestowing  both  A.D.sg6. 
liberty,  religion,  and  learning  upon  them.  A  tran- 
scendent degree  of  charity;  an  alms  worthy  Gre- 
gory's hands  to  give  it.  And  now  Augustine  with 
his  paitners  well  encouraged,  effectually  prosecute 
their  project,  passing  quietly  through  France,  save 
only  at  the  village  of  Saye  in  Anjou,  where  some 
giggling  huswives  (light  leaves  will  be  wagged  with 
little  wind)  causelessly  fell  a  flouting  at  them.  But 
in  after-ages,  the  people  of  the  same  place,  to  repair 
this  wrong,  erected  a  masculine  church  (women 
being  interdicted  the  entrance  thereof)  to  the  me- 
mory of  St.  Augustine ;  and  how  soundly  one  woman 
smarted  for  her  presumption  herein,  take  it  on  the 
trust  of  my  author** 

Plebs  parat  ecclesiam  mulieribus  baud  reserandam : 
Introitum  tentat  una,  sed  ilia  pent. 

They  build  a  church  where  women  may  not  enter : 
One  tried,  but  lost  her  life  for  her  adventure. 

Yet  Augustine  himself  found  courteous  usage  from 
the  weaker  sex  :  witness  the  kind  carriage  of  Bruni- 
childa  the  queen  of  France  unto  him,  for  which 
Gregory  in  an  epistle'  returned  her  solemn  thanks, 
and  Bertha,  the  king  of  France  his  daughter,  wife  to 
Ethelbert  king  of  Kent. 

5.  Augustine  safely  wafted  over  the  sea,  lands  Auguadne 
with  the  rest  at  Thanet  in  Kent,  taking,  as  it  seems,  power  of 
deep  footing,  if  it  be  true  what  one  writes*,  that  them^Jad^, 
print  of  his  steps  where  he  first  landed  left  as  perfect  p^'^T*®'' 

q  Alexander  Essebiensis,  in  Printed  in  Wilkins'  Cone.  I. 

his  Annal  of  Saints,  and  John  lo.] 

Ca]^;rave,   [in   Vita,  fol.    31.  «  Porter's   Flowers   of  the 

h.]  Saints^  in  the  life  of  St.  Au. 

'  Lib.   V.  59,   [and  ix.   56.  gnstine,  p.  499. 

K  4 


1S6  The  Church  History  book  il 

A.D.  596.  a  mark  in  a  main  rock  as  if  it  had  been  in  wax ;  and 
to  preach    the  Romanists  will  cry  shame  on  onr  hard  hearts,  if 
Engiiih.     our  obduratc  belief,  more  stubborn  than  the  stone, 
will  not  as  pliably  receive  the  impression  of  this 
miracle.     But  it  is  worthy  our  consideration,  that 
though  Augustine  all  his  way  might  be  tracked  by 
the  wonders  he  left  behind  him,  (when  thirsty,  mira- 
culously fetching  a  fountains  when  cold,  a  fire,  re- 
storing the  blind  and  lame  to  their  eyes  and  limbs,) 
yet  for  all  this  he  was  fain  to  bring  interpreters  out 
of  France  with  him,  by  whose  help  he  might  imder- 
stand   the  English,   and   be  imderstood  by   them. 
Whereas  in  Holy  Writ,  when  the  apostles  (and  pa^ 
pists  commonly  call  Augustine  the  English  apostle, 
how  properly   we   shall   see  hereafter)   went  to  a 
foreign  nation,  God  gave  them  the  language  thereof, 
lest  otherwise  their  preaching  should  have  the  vigour 
thereof  abated,  taken  at  the  second  hand,  or  rather 
at  the  second  mouth,  as  Augustine's  was ;  who  used 
an  interpreter,  not  as  Joseph "  to  his  brethren,  out  of 
state  and  policy,  but  out  of  mere  necessity.     This,  I 
say,  well  thought  on,  will  make  our  belief  to  demur 
to  the  truth  of  his  so  frequent  miracles,  being  so  re- 
dundant in  working  them  on  trivial  occasions,  and  so 
defective  in  a  matter  of  most  moment.     But  leaving 
him  and  his  for  a  time  safely  landed  and  lodged,  that 
our  gratitude  to  God  may  be  the  greater  for  freeing 
the  Saxons  our  ancestors  from  the  bondage  of  idol- 
atry, let  us  behold  with  horror  the  huge  fetters  of 
error  and  ignorance  wherewith  the  Devil  kept  them 
in  durance  before  the  gospel  was   preached   unto 
them. 

^  Idem,  p.  498.  «  Gen.  xlii.  23. 


CBNT.  VI. 


of  Britain, 


187 


6.  The  Saxons,  like  the  rest  of  the  Germans,  A.D.  596. 
whilst  pure  impure  pagans,  worshipped  many  idols.  The  rabble 

L     t_  •  X  n  j.»       i»      of  Saxon 

barbarous  m  name,  some  monstrous,  all  antic  foridob. 
shape,  and  abominable  in  the  rites  and  ceremonies 
of  their  adoration.  Some  aver  that  as  the  Germans, 
affecting  an  autarchy,  or  sole-suflSciency  amongst 
themselves,  disdained  commerce  in  customs  or  civil 
government  with  the  Romans,  so  they  communi- 
cated not  with  them  in  their  religion.  Yet  others 
affirm  that  in  after-ages  the  Dutch  did  enter  common 
with  the  Romish  superstition;  at  least-wise  some 
modem  authors  have  reduced  the  Saxon  idols  (sym- 
bolizing with  the  Romans  in  power  and  properties) 
to  some  conformity  with  the  Roman  deities.  Now 
although,  according  to  God's  command  to  the  Jews, 
their  names  shall  not  be  heard  out  of  our  monthly  by 
way  of  praising  them,  praying  to  them,  or  swearing 
by  them,  yet  an  historical  mention  of  them  here  en- 
suing, is  as  free  from  offence,  as  useful  for  information. 
Besides  the  sun  and  moon,  the  Saxons  sacri- 
ficed to 


Name, 


Shape* 


Thor  or  Thur, 
abbreviated  d 
Tkifnrey  which 
we  now  write 
Thunder.  Thurs- 
iay  named  from 

Wodenj  that  is 
vood,  fierce,  or 
forious,  giving 
the  denommation 
to  Wednesday,  or 
Wodensday. 


A  corpulent  statue 
reposed  on  a  cover- 
ed bed,  wearing  a 
crown  of  gold,  about 
which  twelve  stars; 
a  kingly  sceptre  in 
his  right  hand. 

Armed  cap  a  pie, 
with  a  military  co- 
ronet on  his  head. 


Office. 


Correspondent  wUh 


The  Roman  Ju. 

PITER. 


MxRsy. 


w  Exod.  xxiii.  13. 

*  Verstegan's  Restitution  of 
Decayed  Intelligence,  p.  74. 
[ed.  1634.] 

y  So  Verstegan,  p.  72,  but 


He  governed  the 
wind  and  clouds, 
causing  light- 
ning, thunder, 
tempest,  fair  or 
foul  weather. 

He  was  the  god 
of  battle,  by 
whose  aid  and 
furtherance  they 
hoped  to  obtain 
victory. 


Camden,  Brit.  p.  135,  makes 
him  to  be  Mercury.  [Perhaps 
on  the  authority  of  Mat.  Westm. 

P- 155-] 


188 


The  Clmrch  History 


BOOK  IK 


A.D.  596. 


Name, 


Friga  or  Frea^ 
remembered  on 
Friday^, 


Seater,  still  re- 
maining on  Sa- 
turday 


Tuy$o,  whence 
Tuesday  took  its 
name. 


Ermensewl,  that 
is,  the  pillar  or 
stay  of  the  poor. 


Heile. 


Shape. 


An  hermaphro- 
dite, perchance  be- 
cause the  reputed 
patroness  of  gene- 
ration,wberein  both 
sexes  are  joined. 

Of  a  lean  visage, 
longhair,  bare  head, 
holding  in  one  hand 
a  wheel,  in  the  other 
a  pail  of  flowers. 

Covered  with  a 
skin,  arms  and  feet 
naked,  with  an  an- 
cient  aspect,  and  a 
sceptre  in  his  hand. 

Pictured  with  a 
banner  in  one  hand 
with  a  red  rose,  in 
the  other  a  pair  of 
balance,  on  his  head 
a  cock,  breast  a 
bear,  before  him  an 
escutcheon,  &c 

His  stately  statue 
stood  at  Cem  in 
Dorsetshire. 


Office. 


The  giver  of 
peace  and  plenty, 
the  causer  of 
love,  amity,  and 
increase. 

Conceived  to 
have  a  great  in- 
fluence on  the 
kindly  fruits  of 
the  earth. 

The  peculiar  tu- 
telar god  of  the 
Dutch,  whence 
they  had  their 
name. 

The  pretended 
bestower  of  wit 
and  cunning  in 
bargains  and  con- 
tracts. 


The  preventer 
of  diseases,  pre- 
server and  re- 
storer of  health. 


Carreepondeniwkk 


Venus. 


Satuen. 


•  •  •  •  • 


Mercury. 


iGsCULAPIUS. 


Thus  we  see  the  whole  week  bescattered  with 
Saxon  idols,  whose  pagan  gods  were  the  godfathers 
of  the  days,  and  gave  them  their  names.  This  some 
zealot  may  behold  as  the  object  of  a  necessary  re- 
formation, desiring  to  have  the  days  of  the  week 
new  dipped,  and  called  after  other  names.  Though 
indeed  this  supposed  scandal  will  not  offend  the 
wise,  as  beneath  their  notice,  and  cannot  offend  the 
ignorant,  as  above  their  knowledge.  Wherefore 
none  need  so  hastily  to  hurry  to  the  top  of  the  main 
mast,  thence  to  pluck  down  the  badge  of  Castor  and 
Pollux*;  but  rather  let  them  be  careful  steadily  to 
steer  their  ship  to  the  haven  for  which  it  is  bound. 


'  [Malmsbury  styles  her  the 
wife  of  Woden.  De  Gestis 
Regum,  f.  3,  b.  Mat.  West.  ibid. 


The  kings  of  the  Saxons  trace 
their  pedigree  to  Woden.] 
^  Acts  xxviii.  1 1 . 


CENT.  VI.  of  Britain,  189 

and  let  us  redeem  the  time,  for  the  days  are  evil;  not  A.D.596. 
because  in  their  name  they  bear  the  cognizance  of 
the  pagan  gods,  but  because  swarming  with  the  sins 
of  profane  men,  which  all  should  labour  to  reprove 
in  others,  and  amend  in  themselves. 

7.  But  it  was  not  a  week  or  a  month,  yea,  scarce  a  recruit 
a  year  of  days,  which  could  severally  contain  the  idols. 
numerous  Saxon  idols.    Besides  the  forenamed,  they 

had  Neptune  ^  to  whom  in  their  abominable  decima- 
tions they  sacrificed  every  tenth  captive  whom  they 
had  taken  in  war ;  so  making  that  sea-god  to  swim 
in  man's  blood,  per  hujrismodi  non  tarn  sacrificia 
furgati^  quam  sacrilegia  polluti^  saith  an  ancient 
Christian  author^.  Secondly,  Eoster  or  Goster,  a 
goddess,  which  they  worshipped  in  the  spring  time, 
wherein  the  feast  of  Easter  afterwards  was  cele- 
brated, and  so  thence  named,  as  Bede  observeth. 
Thirdly,  Flynt,  so  termed  because  set  on  a  great 
flint-stone,  which,  I  dare  boldly  say,  had  more  sparks 
of  divine  nature  than  that  idol  which  thereon  was 
erected.  Lastly,  Tacitus  observeth '^,  that  the  Saxons 
worshipped  the  peculiar  god  Herthus,  the  selfsame 
which  in  English  we  call  the  Earth,  adoring  that 
whereon  they  did  daily  trample. 

8.  Besides  these,  they  had  other  lesser  gods,  of  a  ah  these 
lower  form  and  younger  house,  as  Helmsteed,  Prono,  by  chrfs- 
Fridegast,  and  Siwe ;  all  which  at  this  day  (to  use  •^^^^^^y* 
the  prophet's  expression)  are  cast  to  the  moles  and 

ike  bats^ ;  fit  company  for  them  which  have  eyes  and 
see  noty  blind  to  the  blind,  like  all  those  which  put 

^  Selden    of  Tithes,  ch.    x.     viii.  Ep.  6.  [p.  223.  ed.  1652.] 
p.  269.  [ed.  161 8.]  d  [Germania,  chap,  xl.] 

c  Sidonias   Apollinaris,    lib.         ^  Isaiah  ii.  20. 


140  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  596.  confidence  in  them.  And  as  the  tme  and  real 
serpent  of  Aaron  ^  did  swallow  up  and  devour  the 
seeming  serpents  which  Jannes  and  Jambres,  the 
Egyptian  enchanters  did  make,  so,  long  since  in 
England,  the  religion  of  the  true  God  hath  outlived 
and  outlasted,  confuted  and  confounded  all  false  and 
feigned  deities.  To  conclude  this  discourse.  I  have 
heard  of  a  man,  who  being  drunk,  rode  over  a  narrow 
bridge,  (the  first  and  last  that  ever  passed  that  way, 
as  which  in  likelihood  led  him  to  imminent  death,) 
and  next  morning  viewing  how  he  had  escaped,  he 
fell  into  a  swoon  with  acting  over  again  the  danger 
of  his  adventure  in  his  bare  apprehension.  So  should 
England  (now,  thanks  be  to  God,  grown  sober  and 
restored  to  herself)  seriously  recollect  her  sad  con- 
dition, when  posting  in  the  paths  of  perdition,  being 
intoxicated  with  the  cup  of  idolatry,  she  would  fell 
into  a  trance  of  amazement  at  the  consideration  of 
her  desperate  state,  before  Christianity  recovered 
her  to  her  right  senses:  the  manner  whereof  we  now 
come  to  relate. 

A.D.597.      9.  When  Augustine  the   monk,  as  is  aforesaid, 

meter  of     landed  in  Thanet,  Ethelbert  was  then  king  of  Kent. 

E^Sbert.  O^®  ^ho  had  very  much  of  good  nature  in  him ;  of 
a  wild  olive  well  civilized,  and  a  stock  fit  to  be 
grafted  upon.  Yea,  he  was  already,  with  king 
Agrippa,  (though  not  in  the  same  sense,)  almost  a 
Christian^;  because  his  other  hali^  queen  Bertha, 
daughter  to  the  king  of  France,  was  a  Christian** :  to 
whom  he  permitted  the  free  use  of  her  religion, 
allowing  her  both  Liudhard  a  bishop,  for  her  chap- 
lain, and  an  old   church   in   Canterbury,  formerly 

^  Exod.  vii.  12.      %  Acts  xxvi.  28.      h  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  25. 


CEKT.  VI.  of  Britain.  141 

dedicated  by  the  Romans  to  St,  Martin,  to  exercise  a.  0.597- 
her  devotion  therein.  Besides,  at  this  time,  this 
Ethelbert  was  in  effect  monarch  of  England,  whilst 
his  person  had  residence  chiefly  in  Kent,  his  power 
had  influence  even  to  Humber,  all  the  rest  of  the 
Saxon  kings  being  homagers  unto  him ;  which  after- 
ward much  expedited  the  passage  of  the  gospel  in 
England.  Thus  each  officious  accident  shall  duti- 
fully tender  his  service  to  the  advance  of  that  design 
which  God  will  have  effected. 

10.  Then  Augustine  acquainted  this  Ethelbert  Augmtine'i 
with  his  arrival,  informing  him  by  his  messengers,  and  eumS- 
that  he  brought  the  best  tidings  unto  him,  which  j!^^*  *"" 
would  certainly  procure  eternal  happiness  in  heaven, 
and  endless  reigning  in  bliss  with  the  true  God,  to 
such  as  should  entertain  them.  Soon  after  Ethelbert 
repaired  into  Thanet ;  to  whom  Augustine  made  his 
address,  fxera  iroW^g  (pavraa-la^j  with  a  deal  of  (spi- 
ritual, carnal)  pomp ;  having  a  silver  cross  carried 
before  him  for  a  banner,  the  image  of  our  Saviour 
painted  in  a  tabled  and  singing  the  Litany  in  the 
way  as  they  went^.  King  Ethelbert  desired  all 
things  betwixt  them  might  be  transacted  in  the 
open  air,  refusing  to  come  under  a  roof  for  fear  of 
fiiscination.  And  indeed  a  stranger,  who  had  never 
seen  the  like  before,  beholding  Augustine  with  such 
abundance  of  trinkets  about  him,  being  formerly 
jealous,  might  hereby  have  his  suspicion  increased, 
that  he  went  about  some  strange  machination. 
However,  Ethelbert  returned  him  a  civil  answer; 
"  That  their  promises  were  fair  and  good ;  but  be- 

1  [Merely  a  painting  of  our     Bede,  ibid.] 
Saviour.  "  Imago  Domini  Sal-        J  Bede^  ib.    [Could  it  be  St. 
"  vatoris   in    tabula   depicta."     Gregory's  own  litany  ?] 


142  The  Church  Hutory  Boot  il. 

A.D.597.  "  cause  new  and  uncertain,  he  could  not  presentlj 
^^  assent  unto  them,  and  leave  the  ancient  customs 
"  of  the  English,  which  had  been  for  so  long  time 
"  observed.  But  because  they  were  strangers,  coming 
'^  from  far  countries,  to  communicate  to  him  and  his 
"  such  things  as  they  conceived  were  good  and  troe^ 
"  he  would  not  forbid   any   converts,  whom   their 
^'  preaching  could  persuade  to  their  opinion,  and  also 
"  would  provide  them  necessaries  for  their  comfort- 
"  able  accommodation." 
Ethdbert        11.  Houce  Augustine,  with  his  followers,  advanced 
SJJ^reited*  to  Canterbury,  to  the  aforesaid  old  church  of  St 
Chrirtian    Martin's.     Here  they  lived  so  piously,  prayed  so  fer- 
faith.        vently,  fasted  so  frequently,  preached  so  constantly, 
wrought  miracles  so  commonly,  that  many  people  of 
inferior  rank,  and  at  last  king  Ethelbert  himself  was 
baptized,  and  embraced  the  Christian  religion.     The 
same  Ethelbert  also  ordered  that  none  should  be 
forced  into  religion,  having  understood  that  Christ's 
service  ought  to  be  voluntary,  and  not  compelled'^. 
And  if  his  courtiers  had  been  as  cautious  not  to 
embrace  religion  for  fashion,  as  the  king  was  careful 
they  should  not  receive  it  for  fear,  there  had  not  at 
that  time  been  made  so  many  Christians  for  conve- 
niency  probably  rather   than    for  conscience,  who 
soon  after  returned  again  to  paganism.    However,  as 
it  is  rendered  a  reason  in  the  days  of  Hezekiah,  why 
the  Jews  at  so  short  warning  so  unanimously  kept 
the  passover,  God  had  prepared  the  people^  for  the 
thing  was  done  suddenly^  so  on  the  same  account  it 
came  to  pass  that  in  so  little  a  time,  besides  tempo- 
rary believers,  so  many  true  and  sincere  converts 
embraced  the  Christian  faith. 

k  Bede»  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  26.    [Usher,  De  Antiq.  68.] 


CEVT.  VI. 


of  Britain, 


145 


12.  Then  Auguirtine  by  his  letters*  informed  Gre-  a.d. 


5S 


gory  of  the  progress  and  proficiency  of  his  pains  in  Gregory*! 
England  ™.  Gregory  returned  him  a  discreet  answer,  aI^Uii 
fejoicing  with  him,  and  advising  of  him,  not  to  be'®^^"* 
puffed  up  by  pride  for  the  great  miracles  wrought  by 
him ;  but,  timendo  gauderCj  et  gaudendo  pertimescere. 
He  minded  him  how,  when  the  disciples  triumphed 
at  their  casting  out  of  devils^  Christ  more  spiritual- 
iied  their  joy,  rather  to  rejoice  th^t  their  names  were 
written  in  heaven^.  And  indeed,  as  some  eminent  in 
piety  never  attained  this  honour,  John  (Baptist)  did 
no  miracle^y  so  many,  finally  disavowed  of  God,  as 
unknown  unto  him,  shall  plead  for  themselves,  (and 
truly  no  doubt,)  In  thy  name  have  we  cast  out  devils^. 
Yet  this  admonition  of  Gregory  is  with  me,  and 
ought  to  be  with  all  unprejudiced  persons,  an  argu- 
ment beyond  exception,  that  (though  no  discreet 
man  will  believe  Augustine's  miracles  in  the  latitude 
of  monkish  relations)  he  is  igndrantly  and  uncha- 
ritably peevish  and  morose,  who  utterly  denies  some 
miracles  to  have  been  really  effected  by  him.  About 
the  same  time  St.  Gregory  sent  from  Rome  Mellitus, 


1  [In  this  interval,  and  prior 
to  the  date  of  these  letters^ 
AngOBtine^  who  hitherto  was 
only  a  monk,  went  over  to 
ArleSy  according  to  Gregory's 
direction  to  be  consecrated  by 
Etherins  the  archbishop  of  that 
dty.  Upon  his  return  into 
Bntain  he  sent  Laurentius  a 
priest,  and  Peter  a  monk,  to 
ii3bnn  Gregory  that  the  Eng. 
liah  nation  had  received  Chris- 
tianity,  and  that  he  had  now 
received  the  episcopal  dignity 
(se  episcopum  factum  esse,) 
requesting     Gregory's     advice 


and  direction  how  he  should  act 
in  his  new  honours.  Gregory's 
answer  is  dated  6oi .  The  date 
therefore  in  the  margin  should 
be  nearer  6oi  than  597.  With 
his  answer  Gregory  also  sent  by 
Mellitus  and  the  rest,  who  were 
appointed  to  assist  St.  Augus- 
tine, a  pall,  with  directions  for 
the  appointment  of  bishops  in 
England.  Bede,  ib.  37.] 
™  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  27— 

32.] 

o  Luke  X.  1 7. 
o  John  X.  41. 
P  Matt.  vii.  23. 


( 


144  The  Church  History  of  Britain,         book  ii. 

A.D.600.  Justus,  Paulinus,  and   Ruffinianus,  to    be    fellow- 
labourers  with  Augustine  in  the  English  harvest. 
ConduMon      13.  Thus  was  Kent  converted  to  Christianity.  For 

of  this  oen- 

tuiy.  such  as  account  this  a  conversion  of  all  England,  to 
make  their  words  good,  do  make  use  of  a  long  and 
strong  synecdoche,  a  part  for  the  whole,  fer  more 
than  half  of  the  land  lying  some  years  after  in  the 
darkness  of  paganism;  which  others  afterward  en- 
lightened with  the  beams  of  the  gospel.  But  as  he 
is  esteemed  the  architect  or  master-workman,  not 
who  builds  up  most  of  the  wall,  but  who  first  de- 
signeth  the  fabric  and  layeth  the  foundation  thereof, 
in  the  same  respect  Augustine  carrieth  away  the 
credit  of  all  that  came  after  him,  because  the  pri- 
mitive planter  of  the  gospel  amongst  the  Saxons. 
And  it  is  observable  that  this  conversion  was  done 
without  any  persecution,  (yea,  considerable  oppo- 
sition ;)  costing  some  pain,  no  torture,  some  sweat,  no 
blood;  not  one  martyr  being  made  in  the  whole 
managing  thereof.  Meantime  the  poor  Christian 
Britons,  living  peaceably  at  home,  there  enjoyed 
God,  the  gospel,  and  their  mountains ;  little  skilftd 
in,  and  less  caring  for  the  ceremonies  a  la  mode, 
brought  over  by  Augustine:  and  indeed  their  po- 
verty could  not  go  to  the  cost  of  Augustine's  silver 
cross,  which  made  them  worship  the  God  of  their 
fathers  after  their  own  homely  but  hearty  fashion ; 
not  willing  to  disturb  Augustine  and  his  followers  in 
their  new  rites,  but  that  he  had  a  mind  to  disquiet 
them  in  their  old  service,  as  in  the  sequel  of  the 
history  will  appear. 


THE  SEVENTH  CENTURY. 


AMICO  SUO 
GR.  B." 

Socrates  interrogattts,  quo  pkiltro  natura  aympathiaa  con- 
dliaret,  quidve  esset  in  causa,  ut  alii  kominum  prima 
occurau  ament  medttUitits,  alii  sibi  muiuo  sint  itf/enaif 
hoBc  rationem  reddidit : 

Dau,  inqtiit,  ab  tetemo  quicquid  Jiiturum  esset  animarum 
creavit ;  creattu,  per  immenaum  iemporis  spaiium  in  uno 
cumulo  coUocavit ,'  coUocatas,  corporihua,  prout  indies 
genrraniHr,  irtfundit.  Hinc  est,  si  contingat  vel  Jbr- 
tmtum  consortium  inter  eon  homines,  quorum  animiB  in 
hoc  acervo  prapinquiores,  quod  prima  visit,  qttasi  veteris 
vicinitatis  memores,  se  imncem  diligant ;  dum  isti, 
primo  intuitu,  antipathia  slimulis  urgeantur,  quorum 
anima  adversontes  diametrice  opponebantur. 

Fateor  commentum  hoc  Socraticum  a  lh:oiogia  adhorrere; 
et  in  philosophia  plurimis  asyatatis  laborare.  Quod  si  ei 
tubeaaet  tantum  veritatis  quantum  ingenii,  aanctisaime 
voverem  in  hoc  animarum  cumulo  tuam  et  meam  conti- 
guaa  oHm  jacuisse ;  cum  te  primum  conspeclum  et  ani- 
miiua  amarem,  et  a  te  redamarer. 

I  UCH  about  this  time   pope  Gregory  a.  p.  601. 
1  sent  two  archbishops'  paUs  into  Eng-  why  the 
land;  the  one  for  London,  the  other .hop-^lieo 
I  for  York''.     The  former  of  these  cities  ^^""^^.^ 

had  been  honoured  with  an  archbishop's  see  some  ^^''"  *" 

hundred  years  since  king  Lucius.  But  at  the  instance  bury. 

of  Augustine,  and  by  a  new  order  of  the  foresaid 

>  [Seethe  Index.]  Pur  a  description  of  these  pallii, 

l>  Rog.    Weiidover,    Matth.  see    Harpsheld's    Hist.    EccI, 

Florileg.  and  RofF.  Ilistor.  [in  Ang.  p.  58.] 

an.  601.  Usher,  Antiq.  38-42. 

FUI.LEE,  VOL.  t.  I. 


146  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.601.  Gregory,  this  pall   sent  to   London  was  removed 
thence  to  Canterbury,  whereof  Augustine  was  made 
archbishop,  and  there,  for  the  future,  fixed  and  con- 
firmed for  several  reasons.     First,  London  already 
had  lustre  enough,  being  the  biggest  city  in  Britain ; 
and  it  was  needless  to  add  new  spiritual  to  her  old 
temporal  greatness;  which  conjoined,  might  cause 
pride  in  any  one  place,  whilst  divided,  they  might 
give  honour  to  two  cities.     Secondly,  London,  by 
reason  of  the  receipt  thereof,  was  likely  to  prove 
the  residing  place  for  the  English  monarch ;  and  it 
was  probable  that  the  archiepiscopal  dignity  would 
there   be    eclipsed    and    outshined    by   the    regal 
diadem.     Thirdly,  had  Augustine  been  archbishop 
of  London,  he  might  have  seemed  to  succeed  the 
British  archbishops,  and  to  have  derived  some  right 
from  them,  contrary  to  his  humour,  who  would  lead 
all,  but  follow  none ;  and  therefore  would  not  wear 
an  old  title,  but  have  a  span-new  archbishop's  chair 
carved  out  for  himself.     Lastly,  Canterbury  was  the 
place  wherein  Christianity  was  first  received  by  the 
Saxons,  and  therefore  deserved  to  be  honoured,  to 
perpetuate  the  memory  thereof.  Thus  London  here- 
after must  be  contented  with  the  plain  seat  of  a 
bishop,  the  mother  being   made   a   daughter,  imd 
must   come   behind   Canterbury,  which   did   much 
wrong,  and  perchance  something  trouble  her.     But 
churches  have  more  discretion  and  humility  than  to 
break  their  hearts  about  earthly  precedency;  and 
the  matter  is  not  much  which  see  went  first  when 
living,  seeing  our  age  hath  laid  them  both  alike  level 
in  their  gravest 

^  [These  remarks  are  incor.     ble.       In  the  first  place  it  is 
rect  and  somewhat  uncharita.     hardly  probable  that  Christian- 


C£NT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


147 


2.  Augustine  thus  aimed  with  archiepiscopal  au-  A.D.601. 
tfaority,  to  shew  a  cast  of  his  office  by  the  aid  of  Augu^ine 
£tbelbert  king  of  Kent,  called  a  council  for  the«ynodof 
Saxon  and  British  bishops  to  come  together,  in  the  British 
confines  of  the  Wiccians  and  West-Saxons^     An**^"^ 
indifferent  place  for  mutual  ease,  in  midway  betwixt 
both;    haply  presaging,  that  as  their   distant   per- 
sons met  on  equal  terms,  so  their  opposite  opinions 
might  agree  in  some  moderation.     The  particular 
place  was  called  Augustine's  Ake,  (that  is,  his  oak,  in 


ity  had  extended  its  influence, 
tt  present,  much  further  than 
Kent;  nor  could  ambition^  or 
the  fear  of  being  eclipsed^  fur. 
niah  a  motive  for  Augustine  to 
remove  from  London  to  Can- 
terfonry,  because  Kent  at  this 
period  was  the  most  important 
kingdom  of  the  Saxon  hept- 
archy. As  Kent  was  the  first 
scene  of  St.  Augustine's  mis- 
sion,  and  its  king  his  first 
royal  convert,  it  was  hardly  to 
be  expected  that  the  arch. 
bishop  should  fix  his  see  at 
London,  the  capital  of  a  king- 
dom which  as  yet  had  not  risen 
into  importance,  and  in  all 
probability  had  not  as  yet  re. 
ceived  the  Christian  faith.  For 
it  was  not  till  three  years  after, 
in  604,  that  Augustine  sent 
Mellitus  and  Justus  to  preach 
to  the  West-Saxons  (Flor.  Wi- 
gom.  604.)  Furthermore,  their 
kingdom  was  at  this  time  de. 
pendant  upon  Kent,  and  Lon. 
don  was  governed  by  a  viceroy 
appointea  by  ^thelbright,  the 
king  of  Kent,  (Saxon  Chron.  et 
Flor.  Wigom.  an.  604.  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  3.)  Another 
probable  cause  for  Canterbury 
continuing  to  be  the  archiepi- 


« 


(t 


t€ 


«< 


scopal  see,  when  Canterbury 
was  no  longer  from  accidental 
causes  the  metropolis  of  this 
part  of  England,  is  given  by 
William  of  Malmsbury,  ''Can- 

tuarise  sedit  primus  Augusti. 

nus  Gregorii  magni  disci. 
"  pulus,  ut  vulgo  notum  est. 
•'  Pallium   autem    et   privile- 

gium  archiepiscopatus  idem 

Gregorius  Augustino  ad  Lun- 
"  doniam  concessit,  ut  in  primo 
"  libro  gestorum  regalium, 
"  per  Kenulfi  ostendimus  epi- 
*'  stolam ;  quia  scilicet  ad  id 
"  iempus  alierius  obscura  urbis 
"  notttia  Romanos  non  aHi~ 
*'  gissei,  Verumtamen  quia 
"  primus  doctor,  sedulitate  re- 
'*  gis  hospitis  et  civium  chari- 
"  tate  captus,  Cantuariae  inco- 
'*  latum  vivens  throno  annis 
*'  quindecim,  et  mortuus  tu- 
"  mulo  fovit,  omnis  eo  in  post. 
"  erum  honor  translatus."  De 
gestis  Pontif .  f.  1 1 1 ,  b.] 

c  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl. ii.  2.  The 
date  of  this  council  is  disputed. 
The  different  opinions  respect- 
ing it  are  discussed  at  some 
length  in  Wilkins'  Cone.  I. 
27.  n.  The  most  probable 
date  is  that  assumed  by  Ful- 
ler.] 

l2 


148  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.601.  our  modem  dialect,)  which  Stapleton  (mistaken  by 
the  affinity  of  Wiccii  or  Veccii,  with  Vectis,  the 
Latin  name  for  the  Isle  of  Wight)  seeketh  near 
Southampton**;    where  indeed  he  may  find  many 
oaks  in  the  New  forest,  and  yet  miss  the  right  one. 
For  this  oak  stood  in  the  confines  of  Worcester  and 
Herefordshire^  (though  at  this  day  time  hath  con- 
founded  it   root   and   branch,)   and   therefore  this 
meeting  is  in    Latin  called  st/nodus   ViyomiensisK 
Many  solemn   entertainments  we  know  were  an- 
ciently made  under  treesfi^:  and  a  palm-tree  served 
Deborah    for  her    Westminster-hall,   wherein    she 
judged  Israel**.     But  several  reasons  are   assigned 
why  Augustine   kept   this   council   under  an  oak. 
First,  so  public  a  place  was  free  from  exceptions; 
whereunto  none  were  debarred  access.     Secondly, 
being  congregated  under  the  view  of  heaven,  and 
not  pent  within  the  walls  of  a  private  house,  they 
were  minded  of  clear,  fair,  and  open  proceedings, 
without  secret  ends  or   sinister   intents.     Thirdly, 
perchance  some  pagan  Saxons,  allured  with  novelty, 
would  repair  to  the  council,  whose  jealousy  was  such, 
as  in  no  case  they  would  come  under  a  roof  for  fear 
of  fascination,   as   hath    been   formerly   observed*. 
Lastly,  Augustine  knowing  that  the  pagan  Britons 
performed  their  superstitions  mider  an  oak*^,  cele- 
brated his  synod  under  the  same,  in  some  imitation, 
and  yet  a  correction  of  their  idolatry :  as  in  a  reli- 
gious parallel,  pagan  temples  had  formerly  by  him 
been  converted  into  churches  of  saints.     But  when 

^  Translation  of  Bede,  ib.  S  6en«  xviii.  4. 

«  Camden's     Britannia     in         ^  Judges  iv.  5. 
Worcestershire,  [p.  436.]  >  This  reason  is  given  by  sir 

'  Spelman's    Cone.    I.    107.  Henrj  Spelman,  ib. 
[Cf.  Wilkins,  I.  24.]  k  See  I.  Cent.  §.  3.  p.  4. 


CXKT.  VII.  of  Britain.  149 

aU  is  done,  the  matter  is  not  so  clear  but  that  the  A.D.6oi. 
jJace  called  Augustine's  Oak  may  as  well  be  a  town 
as  a  tree,  so  called  from  some  eminent  oak  in,  at,  or 
near  it :  as  the  Vine  in  Hampshire,  so  named  from 
▼mes  anciently  growing  there,  is  a  beautiful  house 
and  principal  seat,  where  the  barons  Sandys  have 
their  habitation.  And,  what  is  most  apposite 
for  our  purpose,  Sozomen  calleth  the  place  where 
Theophilus  kept  a  synod  against  St.  Chrysostom,  the 
Oak,  which  notwithstanding  is  notoriously  known  to 
have  been  a  populous  suburb  of  the  city  of  Chalcedon. 

3.  At  the  first  sessions  of  this  synod  there  was  a  The  British 
very  thin  appearance  of  the  Britons:  of  whom  Au-fi,*^*Tub^ 
gostine  demanded  that  they  should  mutually  contri- ™i"^"  ^ 
bute  with  him  their  pains  to  convert  the  heathen  in  *^*'™®* 
Britain,  and  that  they  should  submit  to  the  pope, 
and  embrace  an  uniformity  with  the  Romish  rites, 
especially  in  the  celebration  of  Easterl    What  their 
answer  was,  it  is  pity  it  should  be  delivered  in  any 
other  words  than  what  the  abbot  of  Bangor,  being 
the  mouth   for  the  rest,  represented  as  followeth; 
Mid  let  it  shift  as  well  as  it  can  for  its  own  authen- 
bicalness. 

BID  isfis  a  diogel  i  chrvi         Be  it  known  and    without 

fn  bod  ni  hoU  vn  ac  arral,  yn  doubt  unto  you,  that  we   all 

ttndd  ac  ynn  osiingedig  i  Eg-  are,  and  every  one  of  us,  obe- 

firyjr  Duw,  ac  ir  Paah  o  Ruvain,  dient  and  subjects  to  the  church 

xc    i    Boob    Kywir  grissdion  of  Ood,  and  to  the  pope   of 

iwyuol,  y  gam  pawb  yn  i  radd  Rome,    and    to    every   godly 

mewn    kariad   perfaith,    ac    i  Christian,  to  love  every  one  in 

kelpio  pawb  o  honauni,  ar  air  his  degree  in  perfect  charity, 

I  gueithred  i  vod  ynn  blant  y  and  to  help  every  one  of  them, 

Duw  :    ac  amgenach  vuyddod  by  word  and  deed  to  be  the 

ro  kfvn  nidadwen  i  vod  ir  neb  children   of  God :    and  other 

1  QAnd  the  administration  of  baptism  according  to  the  Romish 
matom.  Bede^  ib.] 

lS 


ISO 


The  Chmxk  HiHory 


BOOK  II. 


Cm! 


A.D.6oi.^  tfddick  chwi  ^  henwi  yn 
Paab  ne  in  Daad  o  daade :  yw 
gleimio  ac  yw  otmnn,  ar  uvyd^ 
dod  hwn  ir  idden  niyn  varodytv 
roddi  ac  ytv  dalu  iddo  ef  ac  i 
pob  KrisdioH  yn  dragwiddol. 
Heuid  yr  ydym  ni  dan  lyn^od- 
rath  esgob  Kaerllion  ar  Wysc, 
yr  hien  y  sidd  ytioligivr  dan 
Duw  arnom  ni,  y  tvueuthud  i 
ni  gadmr  ffordd  ysbrydol^. 


obedience  than  this  I  do  Mt 
know  due  to  him  whom  yon 
name  to  be  pope,  nor  to  be 
the  Father  of  fathers,  to  be 
chiimed  and  to  be  demanded. 
And  this  obedience  we  ne 
ready  to  give,  and  to  pay  to 
him,  and  to  every  Christin 
continually.  Besides,  we  ne 
under  the  government  of  tke 
bishop  of  Kaerlion  upon  Ueke, 
who  is  to  oversee  under  God 
over  us,  to  cause  us  to  keep 
the  way  spiritual. 

See  we  here  the  pedigree  of  the  British  church, 
which  the  shorter  the  ancienter,  the  fewer  steps  it 
had  the  higher  it  reached.  They  were  subject  in 
spiritual  matters  to  the  bishop  of  Caer-lion,  and 
above  him  unto  God^  without  anj  subordination 
unto  the  pope:  so  that  it  was  more  than  a  pre- 
sumption that  religion  came  into  Britain,  not  by  the 
semicircle  of  Rome,  but  in  a  direct  line  from  the 
Asiatic  churches".  We  must  not  forget,  that  though 
many  years  since  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  the  Bri- 
tons was  removed  from  Caer-lion  to  St.  David's,  yet 
it  still  retained  the  title  of  Caer-lion,  as  of  the  first 
and  most  famous  place. 
The  credit  4.  A  late  papist  much  impugneth  the  credit  of 
niucript  this  manuscript,  as  made  since  the  days  of  king 
impugned,  jj^^^  ^j^^   Eighth,    and    cavilleth   at  the   Welsh 

thereof,  as  modem,  and  full  of  false  spelling^".     He 


^  Copied  exactly  many  years 
since  by  sir  Henry  Spelman 
out  of  an  ancient  British  ma- 
nuscript of  Mr.  Peter  Mosten, 
a  Welsh  gentleman ;  Spelman's 
Concilia,  I.  108. 

"  [With  which  they  agreed 


in  their  mode  of  tonsure  and 
observation  of  Easter.] 

[nn  For  a  copy  of  this  quo- 
tation, in  the  present  ortho. 
graphy  of  the  Welsh,  I  am  in- 
debted to  the  Rev.  J.  Jones,  of 
Christ  Church,  in  this  Univer* 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


161 


need  not  have  used  so  much  violence  to  wrest  it  out  a.  d.  6oi. 

of  our  hands,  who  can  part  with  it  without  consi- 

derable  loss  to  ourselves,  or  gain  to  our  adversaries ; 

for  it  is  but  a  breviate  or  abstract  of  those  passages, 
vhich  in  Bede  and  other  authors  appear  most  true, 
of  the  British  refusing  subjection  to  the  see  of  Rome. 
Whilst  therefore  the  chapter  is  canonical,  it  matters 
aot  if  the  contents  be  apoetypha,  as  the  additions  of 
some  well-meaning  scribe.  And  though  this  Welsh  be 
fiur  later  than  the  days  of  abbot  Dinoth,  and  the  Eng- 
lish (added  in  the  original)  later  than  the  Welsh,  yet 
the  Latin,  as  ancienter  than  both,  containeth  nothing 
contrary  to  the  sense  of  all  authors,  which  write  this 
intercourse  betwixt  Augustine  and  the  Welsh  nation. 

5.  But  this  synod  in  fine  proved  ineffectual,  the  The  synod 
British  bishops  refusing  to  submit,  and  Augustine  to  ^^,ai! 
communicate  with  them  without  such  submission. 
Whereupon,  at  Augustine's  motion,  a  blind  man 
was  publicly  presented  amongst  them,  on  whom  the 
British  bishops  practised  in  vain  with  their  prayers  to 
restore  him  to  his  sight,  which,  at  the  request  of 
Augustine  to  God,  was  presently  and  perfectly  per- 
formed®. This  miracle  convinced  the  Britons  that 
Augustine  was  in  the  right  for  the  critical  observa- 


sity :  "  Bid  hysbys  a  diogel  i 
''  chwi  ein  bod  ni  oil,  un  ac 
"  arall,  yn  ufydd  ac  yn  os- 
"  tyngedig  i  Eglwys  Duw^  ac 
"  i'r  Pab  o  Rufain  ac  i  bob 
*•  cywir  Oristion  dawiol,  i  garu 
"  pawb  yn  ei  radd  mewn  cariad 
"  perffaith ;  ac  i  helpio  pawb 
*'  o  honynt  ar  air  a  gweithred 
'*  i  fed  yn  blant  i  Dduw :  ac 
"  amgenach  ufydd-dod  no  hwn 
•*  nid  adwaen  i  fod  i*r  neb  yr 
'•  ydych  chwi  yn  ei  enwi   yn 


'*  B&b,  neu  yn  Dad  o  dadau  i'w 
•*  gleimioaci'wofyn.A'rufydd- 
•*  dod  hwn  yr  ydym  ni  yn  bar- 
"  od  i'w  roddi  ac  i'w  dalu 
"  iddo  ef  ac  i  bob  Cristion  yn 
dragwyddol.  Hefyd  yr  ydym 
ni  dan  lywodraeth  esgob 
'*  Caerllion  ar  Wysg,  yr  hwn 
"  y  sydd  yn  olygwr,  dan  Dduw, 
"  arnom  ni  i  wneuthyd  i  ni 
**  gadw'r  ffordd  ysbrydol."] 
o  Bede's  Hist.  Eccl.  ib. 

l4 


*€ 


€t 


152  The  Church  History  book  if. 

A.D.6or.  tion  of  Easter.     But  yet  they  could  not  absque  sua- 
rum  consensu  ac  licentia,  without  the  national  consent 
of  their  own  people,  and  principal  elders  therein, 
renounce   their  ancient  customs  to   embrace  new 
practices.    Indeed,  as  for  their  submitting  to  Augus- 
tine's jurisdiction,  they  apprehended  it  unsafe  for  the 
present,  and  mischievous  for  the  future,  having  an- 
other civil  government  under  kings  of  their  own,  and 
suspecting  his  spiritual  power  might  in  process  of 
time  intrench  upon  their  temporal  liberty. 
Thedia-         6.  Departing  hence,  the  Britons  repaired  to  an 
twizt  the    aged  anchoret,  charactered  by  Beda  to  be  sanctus  et 
ihop«  and  prudens^  "  holy  and  wise,"  (and  none  would  wish  his 
Soret'      counsellor  better  qualified,)  and  craved  his  advice 
how  hereafter  they  should  behave  themselves  in  the 
next  synod,  wherein  they  had  promised  to  give  Au- 
gustine a  meeting:  which  out  of  our  author  may 
thus  be  dialogue-wise  digested. 

British  Bishops.    Anchoret. 

Brit.  B.  Are  we  bound  to  desert  our  traditions  at 
the  preaching  of  Augustine  ? 

Anch.  If  he  be  a  man  of  God,  follow  him. 

Brit.  B.  But  how  shall  we  be  able  to  make  trial 
thereof? 

Anch.  The  Lord  saith.  Take  my  yoke  upon  youy 
and  learn  of  me^  for  I  am  meekj  and  lowly  in  heart^. 
If  therefore  this  Augustine  be  mild,  and  humble  in 
heart,  it  is  credible  that  he  himself  beareth  the  yoke 
of  Christ,  and  tendereth  the  same  to  be  borne  of  you : 
but  if  he  be  cruel  and  proud,  it  appeareth  that  he  is 
not  of  God,  neither  ought  ye  to  heed  what  he  saith. 

Brit.  B.  But  how  shall  we  make  discovery  hereof  ? 

o  Matt.  xi.  29. 


CENT.  viT.  of  Britain,  163 

Anch.  Contrive  it  so  that  he  and  his  may  come  A.D.601. 
first  into  the  place  of  the  synod.  And  if  he  rise  up 
when  you  draw  near  unto  him,  hear  him  then  obe- 
diently, knowing  him  for  a  servant  of  Christ:  but 
if  he  slighteth  you,  and  vouchsafeth  not  to  rise  up 
unto  you,  seeing  you  are  mo  in  number,  let  him  be 
slighted  by  you. 

Armed  with  these  instructions,  the  British  bishops 
advance  to  the  second  synod  :  where  Augustine, 
pontifically  sitting  in  his  chair,  at  their  entrance, 
entertained  them  only  with  neglect  and  contempt ; 
which  by  the  Britons  was  accordingly  requited. 

7-  Herein  that  stately  prelate  forgot  St.  Gregory's  Proud  Dio- 
precept  to  him ;  Not  to  proceed  too  rigorously  in  the  Augustine. 
alteration  of  ceremonies,  but  to  allow  a  latitude 
according  to  time  and  place  p.  Oh  for  a  little  in  him 
of  St.  Paul's  temper,  who  was  made  all  things  to  all 
men^  that  by  all  means  he  might  gain  some^.  Had 
Augustine's  joints  been  suppled  with  the  oil  of  hu- 
mility, one  bended  knee  might  probably  have  bowed 
many  hearts  unto  him ;  whereas  now  he  lost  their 
affections.  Pride  being  an  unwinning  quality,  ren- 
dering the  proud  party  scorned  by  his  betters,  hated 
by  his  equals,  feared,  perchance,  by  his  inferiors,  but 
loved  by  none.  Had  not  he,  who  is  said  to  have 
cured  the  blind,  need  to  have  his  own  eyes  opened 
herein?  Who,  though  he  be  commonly  called  Au- 
gustine the  Less,  in  distinction  from  his  namesake, 
father  St.  Augustine  of  Hippo,  yet  may  be  allowed 
Augustine  the  Great,  if  a  measure  be  taken  from 
the  dimensions  of  his  pride  and  haughtiness. 

8,  We  pass  now  from  this  Augustine's  pride  to  Auguitme'i 

prophecy. 
P  See  his  answer  to  Augus-     Hist.  Eccl.  i.  27.] 
tine's  third  question.     [Bede,         4  i  Cor.  iz.  22. 


154  The  Church  HUtory  wotxK  ii. 

A,D.6oi.  his  prophecy;  who  enraged  at  the  British  bishops, 
for  denying  subjection  unto  him»  flatly  fell  a  menacing 
them;  that,  seeing  they  would  not  submit  to  his 
motion,  and  join  with  him   in  preaching   to   the 
Saxons  soon  after  they  should  feel  the  force  of  their 
enemies'  sword,  and  be  suddenly  confounded  by  those 
whom  they  would  not  endeavour  to  convert.  Which 
accordingly  came  to  pass. 
A.D.  doi,      9.  For  not  long  after,  ^thelfnth,  the  pagan  king  of 
Th^maal    Northumberland,  having  conquered  Chester,  invaded 
JJ^UJ^^  ®  Wales,  and  bade  the  Britons  battle.    Amongst  them 
Bangor,     y^^^  ^  regiment  of  the  monks  of  Bangor,  all  naked 
and  unarmed,  save  with  tears  and  prayers,  whole 
volleys  whereof  they  discharged  to  heaven  for  the 
good   success   of  their  countiymen,   being  all   by 
themselves  upon  an  advantage  of  ground,  and  one 
Brocmail  a  Briton,  as  captain  of  their  lifeguard,  had 
a  company  of  soldiers  to  defend  them,     ^thelfiith 
being  informed  that   these   monks   prayed  against 
him,  concluded  them  to  be  his  effectual  enemies, 
"^       though   otherwise   offering   him  no   hostility;    and 
fiercely  falling  on  them,  put  twelve  hundred  of  them 
to  the  sword,  fifty  only  escaping:  Brocmail  most 
basely  deserting  them  whom  he  was  set  to  defend. 
Augustine       10.  But  here  some  birds  sing  a  different  note  from 
to  be  their  the  rest,  which  must  be  listened  unto ;  namely,  such 
»-"-  authors,   considerable   for  their  number,  antiquity, 
gravity,  and  learning,  who  accuse  this  Augustine  for 
the  designer  of  the  death  and  destruction  of  these 
innocent  British  monks ;  so  that  he  cunningly  fore- 
told what  he  himself  cruelly  intended  to  fulfil.  Thus 
well  might  Jezabel,  who  caUeth  herself  a  prophetess^ ^ 
certainly  foreshow  the  death  of  Naboth  for  denying 

^  Rev.  ii.  ao. 


CINT.  VII. 


qf  Britain, 


155 


his  Tineyard  to  Ahab,  when  she  had  purposely  a.  d.  603. 
beforehand  packed  and  plotted  the  same.  An  heavy 
accusation  if  true,  that  Augustine  (to  use  my  friend's 
expression  •)  Gregorii  vicarius  should  be  gregis  sica- 
ritts ;  etfuiurtB  ecdesixB  AnglicaruB  conversoVy  should 
be  pr<BS€ntis  BritannioB  eversor ;  so  that  instead  of 
a  prophefs  retcard,  he  deserved  the  punishment  of  a 
murderer.  But  to  clear  this  point,  conceive  we  a 
grand  jury  of  four  and  twenty  judicious  readers  im- 
pannelled,  before  whom  the  memory  of  Augustine  is 
indicted  of  murder,  and  witnesses  produced  on  both 
sides.  Let  none  censure  me  if  in  these  proceedings 
my  pen  fails  in  legal  formalities,  such  exactness  not 
being  by  me  intended,  but  only  some  general  con- 
formity with  a  law-trial,  to  fix  the  history  in  our 
fancies  with  more  pleasure  and  delight^. 


•  Mr.  Abraham  Whelock, 
in  his  notes  on  Bede,  P*  i  ^  5- 
[ed.  1644.] 

*  [The  words  of  Bade  are 
positive,  that  this  defeat  of  the 
jBritons  happened  considerably 
after  the  death  of  St.  Augustine : 
**  Multo  ante  tempore  ad  coe- 
''  lestia  regna  subkto.'*  (E.  H. 
ii.  3.)  But  in  the  year  604  St. 
Angostine  ordainedMellitus  and 
Justus  over  the  province  of  the 
£ast-Saxons.  The  date  of  this 
battle  must  therefore  be  refer- 
red to  the  year  607,  as  it  is  in 
the  Saxon  Chronicle^  or  to  the 
year  613,  which  Usher  has 
adopted,  following  the  Ulster 
Chronicles^  Antiq.  E.B.p.536. 
This  is  also  confirmed  by  the  tes- 
timony of  Florence  of  Worces- 
ter, a  writer  of  extreme  accu- 
racy,  especially  in  all  questions 
relating  to  the  chronology  of 
our  early  history,   thus  nar- 


»( 


tt 


ratings  by  anticipation,  in  the 
year  603,  this  victory  of  £theL 
frith.  **  Is  etiam  longo  post 
*'  tempore  collecto  exercitu  ad 
*'  civitatem  Legionum,  quee  a 
''  Brytonibus  Carlegion  appel- 
"  latur,  divino  agente  judicio, 
ut  beatus  praedixerat  Augus- 
tinus  archiepiscopus,  ex  Bry- 
*'  tonum  sacerdotibus,  qui  ad 
"  exorandum  Deum  pro  milite 
*'  bellum  agente  convenerant, 
"  milleducentospriusextinxit." 
This  charge  against  St.  Au- 
gustine was  first  propagated, 
and  probably  forged  by  Geofiry 
of  Monmouth,  who  has  in  this, 
as  in  several  other  instances, 
confounded  the  customs  of  an- 
cient with  modem  times.  In 
the  first  place,  St.  Augustine 
himself  never  moved  so  far 
northward  as  Northumberland. 
His  ecclesiastical  influence  and 
authority  extended  little  fur. 


156 


The  Church  History 


BOO|C  11. 


A.D.603.      11.  The  bill  first  was  solemnly  read,  running  to 
witne»es  this  effect,  "That  Augustine  the  monk,  commonly 
^^T^    "  called  the  English  apostle,  not  having  the  fear  of 
him.         «  Qq^j  before  his  eyes,  out  of  forethought  malice, 
"  feloniously   did    plot,   project,   and    contrive  the 
"  murder  of  twelve  himdred  monks  at  Bangor,  by 
**  soliciting  Ethelbert,  the  Christian  king  of  Kent, 
**  to  move  iEthelfirith,  the  pagan  king  of  Northum- 
"  berland,  with  force  of  arms  to  kill  and  slay  the 
"  monks  aforesaid,  &c."     An  accusation  so  heinous, 
that  at  first  it  filled  the  whole  jury  with  silence, 
horror,  and  amazement;  till  afterwards  they  recol- 
lected themselves  to  attend  unto  the  following  wit- 
nesses. 

i.  Jefiery  Monmouth,  whose  Welsh  blood  was  up. 


ther  than  the  kingdom  of  Kent ; 
what  influence  could  he  have 
over  a  king  whom  he  never 
saw,  perhaps  never  heard  of^ 
and  who  certainly  was  wholly 
ignorant  of  Christianity?  Be- 
sides^ ^thelfrith  was  con  tin  u- 
ally  engaged  in  war  either  with 
the  Scots  or  the  Britons^  and 
needed  no  such  motive  to  in- 
duce him  to  attack  them.  The 
words  of  Malmsbury,  a  writer 
of  great  judgment  and  fidelity, 
make  this  more  apparent ;  for 
mentioning  the  wars  in  which 
iEthelfrith  was  engaged^  as 
proofs  of  his  great  courage  and 
success,  he  observes ;  *'  Testis 
'*  est  Legionum  civitas,  quae 
*'  nunc  simpliciter  Cestra  voca- 
**  tur,  qufleque  ad  id  temporis  a 
*'  Britannis  possessa,  contuma- 
*'  cis  in  regem  populi  alebat  su- 
•*  perbiam.  Ad  cujus  oppugna- 
*'  tionero  cum  intendisset  ani- 
mum,oppidani  qui  omnia  per- 


<• 


"  peti  quam  obsidionem  mal- 
"  lent,  simul  et  numero  con. 
*'  fusi,  effuse  in  bellum  ruunt ; 
'*  quos  ille  insidiis  exceptos 
"  fudit  fugavitque,  prius  in 
"  monachos  delmcchatus,  qui 
"  pro  salute  exercitus  suppli- 
*•  caturi  frequentes  convene- 
'*  rant.  Quorum  incredibilem 
'*  nostra  eetate  numerum  fuisse 
*'  indicio  sunt  in  vicino  cceno- 
'*  bio  tot  semiruti  parietes  ec- 
"  clesiarum,  tot  anfractus  por- 
*'  ticuum,  tanta  turba  ruderum, 
"  quantum  vix  alibi  cernas." 
Malmsb.  De  Gestis  Reg.  f.  8. 
And  after  all  St.  Augustine 
did  not  state  that  the  Britons 
should  be  destroyed  at  Bangor, 
but  that  if  they  refused  to  be 
at  peace  with  the  Saxons  they 
should  be  destroyed  by  them. 
Considering  the  state  of  the 
island  at  that  time,  it  required 
no  great  foresight  to  predict 
such  an  event.] 


ciNT.  VII.  of  Britain.  157 

88  concerned  in  the  cause  of  his  countrymen ;  a.  d.  603. 
**  Ethelbert  king  of  Kent,"  said  he,  "  when  he  saw 
**  the  Britons  disdaining  to  yield  subjection  to  Au- 
"gustine,  and  that  they  scorned  to  be  subject  to 
"  himself,  stirred  up  the  Northumberlanders,  and 
"  other  Saxon  princes,  that  gathering  a  great  army 
against  the  city  of  Bangor,  they  should  go  forth  to 
destroy  the  abbot  Dionoth,  and  the  other  clergy 
"  who  had  formerly  slighted  them"." 

ii.  Thomas  Gray,  an  old  chronicler,  (as  it  is  written 
in  French,)  brought  in  this  evidence, "  that  Augustine 
being  refused  of  the  Christian  Britons,  inflamed 
Ethelbertus  king  of  Kent  to  levy  his  power,  and  to 
war  against  them,  himself  being  also  in  company, 
**  (as  in  the  old  abstract  of  chronicles  is  recorded,) 
"  and  marching  with  him  towards  the  slaughter, 
"  where  they  had  no  more  regard  of  mercy  than  a 
"  wolf  hath  upon  a  sheep  ^." 

iii.  Nicholas  Trivet,  a  Dominican,  who  wrote  some 

three  hundred  years  since,  deposed,  "  that  iEthel- 

byrht  king  of  Kent,  being  highly  offended,  incited 

iEthelfrith  king   of  Northumberland,   and   other 

petty  Saxon  kings,  because  they  had  contemned 

Augustine  in  the  council,  &c.^" 

iv.  Essebiensis  Monachus,  commenting  on  those 

words  of  Merlin,  delebitur  iterum  religio^  "religion 

"  shall  again  be  destroyed,"  thus  expoundeth  them  ; 

u  Manuscript,  in   pub.  Lib.  portion  of  it,   embracing  the 

Cantab,   p.    167,    [quoted   by  period  antecedent  to  the  oon- 

Whelock,  ib.    See  Monmouth,  quest,  has  been  edited  by  Jos. 

De  G^stis,  p.  93.]  Stevenson,  esq.,  and  published 

^  Cited  in  Jewel's  Apolog.  by  the  Maithind  Club,  1836.] 
port  I.  chap.  ii.  p.  11.  [ea.  fol.         >  Spelman's  Cone.   I.   iii. 

1609.     This    Chronicle,    with  [Wilkins,  I.  27.] 
the  exception   of  the    earlier 


u 
u 

w 


4( 


108  The  Church  History  booi  u. 

A,  P.  603. '«  Thifi  was  afterwards  fulfilled,  dther  by  Gormund 
*^  or  by  AuguBtine,  who  caused  twelve  bundled 
^  monks  to  be  slain  at  Bangor  in  Wales,  because 
"  they  obeyed  him  not  in  a  council  y." 

These  testimonies  much  moved  the  jury*;  who, 
notwithstanding,  reserved  their  other  ear,  as  it  be- 
came honest  men,  to  hearken  to  the  depositions  in 
Augustine's  behalf. 
Testimo.        12.  Amongst  these  that  of  Bede  was  most  mate- 

nies  in  his      •   t       n»  1.  .  •  .•  .* 

behalf.       nal:  Stcqus  completum  est  prtesagium  sanctt  pontic 
fids  Augustini^  quamvis  ipso  jam  muUo  ante  tempore 
ad  ccelestia  regna  sublato^  ut  etiam  temporalis  interitus 
tdtionem  sentirent  perfidi^  quod  oblata  sibi  perpettue 
saltUis  consilia  spreverant\     Which  words  (for  it  is 
seasonably  remembered  all  pleas  must  now  be  in 
English)  may  thus  be  translated ;  "And  so  the  pro- 
"  phecy  of  holy  bishop  Augustine  was  fulfilled,  (al- 
though himself  long  before  that  was  taken  out  of 
this  life  to  the  kingdom  of  heaven,)  that  also  the 
treacherous  people  might  feel  the  revenge  of  tem- 
poral ruin,  because  they  had  despised  the  counsels 
**  of  eternal  salvation  offered  unto  them." 
The  para-       13.  Much  difference  arose  hereabouts;  the  rather, 
S^'ite*.  because  some  urged  that  parenthesis  ("although  him- 
q^^oned.  "  s^lf  l^^g  before,"  &c.)  to  have  been  studiously  in- 
terpolated in  Bede,  on  purpose  for  the  purgation  of 
Augustine  by  some  in  afterages  that  favoured  him ; 
alleging  that  it  is  not  in  the  ancient  Saxon  copies, 

y  MS.  in   Bennet  Coll.   li-  Monmouth,  whom  the  others 

brar.  Camb.  [quoted  by  Wbe-  implicitly  followed.] 
lock,  ib.[]  A  Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  a.  ed.  Whe- 

*  [All  these  authorities  might  lochiana. 
be  reduced  to  one,  Geoffry  of 


M 
<( 
<( 
(( 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain, 


159 


being  put  in  as  a  piece  of  new  cloth  into  an  old  gar-  A.D.603. 
mentj  with  intent  to  Jill  it  up^  but  in  event  making  it 
worse:  because  this  passage  checketh  the  pen  of 
Bede  in  the  full  speed  thereof  (no  less  against  the 
rules  of  history  than  of  horsemanship)  as  he  was 
writing  the  life  of  Augustine,  the  story  whereof  not- 
withstanding stiU  runs  on,  and  continues  until  the 
end  of  the  next  chapter**.  Here  some  of  the  jury 
betook  themselves  to  the  point  of  chronology,  as 
most  proper  to  decide  the  matter  now  depending; 
but  such  was  the  variety  of  authors,  that  no  certainty 
could  thence.be  extracted.  For  though  the  massacre 
of  the  monks  of  Bangor  is  generally  noted  to  be 
anno  608  S  which  fiEdls  out  before  the  death  of  Au- 
gustine, yet  the  Annals  of  Ulster,  whose  authority  is 
not  to  be  contemned,  observe  the  same  in  the  year 
618*,  which  undoubtedly  was  after  Augustine's 
decease. 

14.  Then  a  second   sort  of  witnesses  presented  Mr.  Fax 
themselves,  as  M.  Parker%  bishop  JeweH,  and  others,  raUonmudi 
somewhat   sharp  against  Augustine    in   their    ex-]l^? 
pressions;  which  wrought  the  less  vnth  the  jury, 
partly  because  of  such  authors  their  known  oppo- 


»>  pn  aU  the  MSS.  which 
Dr.  Smith  consulted  for  his 
edition  of  Bede^  this  clause  is 
to  be  found,  as  also  in  the 
three  which  Whelock  used  for 
hia  edition.  I  have  myself 
consulted  several  MSS.  in  order 
to  ascertain  the  authenticity  of 
the  passage,  but  with  the  same 
result ;  in  none  was  the  passage 
wanting  or  interpolated.  Upon 
this  pomt  indeed  the  authority 
of  the  Saxon  translation  is  of 
little  weight ;  for  it  varies  ma- 
terially in  other  passages  from 


the  original,  omitting  some 
and  adding  others.] 

c  Matt.  West,  pn  an.  603. 
But  the  words  of  this  writer 
imply  that  this  attack  on  the 
monks  of  Bangor  happened 
after  this  year  :  "  Non  multo 
"  post/'  &c.]  Chichestr.  MS. 
Bibl.  pub.  Cantabrig.  [quoted 
by  Whelock,  ib.] 

«1  Usher,    Brit.    Antiq.    p. 

e  Antiq.  Britan.  p.  71. 
f  Apology,  ib. 


160  The  Church  History  booi  ii. 

A.D.603.  sition  to  the  Romish  church,  and  partly  because  of  \i 
their  modem  writing,  almost  a  thousand  years  aftef 
the  matter  in  &ct.     Only  the  moderate  testimony 
of  reverend  Mr.  Fox  much  moved  the  whole  court, 
as  one  throughly  well  affected  in  religion,  and  averse 
from  all  popery  and  cruelty,  thus  expressing  himself: 
'^  But  that  seemeth  rather  suspicious  than  true,  that 
he  (Ethelbert)  being  a  Christian  king,  either  could 
so  much  prevail  with   a  pagan  idolater,  or  else 
would  attempt  so  far  to  commit  such  a  cruel  deed. 
But  of  uncertain  things  I  have  nothing  certainly  to 
"  say,  less  to  judges^."     This,  I  say,  prevailed  so  fiir 
with  the  jury,  that  consulting  with  themselves,  they 
foimd   an   igfioramus.     With   whose   commendable 
charity  I  concur ;  preferring  rather  to  clear  a  twilight 
innocence  into  noonday,  than  to  darken  it  into  mid- 
night, 
rhe  blood       15.  To  rctum  to  the  monks  of  Bangor.     Their 
nonks  re-  inuoceut  blood  Went  not  long  unrevenged :  for  we 
irenged.      ^^^  recorded**,  how  three  British   princes,  namely, 
Blederick   duke   of  Cornwall,    Margaduc   duke  of 
South- Wales,  and  Cadwan,  duke  of  North- Wales, 
bade  battle  to  the  Northumberlanders  as  they  were 
invading  Wales,  and  not  only  dangerously  wounded 
the  aforesaid  iEthelfrith  their  king,  but  also  discom- 
fited his  army,  and  slew  ten  thousand  and  sixty  of 
his  soldiers,  forcing  him  at  last  to  articles  of  compo- 
sition;   that  he  should  confine  himself  within  his 
own  country,  north  of  Trent,  and  leave  all  Wales  to 
be  entirely  and  peaceably  enjoyed  by  the  Britons, 
the  true  owners  thereof. 

fS  Martyrolo<^,  I.  154.  ed.  But  this  defeat  is  altogether 

1 64 1.  unnoticed   by  writers   of  any 

h  Trivet,  in  Spelman's  Con-  creditable  authority.] 
cil.  ib.     [See  Wilkins,  1,  2y, 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain,  161 

16.  However  here,  to  our  great  grief,  we  are  fain  A.D.603. 
to  take  our  farewell,  for  some  hundreds  of  years,  of  Farewdi 
the  British  church,  wanting  instructions  concerning  some  yean 
the  remarkable  particulars  thereof.     Yet  Dr.  Harps-  ^^i^. 
field  deserves  a  check,  both  for  his  felse  ground- 
work, and  presumptuous  inference  built  thereupon  ^ 
For  first,  he  slighteth  the  British  nation,  as  such  an 
one,  as  since  this  their  dissenting  from  Augustine, 
and  the  Romish  church  in  ceremonies,  never  achieved 
any  actions  of  renown,  or  mounted  to  any  eminency 
in  the  world.    Then  he  imputeth  their  being  so  long 
depressed,  and  at  last  subdued  by  the  English,  as  a 

I  just  punishment  of  God,  on  their  not  complying 
i  with  Rome  :  so  pragmatical  a  prier  he  is  into  divine 
I  secrets.  But  he  who  thus  casteth  forth  a  national 
abuse,  can  never  see  where  such  a  stone  lighteth ; 
for  (besides  the  nation  for  the  time  being)  their  pos- 
terity engaged  therein  have  just  cause  either  to  find 
or  make  reparation  to  themselves.  I  could,  and 
would  myself  assert  the  British  from  his  scandalous 
pen,  were  it  not  against  the  rules  of  manners  and 
discretion,  to  take  this  ofiice  out  of  the  hands  of 
some  of  their  own  nation,  for  whom  it  is  more 
proper,  as  they  are  more  able  to  perform  it. 

17.  Only  give  me  leave  to  insert  a  line  or  twoc:onimen- 
(some  pleasant  discourse  will  not  do  amiss  after  sotheBntiih 
much  sad  matter)  in  commendation  of  the  British '*°^^***^ 
tongue,   and  yindication  thereof,   against  such  as 
causelessly  traduce  it.     First,  their  language  is  na- 
tive.    It  was   one  of  those  which  departed  from 
Babel:  and  herein  it  relates  to  God,  as  the  more 
inmiediate  author  thereof;  whereas  most  tongues  in 

'  Hist.  Eccles.  Angl.  sec.  vii.  c.  39.  p.  114. 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  M 


162  The  Church  History  looi  a 

A.  P.  603.  Europe  owe  their  beginning  to  human  deprairiiig 
of  some  original  language.  Thus  the  Italian,  Spanifliii 
and  French,  daughters  or  nieces  to  the  Latin,  an 
generated  from  the  corruption  thereof.  Second^, 
unmixed.  For  though  it  hath  some  few  foreign 
words,  and  useth  them  sometimes,  yet  she  nlha 
accepteth  them  out  of  state  than  borroweth  then 
out  of  need,  as  having  besides  these,  other  words  of 
her  own  to  express  the  same  things.  Yea,  the 
Romans  were  so  far  from  making  the  Britons  to  do, 
that  they  could  not  make  them  to  speak  as  thej 
would  have  them :  their  very  language  never  had  a 
perfect  conquest  in  this  island.  Thirdly,  unaltered. 
Other  tongues  are  daily  disguised  with  foreign  words, 
so  that  in  a  century  of  years  they  grow  strangers  to 
themselves :  as  now  an  Englishman  needs  an  inter- 
preter to  understand  Chaucer's  English.  But  the 
British  continues  so  constant  to  itself,  that  the  pro- 
phecies of  old  Taliesin  (who  lived  above  a  thousand 
years  since)  are  at  this  day  intelligible  in  that  tongue. 
Lastly,  durable ;  which  had  its  beginning  at  the  con- 
frision  of  tongues,  and  is  likely  not  to  have  its  end- 
ing till  the  dissolution  of  the  world. 

Cauaeiessiy      18.  Some  indeed  inveigh  against  it,  as  being  hard 

traduced  by        _  _        ,  /»  /• 

ignorance,  to  be  pronouucod,  having  a  conflux  of  many  conso- 
nants, and  some  of  them  double-sounded  ;  yea, 
whereas  the  mouth  is  the  place  wherein  the  office  of 
speech  is  generally  kept,  the  British  words  must  be 
uttered  through  the  throat.  But  this  rather  argues 
the  antiquity  thereof,  herein  running  parallel  with 
the  Hebrew,  (the  common  tongue  of  the  old  world, 
before  it  was  enclosed  into  several  languages,)  and 
hath  much  affinity  therewith,  m  jomting  of  words 
with  affixes,  and  many  other  correspondencies.  Some 


CENT.  vii.  of  Britain,  168 

also  cavil,  that  it  grates  and  tortures  the  ears  of  a.  d.  603. 


hearers  with  the  harshness  thereof;  whereas  indeed 
it  is  unpleasant  only  to  such  as  are  ignorant  of  it. 
And  thus  every  tongue  seems  stammering  which  is 
not  understood;  yea,  Greek  itself  is  barbarism  to 
barbarians.  Besides,  what  is  nicknamed  harshness 
therein,  maketh  it  indeed  more  full,  stately,  and 
masculine.  But  such  is  the  epicurism  of  modem 
times,  to  addulce  all  words  to  the  ear,  that  (as  in  the 
French)  they  melt  out,  in  pronouncing,  many  essen- 
tial letters,  taking  out  all  the  bones  to  make  them 
bend  the  better  in  speaking :  and  such  hypocrites  in 
their  words  speak  them  not  truly  in  their  native 
strength,  as  the  plamdealing  British  do,  which  pro- 
nounce  every  letter  therein  more  manly,  if  less 
melodious.  Lastly,  some  condemn  it  unjustly  as  a 
worthless  tongue,  because  leading  to  no  matter  of 
moment ;  and  who  will  care  to  carry  about  that  key 
which  can  unlock  no  treasure?  But  this  is  false; 
that  tongue  aiFording  monmnents  of  antiquity,  some 
being  left,  though  many  be  lost ;  and  mo  had  been 
extant  but  for  want  of  diligence  in  seeking,  and 
carefulness  in  preserving  them. 

19.  But,  craving  pardon  of  the  reader  for  this  di- Augustine 
gression,  we  reassume  our  Augustine,  who  all  this  ,0,000  in 
while  was  very  industrious,  and  no  less  successftd  in*''^®^*^- 
converting  the  Saxons  to  the  Christian  faith.     Inso- 
much that  a  certain  author  reporteth^,  how  in  the 
river  Swale  near  Richmond  in  Yorkshire  ^  Augustine 

k    Cited    by   Mr.   Camden,  "  fragment  of  a  nameless  au- 

preface  of  Brit.  p.  98.  "  thor  cited  by  Camden^  fol. 

1  [Dr.    Heylyn   makes   the  "  136  [p.  98.],  who  tells  the 

following    remarks   upon   this  "  story  otherwise  than  our  au- 

passage.  "  The 'certain  author'  "  thor  doth.     For  though  the 

''  whom   he   means  is  an  old  '*  fragment  tells   us  that  the 

M  2 


164 


The  Church  History 


lOOI  IL 


A. D. 603.  on  one  day  baptized  above  ten  thousand; 

withal,  that  the  people  not  only  passed  without 
danger  through  so  deep  a  river,  but  also  they  who 
were  sick  and  deformed  when  they  went  in,  were 
whole  and  handsome  when  they  came  forth  again>i^. 
The  judicious  reader  may  in  this  miracle  discover 
how  the  author  thereof  (no  doubt  some  ignorant 
monk)  hath  therein  jumbled  and  confounded  three  | 
distinct  scripture  histories,  to  make  a  mock  parallel 
betwixt  the  rivers  Jordan  and  Swale ;  borrowing 

1.  The  people's  safe  passing  through  it,  from 
Joshua's  conducting  the  Israelites  through  Jordan''. 

2.  Their  being  baptized  in  it,  from  John's  bap- 
tizing the  Jews  in  Jordan®. 

3.  The  curing  of  their  infirmities  by  it,  from 
Elisha's  healing  Naaman's  leprosy  in  Jordan  p. 

But  here  it  must  be  remembered,  that  Bede 
maketh  no  mention  at  all  hereof,  and  ascribeth  this 
numerous  baptizing  to  Paulinus  archbishop  of  York 
many  years  after.  It  would  argue  too  much  mo- 
rosity  in  us,  to  demur  in  our  faith  to  the  whole  fact, 
till  authors  are  all  agreed  about  the  doer  thereof. 


''  river  was  called  Swale,  yet 
"  that  it  was  the  river  Swale 
"  near  Richmond  in  Yorkshire 
"  is  the  addition   of  our  au- 

"  thor." "  I    shall   concur 

"  with  the  old  fragment  as  to 
**  the  name  of  the  river,  and 
"  yet  not  carry  Austin  out  of 
*'  Kent,  and  much  less  into 
'*  Richmondshire  to  perform 
"  that  office.  For  when  we 
"  find  in  Camden  that  the 
"  Medway  falling  into  the 
''  Thames  is  divided  by  the 
"  Isle   of   Sheppey   into   two 


(( 


great  branches,  of  which  the 
"  one  is  called  East- Swale,  the 
"  other  West-Swale,  I  see  no 
"  reason  why  we  should  look 
'*  elsewhere  for  the  river  Swale 
'*  mentioned  in  the  old  frag- 
*'  ment."      Camden   in  Kent, 

f^l*  333*  [p*  ^3^0  Examen 
Historicum,  p.  33. 

^  Porter's  Flowers  of  the 
Saints,  p.  515. 

^  Jos.  iv.  I. 

o  Matt.  iii.  6. 

P  2  Kings  V.  14. 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


165 


For  mine  own  part,  I  conceive  Paulinas  the  more  a.  p.  603. 
probable  person,  as  questioning  whether  Augustine, 
most  conversant  amongst  the  South  and  West-Sax- 
ons, ever  moved  so  far  northward  *J. 

20.  And  if  so  many  were  baptized  in  one  day,  it  The  tunpU. 

,    ,  city  of  an- 

appears  plainly  that  in  that  age  the  administration  dent  Im^ 
of  that  sacrament  was  not  loaded  with  those  super-  "^ 
stitious  ceremonies,  as  essential  thereunto,  of  cross- 
ing, spittle,  oil,  cream,  salt,  and  such  like  trinkets ; 
which  protestants  generally  as  little  know  what  they 
are,  as  papists  why  they  use  them.  I  say,  in  that 
age  nothing  was  used  with  baptism  but  baptism; 
the  word  and  the  water  made  the  sacrament.  Yea, 
the  archbishop  is  said  to  have  "  commanded  by  the 
*•  voice  of  criers,  that  the  people  should  enter  the 
**  river  confidently,  two  by  two,  and,  in  the  name  of 
**  the  Trinity,  baptize  one  another  by  turns*"."  This, 
indeed,  was  the  most  compendious  way ;  otherwise 
Joshua's  day,  wherein  the  sun  stood  still,  had  been 
too  short  for  one  man's  personal  performance  of  such 
an  employment. 

21.  Another  considerable  accession  was  made  to  The  idol 
Christianity  in  the  south-west  part  of  this  isle,  and  gtroy^  by 
particularly   in   Dorsetshire ;    where   Augustine   at  ^'*(^°® 
Cem  destroyed  the  idol  of  Heale,  or  .^culapius, 
which  the  Saxons  formerly  adored*.     But  in   his 
journey  hither,  (reader,  they  are  not  mine,  but  my 


4  [Dr.  Smith  inclines  to  this 
opinion.  See  his  Appendix  to 
oede,  c.  viii.  p.  693.  No  men- 
tion of  this  circumstance  occurs 
in  the  earlier  and  more  au. 
thentic  writers;  as  Bede,  the 
Saxon  Chronicle,  Florence  of 
Worcester;  nor  in  the  life  of 


St.  Augustine  written  by  Gk>s. 
celinus  between  the  nth  and 
1 2th  centuries,  and  published 
by  Wharton  in  the  Ang.  Sacr. 

II.  56.] 

'  Camden,  ib. 

>  Camden's  Brit,  in  Dorset- 
shire, [p.  155.] 

M  S 


u 
ii 

it 


166  The  Church  History  book  a 

A. D. 603.  author's  words,)  "with  his  holy  company, — bring 
"  cruelly  oppressed  with  the  three  fiBoniliar  discom- 
modities of  travellers,  hunger,  thirst,  and  weari- 
ness;"— Augustine,  "striking  his  staff  into  the 
ground,  there  straight  sprung  forth  a  clear  fountain 
of  crystal  streams,  in  which  all  his  fellows  quendied 
the  extremity  of  their  thirst.    And  the  same  place 
"  was  afterward  called  Cemel,  a  name  composed  of 
Latin  and  Hebrew;  for  cemo  in  Latin,  signifies 
"  to  seCy  and  el  in  Hebrew,  signifies  GodK^  A  compo- 
sition of  a  name  hardly  to  be  precedented,  that  i 
word  should  commence  per  saltum  from  Latin  into 
Hebrew  without  taking  Greek  by  the  way  thereof. 
Why  not  rather  Cemwelly  "  Behold  the  fountain ;"  or 
Cernhealy  ''  See  the  destruction  of  the  idol  ?"  But  in 
truth,  in  all  books  ancient  and  modem^  the  place  ifl 
plainly  written  Ceme,  without  any  paragogical  appo- 
sition thereunto. 
A  ridicu.        22.  Indeed,  most  of  the  miracles  assigned  unto 
wsmira-  ^j^.^  Augustiue,  intended  with  their  strangeness  to 
raise  and  heighten,  with  their  levity  and  absurdity 
do  depress  and  offend  true  devotion.     Witness,  how 
when  the  villagers  in  Dorsetshire  beat  Augustine 
and  his  fellows,  and  in  mockery  fastened  fish-tails  at 
their  backs,  in  pimishment  hereof,  "all  that  gene- 
"  ration  had  that  given  them  by  nature,  which  so 
contemptibly  they  fastened  on  the  backs  of  these 
holy  men ^."     Fie  for  shame!  he  needs  an  hard 
place  on  his  face  that  reports  it,  and  a  soft  place  in 
his  head  that  believes  it. 

*   H.    Porter's   Flowers   of  ^  So  both  in  Camden^  Brit. 

the  Saints,  p.  516.     [But  this  ibid.,    and    Harjwfield,    Hist, 

etymology,  as  well  as  the  legend  Eccl.  p.  753. 

below,  are  from   Malmsbury,  ^   H.   Porter's    Flowers  of 

f.  142,  b.J  the  Saints,  p.  515. 


CSHT.  VII.  of  Britain.  167 

23.  However,  for  the  main,  we  undoubtedly  be-  A.D.60 
lieve  that  the  preaching  of  Augustine  and  hi8  fellows  Thegna 
took  good  effect,  finding  the  visible  progress  and  the i^nToTt 
improvement  thereof,  in  the  conversion  of  so  many«°*P«*- 
from  paganism  to  Christianity.  For  Siebyrht  king  of 
Essex  (nephew  to  iEthelbyrht  king   of  Kent,  by 
Ricola  his  sister)  embraced  the  fieiith^,  with  all  his 
kingdom,  by  the  ministry  of  Mellitus,  whom  Au- 
gustine ordained  bishop  of  London ;  much  about  the 
same  time  making  one  Justus  a  Roman  (who  was 

vir  sui  nominisy  a  man  answering  his  name)  bishop 
of  Rochester.  Many  other  remarkable  matters  hap- 
pened in  the  life  of  Augustine,  especially  those 
questions  and  answers  which  passed  betwixt  him  and 
Gregory  the  Great,  by  us  purposely  omitted,  partly 
because  they  are  too  voluminous  to  insert,  and  partly 
because  they  are  at  large  in  many  authors,  to  whom 
we  remit  the  readery. 

24.  And  now  was  the  time  come  of  Augustine's  610, 
dissolution,  whose  body  was  buried  in  the  northern  ailw  61"^ 
porch  of  the  new  chm*ch  in  Canterbury,  dedicated  to  a^S^ 
Peter  and  Paul,  having,  as  Bede  informs  us*,  this«P"**P*^ 
inscription   written   upon  his   monument ;   "  Here 

**  resteth  lord  Augustine  the  first  archbishop  of 
**  Canterbury ;  who  being  in  times  past  sent  hither 
**  from  blessed  Gregory,  bishop  of  the  Roman  city, 
**  and  supported  of  God  by  the  working  of  miracles, 
**  brought  king  Ethelbert  and  his  coimtry,  from  the 

X  [In  604,  the  same  year  in  eluded  Essex,  Middlesex^  and 

which    Mellitus    and    Justus  part  of  Hertfordshire.] 
were    ordained,    Bede,    Hist.         y  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.   i.  27. 

Eod.  ii.  3.  Saxon  Chron.,  and  Fox's  Book  of  Martyrs,  i.  150, 

Flor.  Wigom.  in  an.  604.  The  and  others. 
kingdom  of  the  East-Saxons,         '  Eccl.  Hist.  ii.  3. 
which  Fuller  calls  Essex,  in- 

M  4 


168  The  Church  History  booi  ii. 

A.D.610.  «  worshipping  of  idols  to  the  faith  of  Christ:  and 
^^  the  days  of  his  office  being  finished  in  peace,  be 
"  died  the  seventh  of  the  calends  of  June,  the  same 
"  king  reigning." 
The  date  of     25.  But  in  this  epitaph  one  thing  is  wanting,  and 
how  want-  that  mainly  material ;  namely,  the  year  when  he 
mg    «»«»"•  ji^^      Strangely  is   that  watch   contrived,   and  is 
generally  useless,  which  shews  the  minute  of  the 
hour,  not  the  hour  of  the  day.     As  this  epitaph 
points  at  the  day,  of  smaller  consequence,  leaving 
out  the  year,  of  greater  concernment.     This  hath 
put  men's   fancies   on  various  conjectures.     Some 
make  it  a  mere  omission  of  Bede :  which  notwith- 
standing is  very  strange,  because  otherwise  he  is 
most  critical  and  punctual  in  the  notation  of  time. 
Others  conceive  it  a  feult  of  commission,  in  some  of 
after-ages,  who  purposely  expunged  the  year,  (be- 
shrew  their  fingers  that  thrust  out  the  eyes,  the 
date  of  this  epitaph,)  lest  the  same  should  make  too 
clear  discoveries  of  Augustine's  surviving  after  the 
massacre  of  the  monks  of  Bangor,  which  would  in- 
crease the  suspicion  of  his  having  a  finger  therein. 
Others  place  the  neglect  in  the  monument-maker, 
and  not  in  Bede ;  seeing  he  was  but  the  bare  relator 
of  the  epitaph,  and  therefore  loath  to  add  or  alter 
any  thing  thereof.     Perchance  the  tomb-maker  re- 
gistered the  day,  as  a  nicety  most  likely  to  be  for- 
gotten, omitting  the  year,  as  a  thing  generally,  uni- 
versally, and  notoriously  known,  all  men  keeping  a 
record  thereof,  which   in  process  of  time  became 
wholly  forgotten.     Thus  those  things  are  not  long 
efiectually  kept  by  any  which  are  equally  to   be 
kept  by  all,  and  not  charged  on  any  one  man's  par- 
ticular account.     Sure  I  am,  the  setting  up  of  this 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain, 


169 


landmark,  the  noting  of  the  year  of  his  death,  had  A.P.610. 
given  excellent  direction  to  such  as  travel  in  the 
Saxon  chronology,  who  now  wander  at  random  for 
the  want  of  it*. 

26.  And  now  we  take  our  farewell  of  Augustine,  Farewell  to 
of  whom  we  give  this  character.  He  found  here  a  tine. 
plain  religion  (simplicity  is  the  badge  of  antiquity) 
practised  by  the  Britons,  living  some  of  them  in 
the  contempt,  and  many  mo  in  the  ignorance  of 
worldly  vanities,  in  a  barren  country:  and  surely 
piety  is  most  healthful  in  those  places  where  it  can 
least  surfeit  of  earthly  pleasures.  He  brought  in  a 
religion  spun  with  a  coarser  thread,  though  guarded 
with  a  finer  trimming,  made  luscious  to  the  senses 
with  pleasing  ceremonies ;  so  that  many,  who  could 
not  judge  of  the  goodness,  were  courted  with  the 
gaudiness  thereof.  Indeed  the  papists  brag  that  he 
was  the  apostle  of  the  English ;  but  not  one  in  the 
style  of  St.  Paul,  neither  from  men^  nor  by  man^  but 
by  Jesus  Christ^;  being  only  a  derivative  apostle, 
sent  by  the  second  hand:  in  which  sense  also  he 
was  not  our  sole  apostle ;  though  he  first  put  in  his 
sickle,  others  reaped  down  more  of  the  English  har- 


a  [The  date  of  St.  Augus- 
tine's death  ought  probably  to 
be  fixed  at  an  earlier  period 
than  the  year  610.  For  in 
that  year  Mellitus  brought  let- 
ters from  pope  Boniface  IV., 
directed  to  archbishop  Lauren- 
tius^  the  successor  of  St.  Au- 
gustine.  If  the  destruction  of 
the  monks  of  Bangor  happened 
in  the  year  607,  then  the 
death  of  St.  Augustine  must 
have  happened  between  604 
and  607.  (See  the  previous 
note,  p.  155.)     But  according 


toGoscelinus,  in  his  life  of  this 
archbishop,  St.  Augustine  ap- 
pointed Laurentius  his  suc- 
cessor the  same  year  in  which 
he  died.  Vita  August,  ch.  38. 
Angl.  Sacr.  II.  p.  70.  So  also 
the  annals  of  Rochester,  in  the 
Ang.  Sacr.  I.  85.  Little  doubt 
therefore  can  exist  but  that 
St.  Augustine  died  in  604,  to 
which  opinion  Wharton  entire- 
ly inclines.  See  his  masterly 
discussion  of  the  subject  in  his 
Ang.  Sacr,  I.  89.] 
b  Gal.  i.  I. 


170  The  Church  History  booe  n. 

A.D.610.  vest,  propagating  the  gospel  further,  as  shall  appear 
hereafter-  But  because  the  beginnings  of  thingi 
are  of  greatest  consequence,  we  commend  his  pains, 
condemn  his  pride,  allow  his  life,  approve  his  lean- 
ing,-admire  his  miracles,  admit  the  foundation  of  fab 
doctrine  Jesus  Christ ;  but  refuse  the  hay  and  stubble 
he  built  thereupon.  We  are  indebted  to  God  bis 
goodness  in  moving  Gregory,  Gregory's  carefulness 
in  sending  Augustine,  Augustine's  forwardness  in 
preaching  here:  but  above  all,  let  us  bless  God's 
exceeding  great  fevour,  that  that  doctrine  which 
Augustine  planted  here  but  impure,  and  his  suc- 
cessors made  worse  with  watering,  is  since,  by  the 
happy  reformation,  cleared  and  refined  to  the  purity 
of  the  scriptures. 

Laurentius      27.  After  the  death  of  Augustine,  Laurentius  a 

suooeed6th  ^  . 

Augustine.  Romau  succoeded  him,  whom  Augustine  in  his  life- 
time not  only  designed  for,  but  ordained  in  that 
places  out  of  his  abimdant  caution,  that  the  in&nt 
church  might  not  be  orphan  an  hour,  lest  Satan 
should  assault  the  breach  of  such  a  vacancy,  to  the 
disadvantage  of  religion.  Such  a  superordination  in 
such  cases  was  canonical,  it  being  a  tradition,  that 
St.  Peter  in  like  manner  consecrated  Clement  his 
successor  in  the  church  of  Rome^.  And  sure  it  is, 
the  prophet  Elijah,  no  doubt  to  his  great  comfort 
whilst  living,  anointed  Elisha  to  minister  in  his 
room,  in  his  prophetical  function*.  In  one  re- 
spect Laurentius  exceeded  Augustine,  that  he 
reduced  the  recusant  Britons  and  Scots  (probably 
demeaning  himself  more  humbly  than  his  prede- 
cessor) to  some  tolerable  conformity  to  the  Romish 

^  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  4.  ^  Ibid.  <  i  Kings  xix.  i6. 


CEKT*  VII. 


of  Britain  • 


171 


ceremonies,  especially  in  the  celebration  of  Easter.  A.D.610. 
Now,  seeing  frequent  mention  hath  formerly  been 
made  of  the  diflFerence  between  the  Romish  and 
British  churches,  in  observation  of  that  festival ;  we 
will  endeavour,  as  truly  as  briefly,  to  state  the  con- 
troversy betwixt  them,  with  arguments  each  side 
produceth  in  their  own  behalf. 

28.  But  because  the   point  in  hand  is  so  nice  The  ocmtro. 
(rather  than  necessary)  that  a  little  variation  therein  Easter  be- 
may  be  material,  I  will  carefully  follow  the  truest J^J^dUie 
copy  I  can  get,  in  stating  the  question,  taking  it^^^    ' 
from  a  learned  pen^  exactly  skilled  therein. 


*'  The  Romans  kept 

'*  Easter   upon    that    Sunday 

"  which  fell  betivixt  the  15  th  and 

"  3 1  St  day  of  the  moonC?  (both 

"  terms  included)  next  after  the 


*'  The  Britons  kept 

"  Easter  upon  the  Sun- 

**  day  that  fell  betwixt  the 

''  14th  and  20th  day  of  the 

"  moon^  following  in  their 


tt 


(« 


'  James  Usher,  in  the  Reli- 
gion of  the  ancient  Irish,  p.  66. 
[This  was  first  published  at 
die  end  of  a  treatise  entitled, 
A  friendly  advertisement  to 
the  pretended  Catholics  of 
"  Irelajid,  by  Christoph.  Sib- 
"  thorp,  knight,  one  of  his  ma- 
"  jesty's  justices  for  Ireland." 
4°.  1622.  It  contains  much  re- 
search upon  the  doctrine  and 
practice  of  the  early  church  of 
Ireland,  much  illustration  of 
the  state  of  religion  among  the 
Britons.  Besides  Usher,  Dr. 
Smith,  in  his  Appendix  to 
Bede,  has  devoted  several  pases 
to  the  examination  of  this  in- 
tricate controversy.  In  the 
Tanner  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian, 
is  also  preserved  a  paper  of 
considerable  length,  by  the  ce- 
lebrated mathematician  Dr. 
Wallis,  on  the  same  subject. 


In  this  observation  of  Easter 
(as  well  as  in  other  points)  the 
Britons  followed  the  eastern 
churches.  A  dispute  on  the 
same  subject  also  existed  among 
the  Spaniards  and  the  Franks. 
The  latter  observing  its  cele- 
bration on  the  1 8th  of  April, 
the  former  on  the  21st  of 
March.  The  Romans  professed 
to  follow  the  order  of  the  Ni- 
cene  council  in  their  celebra- 
tion of  Easter;  but  as  they 
reckoned  by  the  moon  and  the 
golden  numbers,  it  not  unfre- 
quently  happened  that  they 
fell  into  that  very  error  whicn 
they  wished  to  avoid.  See 
also  archbishop  Parker's  An- 
tiq.  585.  Usher,  Antiq.  p.  485 
sq.] 

g  Hence  is  it  that  Beza 
tartly  termeth  the  controversy 
lunatica  quastio. 


<« 
if 
« 

f* 


172  The  Church  Hisiofy  book  ii. 

A.D.6IO.  *'  2i8t  daj  of  March^  which  they     *'  acooont  thereof,  not  the 
"  •'  accounted  to  be  the  seat  of  the     **  nineteen  years'  compntt- 

Temal    equinoctial.       And    in     "  tion    of    Anatolius,  hot 
reckoning  the  age  of  the  moon^     "  Sulpitius  Severus  his  dr. 
they  followed  the  Alexandrian     "  de  of  eighty-four  years." 
cycle  of  19  years^  as  it  was  ex- 
plained unto  them  by  Dionysius 
*'  Exiguus." 

It  is  enough  to  prove  the  practice  of  Rome  was 
the  right,  that  it  was  the  practice  of  Rome ;  yea,  did 
it  not  deserve  the  stab  of  excommunication,  for  any 
dissenting  from  her  practice,  tantamountingly  to  giye 
her  the  lie?  However,  it  seems  the  reputation  of 
Rome's  infallibility  was  yet  in  the  nonage  thereof^ 
that  the  British  durst  so  boldly  differ  from  them, 
without  danger  of  damnation. 
The  Bri-  29.  Yea,  they  pretended  ancient  tradition  on  their 
ptoft.  side,  from  the  primitive  times,  derived  from  St.  John 
himself;  as  by  the  ensuing  verses  (which  we  thought 
fit  to  translate)  may  appear : 

Nos  seriem  patriam,  non  frivola  scripta  tenemus, 
Discipulo  Eusebii^  Polycarpo  dante  Johannis. 
Ille  etenim  bis  septena;  sub  tempore  Phoebse 
Sanctum  prseBxit  nobis  fore  pascha  colendum, 
Atque  nefas  dixit,  si  quis  contraria  sentit*. 

No  writings  fond  we  follow,  but  do  hold 

Our  country  course,  which  Polycarp  of  old. 

Scholar  to  blessed  John,  to  us  hath  given. 

For  he,  when  the  moon  had  finishM  days  twice  seven. 

Bade  us  to  keep  the  holy  paschal  time. 

And  count  dissenting  for  an  heinous  crime. 

Time  was,  when  once  the  activity  of  Peter  and  John 

^  I.  e.  sancti,  vel  heati.  Ion  in  Acta  SS.     Benedictin. 

>  Fridgodus  in  the   life  of    ssec.  iii.  part.  i.   p.    176.   ed. 
Wilfrid,  [published  hy  Mabil-     Paris.  1672.] 


ciNT.  vii.  o/Briiam.  178 

inth  holy  zeal  was  excellently  employed,  contending  A.D.6ia 
in  a  race  which  should  first  come  to  the  grave  of 
our  Saviour ^*  but  see  here  the  Romans  and  the 
Britons,  the  pretended  followers  of  these  two  apo- 
stles, not  running,  but  wrestling  in  a  violent  con- 
!;ention  who  should  most  truly  observe  the  resur- 
rection of  Christ  out  of  his  grave. 

80.  Strange,  that  so  good  and  wise  men  should  Th«««- 
Jius  fall  out  about  the  mmt  and  cummin  of  religion,  oondiad  by 
i  ceremony  not  at  all  decided  in  scripture.     It  is  to      **"  "^ 
ye  feared,  that  the  when  marred  the  how  of  Easter ; 

md  the  controversy  about  the  time  spoiled  a  more 
naterial  circumstance,  of  the  maimer  of  keeping 
;hi8  feast ;  these  opposite  parties  scarce  being  mutu- 
dly  in  charity  at  the  receiving  of  the  sacrament,  at 
;hat  solemn  festival  kept  among  the  Jews  with  im- 
eavened  bread,  celebrated  among  Christians  with 
joo  much  leaven  (sour  and  swelling)  of  anger  and 
3assion.  The  best  is,  for  the  present  Laurentius  A.D.613. 
x)mposed  the  quarrel,  and  brought  both  Britons 
md  Scots™,  that  is,  the  inhabitants  of  Ireland,  to 
»mply  with  the  Romans  therein.  But  as  every 
imall  wrench,  or  stepping  awry,  is  enough  to  put  an 
U-set  bone  out  of  joint,  so  each  petty  animosity 
^as  great  enough  to  discompose  this  agreement. 
But  enough  of  this  controversy  for  the  present,  we 
(hall  meet  it  too  soon  again ;  which,  like  a  restless 
fhost,  will  haunt  our  English  history  for  more  than 
in  hundred  and  fifty  years  together. 

81.  Only  I  will  add,  that  although  about  Angus- The  anti- 
;ine'8  time  this  controversy  was  then  most  height- 1'^''*^ 
med  and  inflamed,  yet  an  old  grudge  it  was  long 

1  John  XX.  4.  m  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  4. 


174  The  Church  HUtory  looE  ir. 

A.D.613.  before  betwixt  the  Romans  and  Britons.  For,  if  old 
Taliesin  (styled  chief  of  bards  by  the  Britons)  lired 
(as  Pitseus,  a  catholic  writer  will  have  it")  in  the 
year  540,  and  if  the  following  verses  be  Taliesin's, 
as  it  is  undoubtedly  believed^,  then  this  difference 
was  on  foot  fifty  years  before  Augustine  came  into 
England. 

Gwae  qffeiriad  byd 
Nys  engreifftia  gwyd 

Ac  ny  phregetha : 
Gwae  ny  cheidw  ey  gail 
Ac  efyn  vugaU 

Ac  nys  areilia  : 
Gwae  ny  cheidw  ey  dheuaid 
Rhac  bleidhiau  Rhufeniaid 

Aiffon  gnwppa. 

Woe  be  to  that  priest  ybom 

That  will  not  cleanly  weed  his  corn. 

And  preach  his  charge  among : 
Woe  be  to  that  shepherd  (I  say) 
That  will  not  watch  his  fold  alway. 

As  to  his  office  doth  belong. 
Woe  be  to  him  that  doth  not  keep 
From  Romish  wolves  his  sheep 

With  staff  and  weapon  strong  P. 

These  words,  "  from  Romish  wolves,"  relate  to  the 
vigilancy  of  the  British  pastors  to  keep  their  people 
from  Rome's  infection  in  these  points.  Thus,  whilst 
the  Britons  accounted  the  Romans  wolves,  and  the 

n  De   Britan.    Scriptoribus,  '*  Austin  the  monk  into  Eng- 

p.  95.  "  land,  and  not  fifty  or  sixty 

o  Chron.  of  Wales,  p.  254.  **  years  before,  as  others  have 

P  [Archbishop  Usher,  from  **  imagined/'     See  Religion  of 

whom  Fuller  quotes  these  lines,  the  ancient  Irish,  p.  80.    The 

comes  to  a  far  more  probable  translation    is  by    Humphrey 

conclusion,    that     they    were  Lloyd.] 
written  *' after  the  coming  of 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain,  175 

Romans  held  the  Britons  to  he  goats,  what  hecame  A.D.613 
of  Christ's  little  flock  of  sheep  the  whiles  ?  The  best 
is,  the  good  God,  we  hope,  will  be  mercifiil  in  his 
sentence  on  men,  though  passionate  men  be  merciless 
in  their  eenfiures  on  one  another. 

32.  To  return  to  Laurentius.  The  great  joy  for  A.D.616 
the  agreement  made  by  him  was  quickly  abated  of  jEthd- 
with  grief,  at  the  death  of  king  ^Ethelbyrht*!:  whoj^**^^ 
having  reigned  fifty^ix.  and  been  a  Christian  onegH«i.n- 
and  twenty  years,  was  buried  nigh  to  his  good  wife, 
queen  Bertha,  who  died  a  little  before  him,  in  the 
porch  of  St.  Martinis  church  in  Canterbury ;  which 
fabric,  with  some  other  churches,  by  him  were  beau- 
tifully built,  and  bountifully  endowed.  In  jiEthel- 
byrht's  grave  was  buried  much  of  the  Kentish  Chris- 
tianity :  for  Eadbald  his  son  both  refused  his  father^s 
religion,  and  wallowing  in  sensuality,  was  guilty  of 
that  sin  not  so  much  as  named  amongst  the  GentUes^ 
in  keeping  his  father's  second  wife.  Such  as  for- 
merly had  took  up  Christianity,  as  the  court  fiashion, 
now  left  it;  and  whom  iEthelbyrht's  smiles  had 
made  converts,  Eadbald's  frowns  quickly  made  apo- 
states. Yea,  at  the  same  time  (so  infectious  are  the 
bare  examples  of  great  men)  the  three  sons  of  the 
king  of  the  East-Saxons  fell  back  to  paganism  ^ 
These  refiised  to  be  baptized,  and  yet  in  derision 
demanded  of  the  bishop  Mellitus  to  receive  the 
eucharist;  which  he  flatly  denied  them,  baptism 
being  an  introductory  sacrament,  and  it  being  un- 

*J  Feb.  24.  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  year  with  ^thelbyrht,  they  suc- 

ii.  5.  Malmsb.  De  Gestis  Reg.  ceeded   and    encouraged    idb- 

f.  4,  b.]  latry.     Their  names  were  Ser- 

'  [They  had  always   conti-  red,  Siward,  and  Sigebert.  See 

nued  pagans,  but  their  father  Bede,  ib.  Flor.Wigorn.in6i6. 

Saberct  having  died  the  same  Parker,  Antiq.  p.  75.] 


176  The  Church  History  book  n. 

A.D.616.  lawful  to  break  into  the  church  without  going 
through  this  porch.  Yet  they  gave  Mellitus  fair 
warning,  and  free  leave  to  depart ;  who  coming  into 
Kent,  held  there  a  council  with  Laurentius  and 
Justus  what  was  best  to  be  done.  At  last  they  con- 
cluded that  it  was  in  vain  prodigally  to  lose  their 
pains  here,  which  they  might  expend  with  more 
profit  in  their  own  country :  and  seeing  martyrdom, 
as  it  is  not  cowardly  to  be  declined,  so  it  is  not  am- 
bitiously to  be  aflFected;  they  resolved  to  go  the 
way  which  Divine  providence  directed  them,  and  to 
return  into  France :  which  Mellitus  and  Justus  did 
accordingly. 
MdUtiu  88.  Was  this  well  done  of  them,  to  leave  their 
their  de-  chargc  ?  Did  not  God  place  them  sentinels  in  his 
fended!  ^  church,  and  could  they  come  off  from  their  duty 
before  they  were  relieved  by  order  ?  But  surely  their 
ill-usage  was  an  interpretative  discharge  unto  them. 
In  warrant  whereof  we  have  not  only  Christ's  pre- 
cept, to  leave  the  unworthy  house  with  a  witness, 
namely,  with  the  dust  of  our  feet  shaken  off  as  a 
testimony  against  \t\  but  also  his  practice,  going 
from  the  Gadarenes,  when  they  desired  he  should 
depart  their  codstsK  Indeed,  the  word  of  life  is 
a  quick  commodity,  and  ought  not,  as  a  drug,  to  be 
obtruded  on  those  chapmen  who  are  unwilling  to 
buy  it ;  yea,  in  whose  nostrils  the  very  savour  of  life 
unto  life  doth  stink,  because  proffered  unto  them. 
Laoiendus,  34.  Laurcutius  entertained  the  like  resolution  of 
to  depart  departure ;  when,  lying  on  his  bed,  St.  Peter  is  said 
to  have  taken  him  to  task  in  a  visional.     Yea,  St. 


«  Matt.  X.  14.  «  Bede,  Hist.  EccL  ii.  6. 

t  Matt.  viii.  34,  and  ix.  i. 


rebuked. 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain.  1T7 

Peter  was  not  only  seen,  but  felt,  sharply  and  soundly  a.d.  6i6. 
whipping  him,  for  his  unworthy  intention  to  forsake 
his  flock ;  who  rather  should  have  followed  St.Peter^s 
example,  as  he  imitated  Christ's,  whom  no  losses  or 
crosses  could  so  deter,  as  to  desert  his  charge.  Some 
will  say,  Peter  herein  appeared  a  partial  parent,  so 
severely  disciplining  this  his  son,  whilst  two  other  of 
his  children,  being  more  guilty,  Mellitus  and  Justus, 
who  had  actually  done  what  Laurentius  only  de- 
signed, escaped  without  any  correction.  But  we 
must  know,  though  these  seemed  more  faulty  by 
what  appears  in  open  view,  yet  the  passages  behind 
the  curtain  (considerables  concealed  from  us)  might 
much  alter  the  case.  And  indeed,  pastors  leaving 
their  people  is  so  ticklish  a  point,  and  subject  to 
such  secret  circumstances,  that  God  and  their  own 
consciences  are  only  the  competent  judges  of  the 
lawfidness  or  unlawfiilness  thereof. 

35.  Thus,  all  black  and  blue,  Laurentius  repaireth  Eadbaid 
to  E^bald  king  of  Kent,  and  presenteth  himself  christian! 
onto  him  in  that  sad  condition.  The  king,  much 
amazed  thereat,  demands  who  durst  offer  such  vio- 
lence to  so  good  a  man  ?  Whereby  it  plainly  appears, 
that  though  Eadbaid  himself  refused  Christianity, 
yet  he  afforded  civility  and  protection  to  Lauren- 
tius, and  to  all  in  Kent  of  his  religion.  He  largely 
relates  what  had  happened  unto  him,  and  in  fine  so 
prevailed  on  Eadbaid,  that  he  not  only  put  away  his 
wife-mother-whore,  but  also  embraced  Christianity, 
and  at  his  desire  Justus  and  Mellitus  returned  again 
into  England. 

86.  Rochester  readily  received  Justus  their  bishop,  a.  d.  6i8. 
being  a  little  place,  of  few  persons,  and  they  there- ^^iJ^ 
fore  the  easier  all  to  be  brought  to  be  of  one  mind.  '*«*««^' 

FULLEE,  VOL.  I.  N 


178  Tlie  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.618.  But  large  London  (though  then,  for  greatness,  but 
and  MeUi.  the  suburbs  to  the  present  city)  I  say,  London  then, 
at  London,  was  even  London  then,  as  wanton  m  the  infancy,  as 
now  wayward  in  the  old  age  thereof;  where  gene- 
rally the  people,  long  radicated  in  wickedness,  re- 
fused to  entertain  their  good  pastor  returning  unto 
them.  But  here  my  good  friend^,  in  his  notes  on 
this  passage,  makes  an  ingenious  reservation,  that 
(though  the  major  part  must  be  confessed  peevish  in 
all  populous  places)  London  in  all  ages  afforded 
eminent  favourers  of  learned  and  religious  men. 
And  would  I  could,  being  the  meanest  of  ministers'*, 
as  truly  entitle  myself  to  the  foresaid  qualifications, 
as  I  heartily  concur  with  him  in  my  grateful  con- 
fession, that  I  have  effectually  found  plenty  of  good 
patrons  in  that  honourable  corporation.  Mellitus 
thus  rejected,  was  glad  to  lead  a  private  life  in 
London,  till  that  after  the  death  of  Laurentius^,  he 
succeeded  him  in  the  church  of  Canterbury. 
MeUitiuhis  37.  A  grave  and  good  man,  but  much  afliicted 
with  the  gout,  and  highly  meriting  of  his  see  of 
Canterbury ;  especially  if  true  what  Bede  reports  y, 
that  when  a  grievous  fire  happened  in  that  city, 
Mellitus  accosted  the  very  fiiry  thereof  with  faithful 
prayer  and  his  own  bare  hands,  (strange!  that  no 
modem  monk  hath  since  in  his  relation  put  a  crucifix 
or  holy-water-sprinkle  into  them,)  and  so  presently 
quenched  the  raging  of  the  flames.  Say  not,  why 
could  he  not  as  easily  have  cured  his  own  gout  as 
quenched  this  fire  ?  seeing  miracles  are  done,  not  for 

^  Mr.  Whelock  on  the  place  ton's  Angl.  Sac.  I.  91.     Flo- 

in  Bede.  rence  of  Worcester  places  his 

^  [He  was  minister  of  the  death  in  the  year  621.] 
Savoy.]  y  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  7. 

X  Feb.  a,  619.   [See  Whar. 


CEMT..VII.  of  Britain.  179 

men's  ordinary  ease,  but  God's  solemn  honour.  Yea,  A.D.618. 
the  apostles  themselves  were  not  at  pleasure  masters 
of  their  miraculous  power  for  their  personal  use, 
seeing  St.  Paul  could  neither  cure  the  often  infirmU 
ties  of  his  dear  son  Timothy*,  nor  remove  the  acute 
desperate  disease  wherewith  he  himself  in  Asia  was 
afflicted ^  Five  years  sat  Mellitus  in  Canterbury: 
after  whose  death^  Justus  bishop  of  Rochester  suc- 
ceeded him,  and  had  his  pall  solemnly  sent  him  by 
pope  Boni&ce^. 

S8.  By  the  way,  the  pall  is  a  pontifical  vestment.  What  a  pau 
considerable  for  the  matter,  making,  and  mysteries 
thereof.  For  the  matter,  it  is  made  of  lambs'  wool 
and  superstition.  I  say,  of  lambs'  ^'  wool,  as  it  comes 
^  from  the  sheep's  back  without  any  other  artificial 
**  colour,"  spun,  say  some,  by  a  peculiar  order  of 
nuns,  "  first  cast  into  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter^"  taken 
firom  his  body  say  others®,  surely  most  sacred  if 
from  both ;  and  (superstitiously)  ^  adorned  with  little 
**  black  crosses."  For  the  form  thereof;  **  in  breadth 
"  not  exceeding  three  fingers,"  (one  of  our  bachelor's 
lamb-skin  hoods  in  Cambridge  would  make  three  of 
them,)  having  ^  two  labels  hanging  down  before  and 
**  behind  ^"  which  the  archbishops  only,  when  going 
to  the  altar,  put  about  their  necks,  above  their  other 
pontifical  ornaments.  Three  mysteries  were  couched 
therein.  First,  humility,  which  beautifies  the  clergy 
above  all  their  costly  copes.  Secondly,  innocency, 
to  imitate  lamb-like  simplicity.     And  thirdly,  in- 

»  I  Tim.  V.  23.  <*    H.    Porter's   Flowers   of 

»  a  Cor.  i.  8.  the  Saints,  p.  506. 
^  April  24,  624.  *  Camden  in  Kent,  p.  238. 

c[Bede,Hi8t.Eccl.ii.8.  See         '  Flowers    of   the    Saints, 

Wharton's  Angl.  Sac.  I.  92.]  ibid. 

N  2 


180  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.618.  dustiy,  to  follow  him  who  fetched  his  wandering 
sheep  home  on  his  shoulders  fl^.  But  to  speak  plainly, 
the  mystery  of  mysteries  in  this  pall  was,  that  the 
archbishops  receiving  it  shewed  therein  their  de- 
pendance  on  Rome ;  and  a  mote  in  this  manner  ce- 
remoniously taken,  was  a  sufficient  acknowledgment 
of  their  subjection.  And,  as  it  owned  Rome's  power, 
so  in  after-ages  it  increased  their  profit.  For  though 
now  such  palls  were  freely  given  to  archbishops, 
whose  places  in  Britain  for  the  present  were  rather 
cumbersome  than  commodious,  having  little  more 
than  their  pains  for  their  labour,  yet  in  after-ages 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury's  pall  was  sold  for  five 
thousand  florins  ^ :  so  that  the  pope  might  well 
have  the  golden  fleece,  if  he  could  sell  all  his  lambs- 
wool  at  that  rate.  Only  let  me  add,  that  the  author 
of  Canterbury-book  styles  this  pall,  tanquam  grande 
Christi  sacramentumK  It  is  well  tanquam  came  in 
to  help  it,  or  else  we  should  have  had  eight  sacra- 
ments. But,  leaving  these  husks  to  such  palates  as 
are  pleased  to  feed  on  them,  we  come  to  the  kernel 
of  religion,  how  the  same  was  propagated  in  other 
parts  of  England.  And  first,  of  the  preparative  for 
the  purge  of  paganism  out  of  the  kingdom  of 
Northumberland. 
A.  D.  624.  89.  Edwin,  the  king  thereof,  was  monarch  of  all 
prapwatory  England,  with  the  isles  of  Man  and  Anglesey,  more 
^^^  puissant  than  any  of  his  predecessors.  And  this, 
^'^^'  saith  Bede^,  was  in  auspicium  suscipiendis  fidei^  "  in 
"  good  haudsell  of  the  faith"  he  was  hereafter  to 

K  Camden,  ib.  p.  237.  Luke         >  A  manuscript  in  Trin.  Hall 

xy.  5.  library  in  Camoridge,  quoted 

^  Godwin  de  Praesul.  p.  800.  by  Whelock  on  Bede,  p.  99. 
A  florin  is  worth  4^ .  6d.  ^  Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  9. 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain.  181 

neceiye.  God  first  made  him  great,  and  after  gra-  a.d.  644- 
cious ;  that  so  by  his  power  he  might  be  the  more 
effectual  instrument  of  his  glory.  Now  he  had 
married  Edelburga,  daughter  of  -^thelbyrht  king  of 
Kent ;  to  whom  he  not  only  permitted  free  exercise 
of  reli^on  to  herself  and  her  servants,  but  also  pro- 
mised himself  to  embrace  it,  if,  on  examination,  it 
appeared  the  most  holy,  and  fittest  for  divine  service. 
In  the  court  of  this  queen  was  one  Paulinus,  a  pious 
bishop,  who,  with  much  pains  and  little  profit,  long 
laboured  in  vain  to  convert  the  pagans.  God  hereby 
both  humbling  him,  and  shewing  that  the  hour  of 
his  mercy  shall  not  be  antedated  one  minute  by  any 
human  endeavours.  However,  Paulinus,  seeing  he 
could  not  be  happy  to  gain,  would  be  careful  to 
save;  and  daily  plied  the  word  and  sacraments, 
thereby  to  corroborate  his  own  people  in  piety^ 

40.  Now  it  happened  that  one  Eomer",  a  swash-  A.D.626. 
buckler,  (a  contemner  of  his  own  life,  and  thereby  tion  per- " 
master  of  another  man's,)  sent  from  Cuichelm,  king  5^^'*°^ 
of  the  West-Saxons,  with   an   envenomed  dagger  *^®™'^' 
sought  to  kill  king  Edwin :  when  Lilla,  one  of  his 
guard,  foreseeing  the  blow,  and  interposing  himself, 
shielded  his  sovereign  with  his  own  body,  yea,  deaded 
the  stroke  with  his  own  death.     Loyalty's  martyr ; 
in  a  case  which  is  likely  to  find  mo  to  commend 
than  imitate  it,  on  the  like  occasion.     Edwin,  not- 
withstanding slightly  hurt,  was  very  sensible  of  the 
deliverance,  and  promised,  that  if  he  might  conquer 
the   treacherous   West-Saxon  king,   with    his   ad- 
herents, he  would  become  a  Christian".  And  though 

1  [See  Malmsburj,  De  Ges-     Flor.  Wigorn.  a.  627.     Will, 
tis  R^um,  f.  9.]  Malmsb.  f.  6.] 

™  [Saxon  Chron.    a.   626.         ^   [Malmsbury    states    this 

N  3 


183 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.626.  there  be  no  indenting,  and  conditional  capitulating 
with  God,  (who. is  to  be  taken  on  any  terms,)  yet 
this  in  a  pagan  was  a  good  step  to  heayen,  and  Pan- 
linus  was  glad  he  had  got  him  thus  &T ;  especially, 
when  in  earnest  of  the  sincerity  of  his  resolution,  he 
consigned  over  his  infismt  daughter  Eanfled  to  be 
baptized,  whom  Paulinus  christened,  with  twelve 
mo  of  the  queen's  family®.  Well,  the  West- 
Saxon  king  was  quickly  overcome,  and  all  his 
complices  either  killed  or  conquered,  and  yet  king 
Edwin  demurred  to  embrace  Christianity.  But  he 
communicated  with  the  sagest  of  his  council,  with 
whom  he  had  daily  debates,  being  loath  rashly  to 
rush  on  a  matter  of  such  moment.  And  truly,  that 
religion  which  is  rather  suddenly  parched  up  than 
seasonably  ripened,  doth  commonly  ungive  after- 
wards.  Yea,  he  would  sit  long  alone,  making  com- 
pany to  himself,  and  silently  arguing  the  case  in  his 
own  heart,  being  partly  convinced  in  his  judgment 
of  the  goodness  of  the  Christian  religion ;  and  yet  he 
durst  not  entertain  truth,  a  lawful  king,  for  fear  to 
displease  custom,  a  cruel  tyrant. 

Th^^^'^h      *^'  Amongst  the  many  debates  he  had  with  his 

of  Coifi  the  council  about   altering   his  religion,  two   passages 

must  not  be  forgotten ;  whereof  one  was  the  speech 


deed  in  its  true  colours. — 
'  Quichelmum  sane  non  me- 
'  diocris  culpa  respergit  quod 

*  Edwinum  Northanhumbro- 
'  rum  regem  probatae  pruden- 
'  tise  virum^  subornato  sicario, 

*  insidiis  appetiverit.  Sed  si 
'  consideretur  ilia  gentilis  sen- 
'  tentia,  dolus  an  virtus  quis 

*  in  hoste  requital ;  facile  ex- 
'  cusabitur  nihil   praeter  soli. 


« 

c« 
it 

(€ 
«( 
It 
€( 
tl 
€t 


turn  fecisse,  quod  vellicato- 
rem  potentise  quoquo  modo 
voluerit  de  medio  subtrahe- 
Nam  et  antea  de  regno 


re. 


West-Saxonum  plurima  de- 
cerpserat,  et  tunc  accepta  ir- 
ritatus  injuria,  quoniam  re- 
cruduerant  odia,  multa  pro- 
vincialibus  inflixit  dispen. 
dia."  WiU.  Malmsb.  f.  6.] 
o  Bede,  ibidem. 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain.  18S 

of  Coifi,  the  prime  pagan  priest.  "  Surely,"  said  he,  a.  p.  617. 
"  these  gods  whom  we  worship  are  not  of  any  power 
"  or  eflScacy  in  themselves ;  for  none  hath  served 
"  them  more  conscientiously  than  myself,  yet  other 
"  men,  less  meriting  of  them,  have  received  mo 
"  and  greater  favours  from  their  hand,  and  prosper 
"  better  in  all  things  they  undertake.  Now  if  these 
"  were  gods  of  any  activity,  they  would  have  been 
"  more  beneficial  to  me,  who  have  been  so  observant 
"  of  them®."  Here  the  reader  will  smile  at  Coifi 
his  solecism,  wherein  the  premises  are  guilty  of 
pride,  as  the  inference  thereon  of  error  and  mistake. 
If  he  turn  Christian  on  these  terms,  he  will  be 
taught  a  new  lesson  :  how  not  only  all  outward 
things  happen  alike  to  good  and  bad,  to  him  that 
sacrificeth^  as  to  him  that  sacrificeth  not^ ;  but  also, 
that  judgment  beginneth  at  the  house  of  God%  and 
the  best  men  meet  with  the  worst  success  in  tem- 
poral matters.  However,  God  was  pleased  to  sanc- 
tify this  man's  error,  as  introductory  to  his  conver- 
sion :  and  let  none  wonder,  if  the  first  glimmering 
of  grace  in  pagans  be  scarce  a  degree  above  blind- 
ness. 

42.  Better,  in  my  opinion,  was  the  plain  compa^-  The  cour- 
rison,  which  another  nameless  courtier  made  at  the  ^SiS!"" 
same  time.  "  Man's  life,"  said  he,  "  O  king,  is  like 
"  unto  a  little  sparrow,  which,  whilst  your  majesty  is 
"  feasting  by  the  fire  in  your  parlour  with  your  royal 
"  retinue,  flies  in  at  one  window  and  out  at  another. 
"  Indeed  we  see  it  that  short  time  it  remaineth  in 
"  the  house,  and  then  is  it  well  sheltered  from  wind 
"  and  weather ;  but  presently  it  passeth  from  cold  to 

o  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  13.       P  Eccles.  ix.  2.       4  1  Pet.  iv.  17.  ^ 

N  4 


184  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A,D.(h7.  **  cold,  and  whence  it  came,  and  whither  it  goes,  we 
"  are  altogether  ignorant.  Thus,  we  can  give  some 
"  account  of  our  soul,  during  its  abode  in  the  body, 
^^  whilst  housed  and  harboured  therein ;  but  where  it 
^^  was  before,  and  how  it  fareth  after,  is  to  us  alto- 
"  gether  unknown.  If  therefore  Paulinus  his  preach- 
« ing  will  certainly  inform  us  herein,  he  deserveth, 
.  "  in  my  opinion,  to  be  entertained '." 

A.  p.  627.      48,  Long  looked  for  comes  at  last.    King  Edwin, 

ridwin  con-  1  <•  ^% 

verted,  and  almost  three  years  a  candidate  at  large  of  Christian- 
*^  ity,  cordially  embraceth  the  same,  and  with  many  of 

his  nobles,  and  multitudes  of  his  subjects,  is  solemnly 
baptized  by  Paulinus,  in  the  little  church  of  St.  Pe* 
ter's  in  York*,  hastily  set  up  by  the  king  for  that 
purpose,  and  afterward  by  him  changed  into  a  firmer 
and  fairer  fabric.  Thus,  as  those  children  which  are 
backward  of  their  tongues,  when  attaining  to  speech, 
pronounce  their  words  the  more  plainly  and  dis- 
tinctly :  so  Edwin,  long,  yea  tedious,  before  his  turn- 
ing to  Christianity,  more  efiectually  at  last  embraced 
the  same.  And  when  it  was  put  to  the  question, 
what  person  most  proper  to  destroy  the  heathen  al- 
tars ?  Coifi  the  chief  priest  tendered  his  service,  as 
fittest  for  the  purpose,  solemnly  to  demolish  what 
he  had  before  so  superstitiously  adored.  Down  go 
all  the  pagan  altars  and  images  at  God-mundingham 
(now  Godmimdham,  a  small  village  in  the  East-Ri- 
ding of  Yorkshire*),  and  those  idols  with  their  hands 
were  so  far  from  defending  themselves,  that  their 
mock-mouths  could  not  aflbrd  one  word  to  bemoan 
their  final  destruction. 

'■  Bede,  ibid.  Wigorn.  a.  628.] 

■  Bede,   Hist.   Eccl.  ii.  14.         *   Camden's   Britannia,    [p. 
[Saxon  Chron.  a.  627.    Flor.     577.] 


cxNT.vii.  of  Britain.  186 

44.  When  thou  art  converted^  strengthen  thy  ir^-A.D.647. 
ihren^  was  the  personal  precept  given  to  Peter  ^  but  The  Eait- 
ought  generally  to  be  the  practice  of  all  good  men ;  vJlltrt  2*^" 
as  here  it  was  of  king  Edwin,  restless,  until  he  hadj^™*^*^' 
also  persuaded  Eorpwald,  king  of  the  East-Angles, 

to  embrace  the  Christian  faith  ^.  Indeed  Redwald, 
Eorpwald's  father,  had  formerly  at  Canterbury,  to 
ingratiate  hunself  with  king  Ethelbert,  professed 
Christianity ;  but,  returning  home,  he  revolted .  to 
paganism  at  the  instance  of  his  wife'.  So  great  is 
the  power  of  the  weaker  sex,  even  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion. For,  as  Bertha  and  Edelburga,  the  queens 
of  Ethelbert  and  Edwin,  occasioned  and  expedited 
the  conversion  of  their  husbands'  kingdoms :  so  here 
a  female  instrument  obstructed  that  holy  design. 
Yea,  Redwald  afterwards,  in  the  same  church,  set 
up  a  Samaritan  mongrel  religion^  havmg  dtare  et 
arulam\  a  communion-table  and  an  idolatrous  altar 
in  the  same  temple  :  You  cannot  be  partakers^  saith 
the  apostle,  of  the  LortTs  table^  and  of  the  table  of 
devils^;  that  is,  you  cannot  lawfully,  conscionably, 
comfortably;  but,  de facto  it  may  be  done,  was  done 
by  Redwald  in  this  his  miscellaneous  religion. 

45.  But  three  years  after**,  the  conversion  of  the  a.  d.  630. 
East-Angles  was  more  eflectually  advanced  by  king^jj^" 
Seabyrht,  brother,  and  after  the  death  of  Eorpwald,  j^'™^^ 
his  successor  in  the  kingdom.     This  Seabyhrt  had^yrht. 
lived  an  exile  in  France,  and  got  the  benefit  of 
learning  by  his  banishment ;  for,  wanting  accommo- 

^  Luke  xxii.  3a.  '  Bede,  at  priu8. 

^  [EK>rpwald  was  baptized         »  i  Cor.  x.  20. 
in  the  year  632.     See  Saxon.         ^    [Rather  in  636^  as  Flo- 

Chron.  and  Florent.  Wigom.  rence  of  Worcester  states,  oor- 

in  an.  632.]  rectly  enough.      Wharton  in- 

>  Bede»  Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  15.  dines  to  the  year  630.  Ang. 

7  2  Kings  xvii.  41.  Sac.  I.  403.] 


186 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.B.630.  dations  to  appear  in  princely  equipage,  he  applied 
himself  the  more  close  to  his  studies:  seeing  that 
means  which  would  maintain  a  prince  but  like  a 
scholar,  would  maintain  a  scholar  like  a  prince. 
Yea,  which  was  best  of  all,  on  his  learning  he  grafted 
true  religion ;  Bede  giving  him  this  character,  that 
he  became  Vir  per  omnia  Christianissimus  et  docHs- 
simus :  (can  more  be  said  in  so  few  words  ?)  and  re- 
turning home,  assisted  by  the  preaching  of  Felix,  a 
monk  of  Burgundy,  Juxta  sui  nominis  sacramenium^ 
saith  BedeS  (happy  was  his  name,  and  happiness  was 
with  him,)  converted  his  subjects  to  Christianity. 
This  Felix  was  made  the  first  bishop  of  Dunwich  in 
Suffolk^ ;  a  place  formerly  ftimished  with  two  and 
fifty  churches  %  and  hath  scarce  two  now  remaining, 
the  rest  being  swallowed  up  by  the  sea.  I  can 
hardly  hold  myself  from  calling  the  sea  sacrUegioui ; 
save  that,  on  second  thoughts,  considering  that  ele- 
ment to  be  but  a  natural  agent,  yea,  such  whose  mo- 
tions are  ordered  by  Divine  providence.  Hither  shalt 
thou  come,  and  no  farther,  I  will  rather  reserve  this 
epithet  sacrilegiousy  to  be  bestowed  on  those  men 
who  willingly  and  wilfiiUy  demolish  the  places  ap- 
pointed for  God's  serviced 


c  [Hist.  Ecd.  ii.  15.] 

<^  [Thin  see  was  translated 
from  Dunwich  to  Elmham 
about  the  year  955  ;  after- 
wards to  Thetford^  in  1075 ; 
and  lastly  to  Norwich,  in 
1094.] 

«  Weever* s  Funeral  Monu- 
ments in  Suffolk,  [p.  718.] 

'  [At  present  one  church 
only  remains,  dismantled  of  its 
roof  and  falling  into  ruins  ; 
but  many  times,  at  low  water, 
the     remains    of    the     other 


churches  may  be  seen.  In  all 
probability,  n'om  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  sea,  the  church 
and  the  abbey^  of  which  the 
walls  remained  but  a  few  years 
backj  will  be  soon  swallowed 
up  like  the  rest.  Weever  has 
published  in  his  '*  Funeral  Mo- 
numents" an  original  letter  re- 
specting the  state  of  this  town, 
written  in  the  times  of  queen 
Marv^  p.  718.  ed.  1631.  I 
speak  from  personal  observa- 
tion, having  ft-equently  ram- 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain,  187 

46.  This  Seabyhrt  is  generally  reputed  the  founder  A.D.631. 
of  the  university  of  Cambridge  s.  And  because  the  Difference 
pmnt  in  hand  is  somewhat  litigious,  we  will  take  the  antiquity  of 
more  pains  in  clearing  thereof,  two  things  being  2^^[^^_ 
warily  premised.  First,  that  Sedbyhrt's  founding  ^"*^ 
the  university  of  Cambridge  ought  not  by  any  to  be 
extended  to  lessen  and  abate,  much  less  to  drown 
and  destroy  her  more  ancient  title  to  learning,  which 
she  deriveth,  according  to  good  authors^,  from  many 
hundred  years  before.  Valeant^  quantum  vcdere  pos- 
sint^  let  such  her  overgrown  evidences  stand  as  valid 
as  they  may,  by  us  neither  confirmed  nor  confuted 
for  the  present.  And  indeed  all  such  old  things  in 
either  university,  though  specious  to  the  eye,  must 
be  closely  kept  and  tenderly  touched,  lest  otherwise, 
being  roughly  handled,  they  should  moulder  into 
dust.  Secondly,  let  none  suspect  my  extraction  from 
Cambridge  will  betray  me  to  partiality  to  my  mo- 
ther, who  desire  in  this  difference  to  be  like  Mel- 
chisedec,  ayeveaXoyo^i  "  without  descent,"  only  to  be 
directed  by  the  truth.  And  here  I  make  this  fair 
and  free  confession,  which  I  hope  will  be  accepted 
for  ingenuous :  that,  as  in  Thamar's  travail  of  twins, 
Zarah  first  put  out  his  hand,  and  then  drew  it  in 
again,  whilst  Pharez  first  came  forth  into  the  world' : 
so  I  plainly  perceive  Cambridge  with  an  extended 
arm,  time  out  of  mind,  first  challenging  the  birth- 
right and  priority  of  place  for  learning ;  but  after- 
wards drawing  it  in  again,  she  lay  for  many  years 
desolate,  and  of  less  account ;  whilst  Oxford,  if  later, 
lai^er,  came  forth  in  more  entire  proportion,  and 

bled   among  these   and  other  make  it  four  years  after, 
ruins  of  churches  on  this  coast         ^  See  Caius  De  Antiq.  Camb. 

when  a  boy.]  [Acad.  p.  30.  et  sq.] 
E   A.  D.  631.      But    some        ^  Gen.  xxxviii.  38. 


188 


Th€  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.  63r.  ever  since  constantly  continued  in  the  full  dimen- 
sions of  an  university*. 
Theieadi^     47.  These  things  being  thus  cautiously  stated,  we 
Bed«ez.    proceed,  beginning  with  Bede,  on  whose  testimony 
^^*     aU  the  following  history  is  founded. 


[Sigehertus^  uhi  regno 
poiitus  est,  mox  ea  qua  in 
Galliis  bene  dispasita  vidit, 
imitari  cupiens,  instituit 
scholam,  in  qua  pueri  li- 
teris  erudirentur,  juvante 
se  episcopo  Felice  {quern  de 
Cantia  acceperat)  eisque 
pcedagogas  ac  magistros, 
jwrta  morem  Cantuariorum, 
prahente^. 


<t 

t€ 
«< 
(« 
C( 

tc 

•  i 

« 


'*  Sedbyrht^  when  he  had  ob- 
tained  the  kingdom,  presently 
desiring  to  imitate  those  things 
which  he  had  seen  well-ordered 
in  France^  instituted  a  school, 
wherein  youths  might  be  trained 
up  in  learning,  Felix  the  bishop 
(whom  he  had  received  out  of 
Kent)  assisting  him,  and  pro- 
viding for  them  teachers  and 
masters,  according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  those  in  Canterbury." 


See  here,  king  Seabyrht,  to  make  his  school  com- 
plete, united  therein  such  conveniences  for  education 
as  he  had  observed  commendable, 

i.  Abroad,  in  France :  where  learning  at,  and  be- 
fore his  time,  was  brought  to  great  perfection :  St. 
Hierome  af&rming,  that  even  in  his  age  he  had  seen 
studia  GaUiarum  florentissima^  "  most  flourishing 
universities  in  France  I" 

ii.  At  home,  in  Canterbury :  where  even  at  this 
time  learning  was  professed,  though  more  increased 
some  forty  years  after ;  when,  as  the  same  Bede  re- 


i  [This  subject  has  been  dis- 
cussed usque  ad  nauseam.  Ful- 
ler has  quoted  and  employed 
the  principal  authorities.  Since 
his  time,  the  Oxford  antiquary. 
Wood,  in  the  commencement 
of  his  History  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Oxford,  has  considered 
the  subject  at  great  length,  with 


considerable  accuracy  and  re- 
search. See  also  Smith's  Hia. 
tory  of  University  College,  and 
Smith's  edition  of  Bede,  Ap. 
pendix,  N®.  xiv.] 

k  Bede,  Hist.  £ccl.  iii.  18. 

1  In  Epistola  ad  Rusticum, 
[Ep.  iv.  1. 1,  p.  43.] 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


189 


ports™,  that  in  the  days  ofTheodorus  the  archbishop  a.  d.  63  i  . 
there  were  those  that  taught  geometry,  arithmetic, 
and  music,  (the  fashionable  studies  of  that  age,)  to- 
gether with  divinity.  The  perfect  character  of  an 
university,  where  divinity  the  queen  is  waited  on  by 
her  maids  of  honour. 

But  I  question  whether  the  formality  of  commenc- 
ing was  used  in  that  age;  inclining  rather  to  the 
negative  that  such  distinction  of  graduates  was  then 
unknown,  except  in  St.  Paul's  sense,  Siich  as  used 
the  office  of  a  deacon  weU^  purchased  to  themselves  a 
good  degree^. 

48.  So  much  for  Bede's  text.     Come  we  now  to  Authors 
ancient  authors  commenting  upon  him.     Ancient  I  ing  on 
call  those  who  wrote  many  years  before  the  diflfer- ^*^ '  ****' 
ences  were  started  about  the  seniority  of  the  univer- 
sities, and  therefore  are  presumed  impartial,  as  un- 
concerned in  a  controversy  which  did  not  appear. 
First,    Polydore  Virgil  ^   who   from   Bede's   words 
plainly  collects,  that  Seabyrht  then  foimded  the  uni- 


m  Hist.  Ecd.  i.  [No  such 
passage  as  this  occurs  in  Bede's 
Historia  Ecclesiastica ;  nor  are 
there  any  words  in  Asserius 
such  as  those  attributed  to  him 
at  p.  194.  These  are  certainly 
great  oversights,  for  which  our 
author  received  a  severe  check 
from  Anthony  Wood,  (Antiq. 
of  the  Univ.  of  Oxford^  1. 106.) 
He  has  met  with  an  advocate 
in  Dr.  Smith,  the  editor  of  Bede 
(Append,  to  Bede,  No.  xiv.) 
Dr.  Smith  endeavours  to  de- 
fend him,  and  to  reply  to 
Ant.  Wood's  objections,  by 
shewing  that  passages  of  simi- 
lar import,  though  not  the  very 
words  of  the  supposed  quota- 


tions, are  to  be  found  in  Bede 
and  Asser.  A  very  weak  and 
untenable  defence;  for  where 
so  much  depends  upon  the 
words  of  a  quotation,  accuracy 
is  surely  indispensable ;  and 
upon  a  controverted  subject  it 
is  altogether  unjustifiable,  to 
substitute  in  support  of  a  posi- 
tion our  sense  of  an  auhor,  in 
the  place  of  that  author's  words. 
It  is,  however,  probable  that 
Fuller  quoted  them  at  second- 
hand, ort  rusted  to  his  memory 
for  these  passages.  See  Bede's 
Hist.  £ccl.  iv.  2.  and  v.  ac] 

n  I  Tim.  iii.  13. 

o  [Hist.  Aug.  iv.  p.  68.  et  v. 
p.  107.] 


190  The  Church  History  book  n. 

A.D.631.  versity  of  Cambridge.  Nor  see  I  any  cause  for  that 
passage  in  the  assertion  of  Oxford's  antiquityP,  charg- 
ing Polydore,  quod  qffectihtis  indtdgens^  adamaUB  siw- 
det  acoilemicB ;  who,  being  a  foreigner  and  an  Italian, 
had  nothing  to  bias  his  affection  to  one  university 
more  than  the  other.  Learned  Leland  succeeds, 
who,  being  employed  by  king  Henry  the  eighth  to 
make  a  collection  of  British  antiquities,  (much  scat- 
tered at  the  dissolution  of  abbeys,)  thus  expresseth 
himself : 

Olim  Granta  fuit  titulis  urbs  inclyta  multis, 

Vicino  a  fluvii  nomine  nomen  habens. 
Saxones  banc  belli  deturbavere  procellis ; 

Sed  nova,  pro  vetert,  non  proeul  inde  sita  est : 
Quam  Felix  monachus,  Sigeberti  jussa  sequutiis, 

Artibus  illustrem  reddidit  atque  scholis. 
Hsec  ego  perquirens  gentis  roonumenta  Britannfle, 

Asserui  in  laudem  Granta  diserta  tuam<i. 

Grant,  long  ago  a  city  of  great  fame, 

From  neighbouring  river  doth  receive  her  name. 

When  storms  of  Saxon  wars  her  overthrew. 

Near  to  the  old  sprang  up  another  new. 

Monk  Felix,  whikt  he  Sigebert  obeys, 

Lightened  this  place  with  schools,  and  leaming^s  rays. 

Searching  the  monuments  of  British  nation. 

This  I  assert  in  Grant's  due  commendation. 

• 

Here  we  omit  the  several  testimonies  of  Bale ', 
George  Lilie,  and  Thomas  Cooper,  in  their  several 
histories,  anno  636,  with  many  mo,  concluding 
Sedbyrht  then  the  founder  of  the  university  of  Cam- 
bridge. 

P  Written   [by  Thos.  Cains]     am  Cantionem  ii.  2.  [ed.  1544.] 
anno  1566.  p.  20.  [ed.  1574.]  '  In  Sigeberto,  Cent.  i.  §.  78. 

<1  In  his  Comment,  in  Cygne-     Cent.  xiii.  §.  5. 


NT.  VII.  of  Britain.  191 

49.  But  our  cousin-germans  of  Oxford  will  scarce  a.d.  631. 
re  credit  hereunto,  multiplying  objections  against  Fimobjec 

Obf.  There  were,  say  they,  many  places,  besides  seSby^?' 
mbridge,  in  the  kingdom  of  the  East-Angles,  con-  ^"Jrifge! 
ning  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  and  Cambridgeshire,  which, 
th  equal  probability,  may  pretend  to  this  school  of 
dbyrht's  foundation,  seeing  Bede  doth  not  nami" 
Hm  affirm  Cambridge  for  the  particular  place 
lere  this  university  was  erected. 

50.  Ans.  Though  Bede  be  dumb  in  this  particular.  Answer. 
t  naming  Cambridge;  yet  he  makes  such  signs, 

Bt  most  intelligent  antiquaries  by  us  alleged  un- 
rstand  him  to  intend  the  same :  especially  seeing 
mbridge  is  acknowledged  by  all  authors,  time  out 
mind,  to  have  been  a  place  for  the  education  of 
idents  in  literature. 

51.  Obf.  If  any  such  university  was  founded  by  Second  ob- 
abyrht,  it  was  at  Grantchester,  differing,  as  in  ap-^*^^"* 
llation,  so  in  situation  from  Cambridge,  as  being  a 

od  mile  south-west  thereof.  Cambridge  therefore 
[mot  entitle  itself,  but  by  apparent  usurpation,  to 
3  ancient  privileges  of  Grantchester. 

52.  Ans.  Most  usual  it  is  for  ancient  places  to  Answer, 
er  their  names ;  Babylon  to  Bagdat,  Byzantium  to 
^nstantinople,  our  old  Verulam  to  St.  Alban's ;  stiD 
^ning  the  mmierical  nature  they  had  before.  Ox- 

"d,  they  tell  us,  was  once  called  Bellositum",  and 
t  not  altered  from  its  same  self  by  another  name. 
yr  is  it  any  news  for  great  cities,  in  process  of  time 
I  weary  of  long  standing)  to  ease  themselves  a  lit- 
)y  by  hitching  into  another  place.  Thus  some  part 
modem  Rome  is  removed  more  than  a  mile  from 

»  Brian  Twyne,  Antiq.  Acad.  Oxon.  p.  1 14.  retaining  this 
one  still  in  Beaumont^treet. 


192  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.63K  the  ancient  area  thereof.  Thus,  Jerusalem  at  this 
day  is  come  down  from  moimt  Sion,  and  more  south- 
west climbed  up  mount  Calvary.  Yet  either  of  these 
places  would  account  themselves  highly  injured  if 
not  reputed,  for  the  main,  the  same  with  the  former. 
Suf&ceth  it,  that  some  part  of  Cambridge  stands  at 
this  day  where  Grantchester*  did,  which  anciently 
extended  north-west"  as  &r  as  the  village  called 
Howse;  and  that  is  enough  to  keep  possession  of  the 
privileges  of  Grantchester,  as  properly  belonging 
thereunto.  Especially  seeing  Oxford  at  this  day  lays 
claim  to  the  antiquities  of  Cricklade  and  Lechlade, 
towns  distant  sixteen  miles  0%  the  one  in  Wilts,  the 
other  in  Gloucestershire,  two  ancient  schools  of 
Greek  and  Latin,  as  some  will  have  it,  removed  af- 
terwards to  Oxford,  from  whence  some  of  her  assert- 
ors  do  date  her  beginning. 

Third  ob-  58.  Obj.  Scabyrht  foimded  but  Scholam^  which 
makes  little  to  the  honour  of  Cambridge ;  for  there- 
by her  professors  are  degraded  to  pedants,  and,  by  a 
retrograde  motion,  Cambridge  is  sent  back  to  Eton; 
I  mean,  is  made  no  better  than  a  great  grammar 
school. 

AMwer.  54.  Ans.  If  the  best  of  Latin  orators  may  be  be- 
lieved, schola  properly  signifies  the  place  where  all 
arts  are  publicly  professed.  Es  Phtonis  sclida  Pon- 
ticus  Heraclides^  "  Ponticus  Heraclides  came  out  of 
the  school  of  Plato  ^ :"  which  is  notoriously  known 
to  have   been   an  academy;   yea,  all  his   scholars 


^  Mr.  Camden,   an   Oxford  ^  Cains  de  Antiq.  Cantab, 

man^  in  his  description  of  Cam.  (ex  libro  Bamwellensi)  p.  1 1. 

bridgeshire,    alloweth    Grant-  v  TuUy,  De  Natnra  Deorum. 

Chester  and  Cambridge  for  the  [I.  13.] 
same  place.  [Britan.  p.  356.] 


cKNT.vii.  of  Britain.  198 

known   by  the  name   of  Academics  to   this   day.  A.D.631. 
Those  of  Salerno,  in  Italy,  dedicating  a  book  of 
physic  to  our  Henry,  (the  second  I  take  it,)  begin 
thus ; 

Anglorum  Re^  scribit  schola  tola  Salerni  ^. 

Schoolboys  deserve  to  be  whipped  indeed,  if  pre- 
suming to  prescribe  receipts  to  a  king:  but  that 
schokt  there  is  suffitiently  known  to  have  been  a 
&mous  university.  And,  under  the  favour  of  the 
university,  the  word  universitas  is  but  a  base  and 
barbarous  Latin,  while  schola  is  pure  Greek  origin- 
ally, to  design  either  the  place  where  general  learn- 
ing is  publicly  professed,  or  the  persons  studying 
therein.  And  though  I  dare  not  totally  concur  with 
that  learned  critic*,  that  universitas  was  first  used  in 
the  foresaid  sense,  about  the  reign  of  king  Henry 
the  Third ;  yet  I  believe  it  will  not  be  found  in  any 
classical  author  in  that  modem  acception. 

55.  Obj.  In  good  authors,  Seabyrht  is  said  to  have  Foorth  ob. 
founded  not  only  scholam^  **  a  school,"  but  ^cAo^,      ^°' 

**  schools,"  in  the  plural.  If  schola  therefore  be  an 
university,  either  he  made  mo  universities  than 
one  in  Cambridge,  which  is  absurd  to  aflSrm ;  or  else 
he  erected  mo  universities  in  other  places  of  his 
kingdom,  which  Cantabrigians  wll  not  willingly 
confess. 

56.  Ans.  The  variation  of  the  number  is  of  no  con- Answer, 
cemment ;  for  if  respect  be  had  to  the  several  arts 
there  professed,  Seabyrht   founded   schools  in  the 
plural :  but  if  regard  be  taken  of  the  cyclopeedy  of 

the  learning  resulting  from  those  several  sciences, 
he  erected  but  one  grand  school.     Every  freshman 

^  [See  Croke's  edition,  1 830,         «  Camden,  in  his  Britannia, 
p.  39.]  ,  in  Oxfordshire,  p.  269. 

FULLEH,  VOL.  I.  O 


194  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.631.  knows  that  the  single  quadrant,  wherein  the  publie 
lectures  are  read  and  acts  kept,  is  called  plurallj  the 
schools  in  each  university. 

Fifth  ob-        57.  Obf.  But  Bede  terms  them  pueros^   **  boys," 

J®*-  ^"'  properly  under  the  rod  ;  and  fertda^  whom  Sea- 
byrht  placed  in  his  school :  and  the  word  piedagogi, 
"  ushers,"  placed  over  them,  imports  the  same ;  that 
they  were  no  university  students,  but  a  company  of 
little  lads  that  lived  there  under  correction. 

Answer.  58.  Aus.  Crftics  wiU  Satisfy  you  that  the  word 
pueri  signifies  even  those  of  more  maturity,  especially 
if  living  sub  regimine^  under  the  discipline  of  superi- 
ors. Secondly,  Bede,  being  a  great  divine,  and  con- 
versant in  scripture  phrase,  borroweth  an  expression 
thence ;  Christ  calling  his  disciples  iratSiaj  *^  chil- 
dreny."  He  also  uses  ptBdagogos  in  the  same  notion 
with  St.  Paul's  TratSaywyoif^  ip  Xpia-T^j  which  our 
last  translators  read  instructors  in  Christy  even  to 
the  Corinthians,  who  still  needed  such  psedagogues 
or  teachers,  though  already  enriched  in  all  utterance 
and  knowledge^.  Thirdly,  the  Saxon  ancient  copy  of 
Bede,  which  doubtless  doth  emphatically  render  the 
Latin,  translates  pueri  ^eonje  menn.  Fourthly, 
Asserius  Menevensis**,  speaking  of  Alfred's  founding 
of  Oxford,  saith,  that  he  endowed  the  same  stuB 
propricB  gentis  nobilibus  pueris^  et  etiam  ignobilibus ; 
and  it  is  but  equal  that  the  ptieri  at  Cambridge 
should  be  allowed  as  much  man  in  them  as  those  at 
Oxford.  Lastly,  the  young  fry  of  scholars,  when 
first  admitted,  is  such  to  whom  pueri^^  in  the  proper 

y  John  XX] .  5.  ^  All  the  scholars  of  Pein- 

'  1  Cor.  iv.  15.  brokc-hall  in  Cambridge,  not 

*  I  Cor.  i.  5 .  being  fellows^  are  termed  pueri 

^  [See  note  p.  1 89.]  in  their  statutes. 


c«NT.  VII.  of  Britcm.  196 

sense  thereof,  may  well  be  applied.  And  here  it  may  A.D.631. 
seasonably  be  remembered  how  an  Oxford  antiquary 
affirmeth^,  that  Edward  the  fifth  prince  of  Wales, 
and  Richard  his  brother,  duke  of  York,  Oa^onice  stu- 
dueruni,  studied  at  Oxford,  in  the  lifetime  of  their 
fiEither.  Stout  students  no  doubt,  whereof  the  elder 
could  not  then  be  ten,  the  younger  not  nine  years 
old.  But  I  forget  what  lawyers  hold,  that  the  king's 
eldest  son  is  at  ftill  age,  for  some  purposes,  at  the 
day  of  his  birth ;  in  which  respect  he  may  sue  out 
his  lireries  for  the  dukedom  of  Cornwall :  and  this, 
perchance,  may  somewhat  mend  the  matter. 

59.  But  enouffh  of  this  matter,  which  some  will  Conclusion 

^  1  TT  With  prayer. 

censure  as  an  impertinency  to  our  Church  History, 
and  scarcely  coming  within  the  churchyard  thereof. 
My  prayers  shall  be,  that  each  university  may  turn 
all  envy  into  generous,  yea  gracious,  yea  glorious 
emulation  ;  contending  by  laudable  means  which 
shall  surpass  other  in  their  serviceableness  to  God, 
the  church,  and  commonwealth :  that  so  commenc- 
ing in  piety,  and  proceeding  in  learning,  they  may 
agree  against  their  two  general  adversaries,  ignorance 
and  profaneness.  May  it  never  be  said  of  them, 
what  Naomi  said  of  herself,  that  she  was  too  old  to 
bear  sons^ :  may  they  never  be  superannuated  into 
barrenness;  but,  like  the  good  trees  in  God's  garden, 
they  shali  stiU  bring  forth  fruit  in  their  old  age^  they 
shall  be  fat  and  flourishing, 

60.  Seasonably  Seabyrht  erected  an  university  at  a  d.  632. 
Cambridge,  thereby  in  part  to  repair  the  late  great  kin^ 
loss  of  Christianity  in  England,  when,  the  year  after,  J^^u^" 
Edwin,  king  of  Northumberland,  was  slain  in  battle  8^°- 

d  Brian  Twyne,  Antiq.  Oxon.  p.  322.  «  Ruth  i.  12. 

o2 


196 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.  P.  63a.  by  Cedwala,  king  of  Wales,  and  Penda,  king  of  the 
Mercians^  After  whose  death,  his  whole  kingdom 
relapsed  to  paganism ;  and  Paulinas,  archbishop  of 
York,  taking  with  him  queen  i^thelburga,  returned 
into  Kent,  and  there  became  bishop  of  the  then 
vacant  church  of  Rochester ».  Mortified  man,  he 
minded  not  whether  he  went  up  or  down  hill,  whilst 
he  went  on  straight  in  his  calling  to  glorify  God  and 
edify  others ;  sensible  of  no  disgrace,  when  degrading 
himself  from  a  great  archbishop  to  become  a  poor 
bishop.  Such  betray  much  pride  and  peevishness, 
who,  outed  of  eminent  places,  will  rather  be  nothing 
in  the  church,  than  any  thing  less  than  what  they 
have  been  before. 
A.D  633.  6x.  After  the  death  of  king  Edwin,  his  kingdom 
happy  year,  of  Northumberland  was  divided  into  two  parts  \ 
both  petty  kingdoms ; 

i.  Bemicia,  reaching  from  the  river  Tees  to  Edin- 
burgh Frith,  whereof  Eanfrith  was  king*. 

ii.  Deira,  whence,  say  some,  Deirham  or  Durham, 
lay  betwixt  Tees  and  Humber,  whereof  Osric  was 
kingj. 

These  both  proved  apostates  from  the  Christian 
faith ;  and  God,  in  his  justice,  let  in  Cedwala,  king 


f  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  20. 
[Flor.Wigorn.  et  Saxon  Chrcm. 
in  an.  633.] 

E  [Romanus  the  last  bishop, 
who  had  been  sent  to  Rome 
by  Justus  the  archbishop,  hav- 
ing been  drowned  in  the  pas- 
sage. Bede,  ibid.] 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  i. 
Flor.  Wigorn.  an.  634.] 

*  Camden's  Brit.  p.  558. 

J  [This  was  the  ancient  divi- 
sion of  the  kingdom  of  North- 


umberland. Authors  are  at 
variance  as  to  the  limits  of 
Bemicia^  some  considering  the 
Tees  and  the  Tweed  as  its  ex- 
treme limits.  (See  Usher,  An- 
tiq.  p.  212.)  As  the  two  king- 
doms were  generally  governed 
by  viceroys,  or  merely  nominal 
kings,  their  extent  continually 
varied,  as  might  be  expected. 
See  also  The  Appeal,  part  ii. 
p.  16.] 


CENT,  vi  I.  of  Britain.  197 

of  the  Britons,  upon  them,  who  slew  them,  harassed  A.D.634. 
their  country,  and  made  a  lamentable  desolation, 
within  the  compass  of  one  year,  without  resj)ect  to 
age  or  sex ;  until  Oswald,  bred  and  brought  up  in 
Scotland,  next  of  the  blood  royal,  came  to  be  king 
of  Northumberland,  whom  God  sent  to  redeem  that 
miserable  country  from  the  hands  of  their  enemies, 
and  many  eminent  victories  he  obtained ''. 

62.  The  fatal  year  wherein  so  many  outrages  were  a  lost  jrear 
committed  on  the  apostate  Northumberlanders  by^ 
Cedwala,  king  of  the  Britons,  is  detested  by  all 
Saxon  chronologers.  And  therefore  all  the  annalists, 
and  writers  of  histories  in  that  age,  by  joint  consent, 
universally  resolved  to  damn  and  drown  the  memo- 
rial of  that  annus  infaustus\  as  they  call  it,  ^'  unlucky 
year,**  but  made  so  by  ungodly  men.  Yea,  they 
unanimously  agreed  to  allow  those  two  apostate 
kings  no  years'  reign  in  their  chronicles,  adding  the 
time  subtracted  from  them  to  Oswald,  their  Christian 
successor,  accounting  him  to  have  reigned  nine 
years™;  which  indeed  were  but  eight  of  his  own, 
and  one  of  these  historians  their  adoption".  Yet  is 
it  no  news,  even  in  scripture  itself,  to  bury  the  reign 
of  tyrants  under  the  monument  of  a  good  prince 
succeeding  them.  Thus  when  Ehud  is  said  to  /lave 
Judged  the  land  fourscore  t/ears^,  those  eighteen  years^ 
are  included  wherein  Eglon  the  Moabite  op[>ressed 
Israel. 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  3.]  that  of  their  successor;  placing 

1  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  i.  their  reign   in   the  year  633, 

«  Idem,  iii.  9.  [Saxon  Chron.  and  that   of  Oswald   in  634. 

an.  634.]  See  Malmsb.  De  Gestis  regum 

n  [Both  William  of  Malms-  f.  9.  b.] 

bury  and  Florence  of  Worces-         o  Judges  iii.  30. 

ter  distinguish  their  reign  from         P  Ver.  14. 

oS 


198  T%e  Church  Hiatory  book  ii. 

A.  D.  6.^5.  6S.  Amongst  the  many  victories  achieved  by  this 
A  victory  Oswald,  One  most  remarkable  was  gained  by  him 
£»wnT™  near  Hexham  in  Northimiberland,  against  the  pa- 
gans, against  whom  he  erected  the  standard  of  the 
cross,  in  a  place  which  time  out  of  mind  wbs  called 
Heafen-feld,  (Haledon  at  this  day,)  by  a  prolepsis, 
not  answering  the  name  thereof  until  this  time. 
Hence  a  poet  writing  the  life  of  Oswald ; 

Tunc  primum  scivit  causam  cur  nomen  haberet 
Heafen-feld,  hoc  est,  coelestis  campus ;  et  illi 
Nomen  ab  antique  dedit  appellatio  gentis 
Prseteritse,  tanquam  belli  prsesaga  fiituri<). 

Then  he  began  the  reason  first  to  know 
Of  Heafen-feld,  why  it  was  called  so; 
Named  by  the  natives  long  since  by  foresight. 
That  in  that  field  would  hap  an  heavenly  fight. 

Thus  it  is  generally  reported,  that  the  place  nigh 
Leipsic,  where  the  king  of  Sweden  got  one  of  his 
signal  victories,  was,  time  out  of  mind,  termed  by 
the  Dutch  Gots  Acre,  or  God's  ground "".  And  thus, 
as  Onesimus  and  Eutychus  were  so  called  from  their 
infancy,  but  never  truly  answered  their  names  till 
after  the  conversion  of  the  one*,  and  reviving  of  the 
other* :  so  places,  whether  casually  or  prophetically, 
have  names  anciently  imposed  upon  them,  which  are 
sometimes  verified  many  ages  after. 


<!  [The  quotation  is  little  sagio  futurorum  antiquitus  no- 
else  than  a  metrical  version  of  men  accepit."  Eccl.  Hist.  iii. 
Bede.      '*  Vocatur  locus    ille  2.] 

lingua  Anglorum  Heafen-feld"         ^  Swedish  Intelligencer, 
(that  18^  Heaven-field)  "  quod         ^  Philem.  v.  1 1. 
dici     potest    Latine,    coelestis        ^  Acts  xx.  12. 
campus,  quod  certo  utique  prae- 


CKNT.  ▼!!. 


of  Britain. 


199 


64.  About  this  time,  Honorius  the  pope  sent  his  ad.  635. 
letter  to  the  Scotch  nation,  advising  them  to  an  uni-  Pope  Hoto. 
formity  with  the  church  of  Rome  in  the  celebration  effactuai 
of  Easter  °.     His  main  reason  is  thought  to  have 

more  of  state  than  strength ;  human  haughtiness, 
than  holy  divinity  in  it.  Namely,  he  counselleth 
them,  Ne  paucitatem  stuim  in  ea^tremis  terrcB  finihus 
constitutamj  sapientiorem  antiquis  sive  modemis  qwB 
per  orbem  erant  Christi  ecclesiis  cBstimarenU  This  is 
that  Honorius,  of  whom  Leo  the  second,  his  suc- 
cessor, complaineth  in  his  epistle  to  the  bishops  of 
Spain  ;  flammam  hceretici  dogmatis^  non^  ut  decuit 
apostolicam  authoritatem^  incipientem  ea^nanty  sed 
negligendo  confovit '^ ;  "by  his  negligence  he  did 
countenance  the  heretical  opinions  (meaning  of  the 
Monothelites,  then  beginning  afresh  to  spring  up 
again,)  which  he  ought  to  have  suppressed."  Thus 
he,  who  could  stickle  about  the  ceremony  of  keeping 
Easter,  could  quietly  connive  at,  yea  interpretatively 
consent  to  the  depraving  of  the  doctrinal  part  of  re- 
ligion. But  his  Iptter  to  the  Scotch  took  little  ef- 
fect, who  kept  their  Easter  not  one  minute  the 
sooner  or  later  for  all  his  writing  unto  them. 

65.  In  a  better  work,  and  with  better  success,  was  Binniu 
Birinus  employed,  an  Italian  by  birth,  sent  over  by  West-Saz* 
pope  Honorius  for  the  conversion  of  the  remainder  f^jJilJ* 


n  {Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  19. 
They  held  the  error  of  the 
Quartadedmans  ah*eady  men. 
tioned^  supporting  their  prac- 
tice by  the  authority  of  Anato- 
lius.  (See  p.  171.  Bede,  Hist. 
Eccl.  iii.  3.  and  Usher,  Antiq. 

?.  482.)  In  the  year  640,  John 
V.  wrote  to  the  Scots,  or  ra- 
ther the  Irish,  in  refutation  of 


this  their  error,  and  for  the 
suppression  of  the  Pelagian  he- 
resy, which  had  begun  to  re- 
vive among  them.  See  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  ii.  19.  The  efforts 
of  the  pope  were  eventually 
successful.  Bede,  ib.  iii.  4.] 

^  Epist.  Decret.  vol.  ii.  654. 
ed.  Romec  1591.  [Usher,  ib. 
p.  486.] 


aOO  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  P.  635.  of  England ;  and  to  that  purpose,  that  liis  preaching 
belike  might  be  the  more  powerful,  made  a  bishop 
before  his  coming  over,  by  Asterius,  bishop  of  Ge- 
noa^. Here  I  am  at  a  loss.  Bishop  of  what  ?  where 
was  his  diocese  or  bishopric  ?  were  not  bishop  and 
bishopric  so  correlated  in  that  age,  that  they  must 
be  together  ?  the  trick  of  making  titular  bishops  not 
as  yet  being  used  in  Rome.  It  is  impossible  that 
bishop  here  should  import  no  more  than  a  plain 
priest ;  and  that  he  only  took  orders  before  he  came 
over  into  England.  Well,  commend  me  to  the  me- 
mory of  this  man,  who  first  was  made  bishop,  and 
then  made  himself  a  bishopric^  by  earning  it  out  of 
the  pagan  English,  whom  he  intended  to  convert  to 
Christianity.  Yea,  he  passed  his  solemn  promise,  in 
the  presence  of  the  pope,  that  he  would  preach  the 
gospel  in  the  heart  of  the  uttermost  coasts  of  Eng- 
land, (meaning  the  northern  parts  thereof,)  whither 
no  teacher  had  at  any  time  gone  before  him^. 
Minded  herein  like  St.  Paul,  not  to  boast  in  another 
man's  line  of  things  made  ready  to  his  hand*, 
A  broken  gg.  That  his  promise  Birinus,  though  he  literally 
wdii  kept,  brake,  virtually  kept ;  for  he  chanced  to  land  among 
the  West-Saxons,  then  called  Gevissse*,  in  the  south- 
west part  of  England,  where  as  yet  the  inhabitants 
were  pure-impure  pagans.  Having  here  found  a  fit 
subject  for  his  pains,  why  should  he  go  fiuther  to 
seek  the  same  ?  Is  not  Providence  the  best  herald 
to  marshal  us,  and  ought  we  not  to  sit  down  where 


^  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  7.  from  Berkshire  and  Hampshire 

y  Idem  ibid.  to  the  Land's-end.     It  after- 

*  2  Cor.  X.  16.  wards  became  the  most  power- 

&  [That  is,  the  people  of  the  ful  kingdom  in  the  Saxon  hept- 

west.     This  country  extended  archy.] 


cxMT.Tli.  of  Britain,  201 

it  dieposeth  us  ?  Besides,  according  to  military  rules,  a.  d.  635. 
it  was  best  to  clear  the  coasts  as  he  went,  and  not 
to  leave  a  pagan  foe  behind  his  back.  Moved  here- 
with, Birinus  here  sets  up  his  staff  (episcopal),  fix- 
eth  himself,  falls  a  preaching,  converts  many,  and, 
amongst  the  rest,  Cynegils  the  West-Saxon  king, 
whom  he  baptized.  Oswald,  king  of  Northumber- 
land, chanced  to  be  present  at  that  time,  and  was 
first  godiather,  then  father-in-law,  to  king  Cynegils, 
to  whom  he  gave  his  daughter  to  wife^ 

67.  Dorchester,  not  the  town  which  denominates  DoreheMer 
Dorsetshire,  but  an  old  city  in  Oxfordshire,  (not  iughop's* 


Berkshire,  as  Stapleton  mistakes  it^)  was  made  the 
seat  of  Birinus  his  bishopric.  Bede  saith,  Donave- 
runt  autem  umbo  reges  eidem  episcopo  civitateniy  qtuB 
vacatur  Dorcic^  &c.  **  both  the  kings,  Oswald  and 
Cynegils,  gave  to  the  said  bishop  the  city  Dorinca, 
or  Dorchester."  Both  of  them: — Whence  observe,  first, 
that  Oswald,  whose  concurrence  in  this  grant  was 
required,  though  particular  king  of  Northiunberland, 
was  also  monarch  of  all  England.  To  justify  our 
former  observation,  that  amongst  the  seven  Saxon 
kings,  always  one  was  paramount  above  the  rest. 
Secondly,  that  this  Dorchester,  though  it  lay  north 
of  Thame  in  Oxfordshire,  which  properly  belonged 
to  the  kingdom  of  Mercia,  pertained  now  to  the 
West-Saxons,  beyond  the  ordinary  limits  assigned  to 
that  kingdom. 

68.  In  this  year  Honorius,  archbishop  of  Canter- England  du 
bury,  divided  England  (understand,  so  much  thereof  Jaridiw. 
as  was  Christian)  into  parishes^.     But  that  most  ex- 

^  Bede^  Hist.  Ecd.  iii.  7.  this  assertion,  as  far  as  I  can 

^  In  his  translation  of  Bede,  discover,  is  bishop  Godwin,  in 

ib.  his  work  De  Praesul.  Angliee, 

d   [The  only  authority  for  p.  40,] 


SOS  The  Church  ISstory  book  ii. 

A.  D.  635.  quisite  antiquary®  seems  very  unwilling  to  admit  so 
early  and  ancient  parishes,  in  the  modem  proper  ac- 
ception  of  the  word.  Who  knoweth  not,  that 
parochia  at  large  signifieth  the  diocese  of  the  bishop? 
and  two  new  dioceses  (Dunwich  and  Dorchester) 
were  erected  under  Honorius,  in  the  province  of 
Canterbury.  But  whether  parishes,  as  usually  im- 
derstood  for  places  bounded  in  regard  of  the  profits 
from  the  people  therein,  payable  only  to  a  pastor  in- 
cumbent there ;  I  say,  whether  such  parishes  were 
extant  in  this  age,  may  well  be  questioned,  as  incon- 
sistent with  the  conununity  of  ecclesiastic  profits, 
which  then  seemed  jointly  enjoyed  by  the  bishop  and 
his  clergy. 
Amoroie  69-  No  sooncr  was  Oswald,  whom  we  formerly 
Sttie  edifi-  mentioned,  settled  in  his  kingdom  of  Northumber- 
*^'  land,  but  his  first  princely  care  was  to  provide  pas- 

tors to  instruct  his  people  in  Christianity^  In  order 
whereunto  he  sends  into  Scotland,  where  he  had  his 
own  education,  for  some  eminent  preachers.  Un- 
usual the  sun  should  come  out  of  the  north  to  en- 
lighten the  south,  as  here  it  came  to  pass.  One 
preacher  was  sent  him  thence,  whose  name  we  find 
not,  but  thus  much  of  his  nature ;  that,  being  over 
rigid  and  severe,  his  sermons  made  no  impression  on 
his  English  auditory  cf.  Hard  with  hard,  saith  the 
proverb,  makes  no  wall :  and  no  wonder,  if  the  spi- 
ritual building  went  on  no  better,  wherein  the  aus- 
terity and  harshness  of  the  pastor  met  with  the  ig- 
•  norance  and  sturdiness  of  the  people.  Home  he  re- 
turns, complaining  of  his  ill  success ;  and  one  Aidan, 
of  a  milder  temper,  and  more  discretion,  (a  grace 

«  Seldeu's  Hist,  of  Tithes,         ^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  3.] 
p.  256.  g  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  5.] 


CENT.  VII .  of  Britain.  808 

vhich  none  ever  spake  against  but  such  as  wanted  a.  p.  635. 
it,)  was  sent  back  in  his  room. 

70.  Aidan  comin&r  into  Enirland,  settled  himself  Aidan  Ws 

,    due  com* 

at  Londisfame,  or  Holy-Island,  in  Northumberland  ■^;mendmtioii. 
a  place  which  is  an  island  and  no  island  twice  in 
twenty-four  hours,  as  divided  by  the  tide  from,  so 
conjoined  at  low-water  to  the  continent.  His  exem- 
plary life  was  a  pattern  for  all  pious  pastors.  First, 
he  left  to  the  clergy  saluberrimum  abstinentice,  vd 
continenticB  esemplum'^ ;  though  we  read  not  he 
vowed  virginity  himself,  or  imposed  it  on  others. 
He  lived  as  he  taught ;  and  whatsoever  the  bounty 
of  princes  or  great  persons  bestowed  on  him,  he 
gave  to  the  poor.  He  seldom  travelled  but  on  foot ; 
and  when  invited  to  large  feasts  at  court,  used  to 
arise  after  a  short  refection,  and  betake  himself  to  his 
meditations.  He  redeemed  many  slaves  from  capti- 
Yity,  making  them  first  free-men,  then  Christians. 

71.  All  these  his  excellent  practices  Bede  dasheth  Bede  his 
with  this  allay,  that  he  had  a  zeal  of  God^  although     ^' 
not  fvUy  according  to  knowledge^ ;  merely  because 

he  dissented  from  the  Romish  church  in  the  cele- 
bration of  Easter.  But  whether  those  words  of  St. 
Paul,  spoken  of  his  countrymen  the  Jews*,  in  refer- 
ence to  their  stumbling  at  Christ,  the  Saviour  of 
mankind,  be  fitly  appliable  to  Aidan,  only  difiering 
in  an  outward  ceremony,  let  others  decide.  True  it 
is,  this  Aidan  was  a  prime  champion  of  the  Quarta- 
decimans,  as  who  had  been  brought  up  under  or 
with  St.  Colme  in  Ireland  ™.  The  writer  of  the  life 
of  this  St.  Colme"  (let  this  be  inserted  by  the  way) 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  3.]  m    [Rather   in   lona.      See 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  5.]  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  3.] 

^  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  3,  et  17.  "  [Written  by  Adamnanus, 

1  Rom.  X.  2.  presbyter  of  lona,  who  is  sup- 


204 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.i>«635.  reports  how  the  said  saint  had  a  revelation  of  the 
Holy  Ghosts  which  prophesied  unto  him  of  this 
discord,  which  after  many  days  should  arise  in  the 
church,  about  the  diversity  of  the  feast  of  Easter. 
Yet  he  telleth  us  not  that  the  Holy  Ghost  reproved 
this  Colmei*,  whose  example  animated  others  against 
the  Roman  rite,  for  his  error ;  as  if  God  cared  not 
which  of  both  sides  carried  the  controversy. 

LBymen's       72.  But  all  which  Bede  speaketh  in  diminution 

diligence  m  t*       t     ^       f 

reading      of  Aidau  may  freely  be  forgiven  him,  were  it  but  for 
Bcnpure.    j^.^  faithful  recording  of  the  following  passage  in 
Aidan's  life ;  and  take  it  with  Stapleton's  own  trans- 
lation thereof: 


Omnes  qui  cum  eo  ince- 
debanif  sive  aUonsi,  seu  laU 
ci,  meditari  deherenl ;  id 
est,  aut  legendis  scripiuris, 
aut  psalmis  discendis  ope- 
ram  dare^. 


"All  they  which  went  with  him, 
"  were  they  professed  into  religion, 
*'  or  were  they  lay  brethren,  gave 
*'  themselves  continuallv  to  con- 
"  templation,  that  is  to  s&y,  be. 
*•  stowed  all  their  time,  either  in 
**  reading  scriptnre,  or  in  learn- 
"  ing  the  psalter." 


Bede,  speaking  hereof,  addeth  moreover,  tantum  vita 
iUius  a  nostri  temparis  segiiitia  distahat^  so  much 


]>osed  to  have  died  about  704. 
This  life  has  been  published  in 
several  collections  ;  among  the 
rest  by  Canisius,  in  his  Var. 
Lectioues,  vol.  I.  p.  674.  ed. 
1725.  Some  account  of  Adam- 
nanus  will  be  found  in  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  V.  16.] 

o  Archbishop  Usher,  in  the 
Religion  of  the  Irish,  p.  72. 

P  [St.  Columba  or  Columba- 
nu8  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and 
founder  of  a  monastery  at  Der- 
magh^  in  that  country ;  whence 
he  passed  over  into  the  north- 


ern and  mountainous  |Kirts  of 
Scotland  to  convert  the  Picts ; 
the  southern  inhabitants  haviiir; 
been  converted  long  before  by 
Ninna,  a  Briton  He  founded 
a  monastery  in  the  island  Hii, 
or  lona,  since  called  Colmkill, 
that  is,  the  cave  of  St.  Colme. 
He  died  in  597.  See  Bede, 
Hist.  £ccl.  iii.  4.  Sax.  Chron. 
an.  560.  He  is  altogether  a 
different  person  from  Columba, 
also  a  native  of  Ireland,  who 
died  in  61^.] 

q  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  5.] 


:bnt.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


90S 


liffercd  his  life  from  the  laziness  of  our  age :  taxing  A.D.635. 
!;ho8e  of  his  time  for  neglect  of  the  scriptures.    And 
the  ignorance  bemoaned  in  his  age  continued  and 
increased  after  his  death. 

73.  When  Aidan  came  first  into  England,  he  was  The  royal 
not  perfect  in  the  language  of  our  country  "■ ;  for  al-'"**^ 
though  the  speech  of  the  modem  southern  Scot  be 

only  a  Doric  dialect  of  no  distinct  language  from 
English,  yet  Aidan,  who  naturally  spoke  Irish,  was 
not  intelligible  of  his  English  congregation.  Where- 
fore king  Oswald,  a  better  Scotchman,  as  bred 
amongst  them,  than  Aidan  was  Englishman,  inter- 
preted to  the  people  what  the  other  preached  unto 
them.  Thus  these  two  put  together  made  a  perfect 
preacher.  And  although  some  will  say,  sermons 
thus  at  the  second-hand  must  lose  much  of  their  life 
and  lustre  ;  yet  the  same  spirit  working  in  both,  the 
ordinance  proved  effectual  to  the  salvation  of  many 
souls. 

74.  This  year  the  first  Lent  was  kept  in  England ;  A.  D.  640. 
conceive  it  in  those  parts  thereof  which  obeyed  the  Lent  in 
Roman  celebration  of  Easter* :  otherwise  it  is  sus-  ^ 
picious  that  the  Quartadecimans  were  no  good  Qua- 
dragesimarians,  and  no  such  conscientious  observers 

of  Lent  on  the  Romish  account.  Surely  if  people 
were  taught  in  Lent  to  fast,  as  from  flesh,  so,  from 


r  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ill.  3.] 
*  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  7.  Ead- 
bald>  king  of  Kent,  dying  this 
year^  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Ercenberht.  He  destroyed  all 
the  idols  in  his  kingdom  which 
had  been  left  by  his  grandfa- 
ther ^thelberht  and  his  father 
Eadbald,  who  nevertheless  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity. 


He  was  also  the  first  of  oar 
English  kings  who  observed 
the  fast  of  Lent.  Of  coarse 
he  could  enjoin  this  observance 
no  further  than  in  that  part  of 
the  Saxon  heptarchy  which  ac- 
knowledged his  authority.  See 
Bede^  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  7.  Sax- 
on. Chron.  and  Flor.  Wigom. 
an.  640.] 


206 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.(>4a  a  proud  and  fiJse  opinion  of  meriting  thereby,  policy 
would  be  well  pleased,  and  piety  not  offended  at  the 
observing  thereof ;  whilst  continent  countries  might 
keep  it  without  any  loss  to  their  souls,  and  islands 
with  great  gain  to  their  estates. 

A.  D.  64a.      75.  Oswald,  kinff  of  Northumberland,  fis^htinfif  at 


ofgoodMaserfeld  (since  Oswestry)  in  Shropshire,  against 
>"««•  Penda  the  pagan  prince  of  Mercia',  was  overthrown, 
slain,  and  his  body  most  barbarously  abused,  and 
chopped  in  pieces'*.  Yea,  it  is  observable  that  such 
Saxon  kings  which  were  first  converted  to  Christi- 
anity, and  such  who  were  the  most  active  restorers 
of  religion  after  a  general  apostasy,  commonly  came 
to  violent  deaths  by  the  hands  of  heathens :  as, 

Edwin,  first  Christian  king  of  Northumberland, 
slain  by  pagan  Penda,  anno  633. 

Eorpwald,  first  Christian  king  of  East-Angles, 
slain  by  his  own  people,  anno  636. 

Peada,  first  Christian  king  of  Mercia,  slain  by  his 
own  wife,  anno  656. 

Edelwald,  or  iEthelwald,  first  Christian  king  of 
Sussex,  slain  likewise^. 

Oswald,  the  most  religious  restorer  of  Christianity 
in  Northumberland,  slain  anno  642. 


^  [He  was  the  first  king  of 
Mercia,  of  which  kingdom  he 
laid  the  foundation  in  626, 
and  was  the  most  formidable 
of  all  the  princes  of  the  Saxon 
heptarchy^  carrying  terror  and 
consternation  wherever  he  turn- 
ed his  arms.  He  slew  two 
kings  of  Northumberland,  Ed- 
win and  Oswald  ;  and  three 
of  the  East-Angles,  Sedbyrht, 
Egric,  and  Anna  ;  and  lastly, 


drove  into  exile  Kenwalch,  the 
king  of  the  West  Saxons. 
Malmsb.  f.  14.  The  same  wri- 
ter decribes  him  as  eager  for 
battle  as  the  crow  wheels  its 
flight  towards  the  smell  of  the 
carcass.] 

u  [Bede^  Hist.  Ecd.  iii.  9.] 
^  [Slain  in  the  year  685,  by 
Cead walla.    See  Flor.  Wigorn. 
a.  685.] 


csKT.  VII.  of  Britain,  907 

Anna,  the  most  pious  king  of  the  East-Angles,  a.  v.  642. 
slain  by  Penda,  anno  654. 

Edmond,  the  most  devout  king  of  the  East-An- 
gles, martyred  by  the  Danes,  anno  870. 

Inquiring  into  the  causes  hereof,  we  find,  first,  that 
the  lustre  of  their  lives  shining  before  men,  made 
them  the  fairer  mark  for  their  malicious  enemies. 
Secondly,  Satan,  accounting  them  traitors  against 
his  kingdom  of  darkness^  left  no  stone  unturned, 
thereby  to  bring  them  to  temporal  destruction,  the 
greatest  hurt  which  his  power  could  inflict.  Thirdly, 
God,  to  try  the  patience  of  his  infant  church,  ac- 
quainted them  with  afflictions  from  their  very  cradle. 
Such  therefore  are  mistaken,  who  make  prosperity  a 
note  either  of  piety  in  particular  persons,  or  verity 
in  a  whole  church ;  seeing,  take  it  one  time  with 
another,  and  it  misseth  the  mark  oftener  than  it  hits 
it.  As  for  our  Oswald,  legions  of  miracles  are  attri- 
buted unto  him  after  death ;  all  which  we  willingly 
omit,  insisting  only  on  one  as  most  remarkable. 

76.  The  story  goes  thus*:  On  an  Easter-day  Os-Oiwaid^s 
wald  was  sitting  in  his  palace  at  dinner  with  bishop  never  to 
Aidan ;  when  in  comes  one  of  his  servants,  and  in-  ^     ^' 
formeth  him  that  abundance  of  poor  people  from  all 
parts  sat  in  the  streets  expecting  some  alms  for  their 
relief.     Presently  king  Oswald  commands,  not  only 
that  the  meat  set  before  him  should  be  given  them, 
but  also  that  the  large  silver  charger  holding  the 
same  should  be  broke  in  pieces,  and,  in  want  per- 
chance of  present  coin,  parted  betwixt  them.  Where- 
upon, Aidan,  laying  hold  on  Oswald's  right  hand, 
(and  that  alone, we  know,  ought  to  be  the  almoner^,) 

»  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  6.]  J  Matt.  vi.  3. 


808  The  Church  Hutory  book  nr- 

A.D.649.  "  I  pray  God  this  hand,"  said  he,  "  be  never  con — 
"  sumed ' :"  which  is  said  accordingly  to  come  tea 
pass.  So  that  when  all  the  other  members  of  kin^ 
Oswald's  body,  torn  asunder  by  his  barbarous  ene^ — 
mies,  were  putrefied,  his  right  hand  always  remainecV 
unconsumed. 

NuIIo  verme  pent,  nulla  putredine  tabet 
Dextra  viri,  niillo  constringi  frigore,  nullo 
Dissolvi  fervore  potest ;  sed  semper  eodem 
Immutata  statu  persistit,  mortua  vivit^. 

No  worm,  no  rottenness  taints  his  right  hand  ; 
Corruption  free,  in  vain  the  cold  doth  strive 
To  freeze,  or  heat  to  melt  it,  which  doth  stand 
Still  at  one  stay ;  and,  though  dead,  is  alive. 

But  it  is  not  enough  for  us  that  we  have  the  poet's 
pen  for  it ;  if  we  also  had  Oswald's  hand  to  shew  for 
the  same,  much  might  be  wrought  on  our  belief 
herein. 
Mystically       77.  For  mv  o\^Ti  part,  I  conceive  that  Aidan  his 

tnio. 

words  to  Oswald,  that  "  his  hand  should  never  wax 
"  old,  or  be  consumed,"  were  spiritually  spoken,  in  a 
mystical  meaning,  parallel  to  those  scripture  expres- 
sions; The  righteous  shall  be  in  everlasting  remem- 
brance\  even  when  the  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot^. 
The  bountiful  hand  never  consumes :  neither  actually, 
it  never  wastes  nor  impairs  an  estate,  God  so  order- 
ing it,  that  the  more  he  giveth  the  more  he  hath ; 
nor  passively,  "  it  is  not  consumed,"  the  acts  thereof 
remaining  in  a  perpetual  memorial  here  and  here- 

2   So    Stapleton    trauslateth         »  Camden's  Brit,  in  Lincoln, 
what  in   Bede  is  itiveterascat.     shire,  [p.  406.] 
[ib.]  ^  Psal.  cxii.  6. 

^  Prov.  X.  7. 


CIHT.  VII. 


of  Briiain. 


W9 


after.  But  grant  this  miracle  of  Oswald's  hand  lite-  a.  d.  642. 
rally  true  in  the  latitude  there,  I  desire  any  ingenu- 
ous  papist  to  consider  the  time  wherein  it  was  acted. 
It  was  Easter-day^,  yea,  such  an  Easter-day  as  was 
celebrated  by  the  quartadecimans^  Aidan  being  pre- 
sent thereat,  contrary  to  the  time  which  the  canons 
of  Rome  appointed.  Now  did  not  a  divine  finger  in 
Oswald  his  miraculous  hand  point  out  this  day  then 
to  be  truly  observed  ?  Let  the  papists  produce  such 
another  miracle  to  grace  and  credit  their  Easter  Ro- 
man style,  and  then  they  say  something  to  the  pur- 
pose. 

78.  It  plainly  appears,  that  the  survivors  had  not  Over  offi- 
only  a  charitable  opinion,  but  a  comfortable  pre-^J^^ 
sumption,  yea,  an  infallible  persuasion,  that  the  soul  p"''«^'7- 
of  king  Oswald  was  possessed  of  heavenly  happiness 
instantly  after  his  death.     What  better  demonstrar- 
tion  of  his  present  being  in  perfect  bliss  than  those 
many  miracles,  which  the  papists  confidently  report 
to  be  done  by  him  after  his  death,  in  curing  sick 
people  of  their  several  maladies?    For  such  souls 
which  they  fancy  in  purgatory  are  so  far  from  heal- 
ing others,  that  they  cannot  help  themselves.     Yea, 
Bede  calleth  this  Oswald,  jam  cum  Domino  regrumtisy 
"  now  reigning  with  the  Lord*."     Yet  the  same  au- 
thor attesteth^  that  even  in  his  time  it  was  the  an- 


^  [Die  Sancto  Paschae.  Bede, 
ib.  Malmsbury  speaks  of  this 
arm  as  existing  even  in  his 
day.  De  Gestis  Regum  f.  9.  b. 
The  preservation  of  the  arm  is 
readily  accounted  for.  When 
Oswald  was  slain  in  battle,  the 
enemy  cut  off  his  head  and 
arms,  and   aflixed  them   to   a 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


pole,  leaving  the  body  for  bu. 
rial.  The  arms  were  preserved 
in  a  box  by  his  brother  Oswiu 
at  Bam  borough,  and  the  head 
buried  by  him  at  Lindisfame. 
Malmsb.  ib.] 

«  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  la. 

^  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  2. 


210 


The  Church  Htstary 


BOOK  If. 


A.D.642.  niversary  custom  of  the  monks  of  Hexam  to  repair 
to  Heafen-feld,  (a  place  hard  by,  where  Oswald,  as 
aforesaid,  obtained  his  miraculous  victory,)  and  there 
"  to  observe  vigils  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul,"  pin- 
rimaque  psalmomm  laude  celebratay  victimam  pro  eo^ 
mane  sacrce  oblationis  offerre.  A  mongrel  action, 
betwixt  good-will  and  will-worship :  though  the  eyes 
of  their  souls  in  those  prayers  looked  not  forward  to 
the  future,  petitioning  for  Oswald's  happiness ;  but 
backward  to  what  was  past,  gratulatory  to  the  bliss 
he  had  received.  Purgatory  therefore  cannot  pro- 
perly be  founded  on  such  suffrages  for  the  dead. 
However,  such  over  officiousness  (though  at  first  it 
was  like  the  herb  in  the  pot,  which  doth  neither 
good  nor  ill)  in  after  ages  became  like  that  wild 
gourd  ?,  poisoning  men's  souls  with  superstition, 
when  they  fell  to  downright  praying  for  the  de- 
parted. 

A.  D  644.  79.  This  year  Paulinus,  late  archbishop  of  York, 
of  Paulinus.  since  bishop  of  Rochester,  ended  his  life";  and  one 
Ithamar  succeeded  him,  bom  in  Kent,  and  the  first 
Englishman  bishop,  all  being  foreigners  before  him'. 
As  he  was  the  first  of  his  nation,  I  believe  him  the 
second  of  his  name,  meeting  with  no  more  save  only 
Ithamar  J  the  youngest  son  of  Aaron^  high-priest  of 
Israel'K 


e  2  Kings  iv.  40. 
^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  14.] 
*  [The  reason  of  foreigners 
being  preferred  seems  to  have 
been  the  want  of  learning  in 
the  native  Saxons  for  so  im. 
portant  a  dignity.  So  Bede 
seems  to  indicate  in  his  com. 
mendation  of  Ithamar  :    '•  In 


"  cujus  [sc.  Paulini]  locum 
"  Honorius  archiepiscopus  or- 
*'  dinavit  Ithamar,  oriundum 
"  quidem  de  gente  Cantuario- 
''  rum,  sed  vita  et  eruditione 
*'  antecessoribus  suis  atquan- 
**  dum."  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  14.] 
J  Exod.  vi.  23. 


TENT.  VII. 


fif  BHtam, 


211 


80.  After  king  Oswald  his  deaths  four  Christian  a.  d.  645. 
contemporary  kings  flourished  in  England'^.  First,  Most ChrU- 
Oswiu,  king  of  Northumberiand,  more  commendable  Oiwltu* 
for  the  managing  than  the  gaining  of  his  kingdom* ; 
except  any  will  say,  that  no  good  keeping  can  make 
amends  for  the  ill  getting  of  a  crown,  seeing  he  de- 
feated Ethelwald,  Oswald's  son,  and  the  tnie  heir 
thereof.  Bede  termeth  him  regem  Christianissimum^^ 
"  the  most  Christian  king ;"  a  style  wherewith  the 
present  majesty  of  France  will  not  be  offended,  as 
which  many  years  after  was  settled  on  his  ancestors. 
Long  had  this  Oswiu  endeavoured  in  vain  by  presents 
to  purchase  peace  from  Penda,  the  pagan  king  of 
Mercia,  who  miserably  harassed  his  country,  and  re- 
fused any  gifts,  though  never  so  rich  and  great, 
which  were  tendered  unto  him.  At  last,  saith  my 
author",  Osvriu  resolved.  We  will  offer  our  presents 
to  such  a  king  who  is  higher  in  command  and  hum- 
bler in  his  courtesy,  as  who  will  not  disdain  to  ac- 
cept them.  Whereupon  he  devoted  his  daughter 
to  God,  in  her  perpetual  virginity,  and  soon  after 
obtained  a  memorable  conquest  over  his  enemies, 
and  cleared  the  country  from  his  cruelty. 


k  [Bede,  Hist.  iii.  16.  If 
Fuller  restricts  the  number  to 
four,  the  statement  is  incor- 
rect :  for  Ercomberct,  king  of 
Kent,  who  is  celebrated  for  his 
piety  by  all  our  early  chroniclers, 
was  still  living.] 

^  [Oswiu  succeeded  his  bro- 
ther Oswald  in  the  kingdom  of 
Northumberland  in  the  year 
643.  In  the  year  645  Oswini 
succeeded  to  the  kingdom  of 
Durham,  by  right  of  his  father 
Osric.  He,  though  related  to 
Oswiu,  was  slain  by  him  in  the 


year  651,  and  was  succeeded 
in  Uiat  kingdom  by  Ethelwald 
the  son  of  Oswald.  See  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl .  iii .  1 4.  Flor .  Wigom. 
and  the  Saxon  Chron.  in  the 
years  642.  645^  651.  Seabyrht 
king  of  Essex,  and  Penda 
prince  of  the  MiddeLangli, 
were  converted  by  the  means 
of  Oswiu.  See  Flor.  Wigorn. 
in  an.  653.] 

m  Hist.  EccL  iii.  ai. 

n  Idem,  [iii.  24.  Flor.  Wi- 
gorn. a.  655.] 

p2 


212  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.645.      81.  Secondly,  Seabyrht,  king  of  E8sex^  and  the 


SeiOyyrht  restorer  of  religion  in  his  kingdom,  (which  formerly 
^^  had  apostatized  after  the  departure  of  Mellitus), 
valiant  and  pious,  though  taxed  for  his  contumacious 
company-keeping,  contrary  to  his  confessor's  com- 
mand, with  an  excommunicated  count,  in  whose 
house  he  was  afterward  murdered  by  two  villains : 
who,  being  demanded  the  cause  of  their  cruelty, 
why  they  killed  so  harmless  and  innocent  a  prince, 
had  nothing  to  say  for  themselves,  but  they  did  it 
because  "  his  goodness  had  done  the  kingdom  hurt ; 
**  such  his  proneness  to  pardon  offenders  on  their, 
*^  though  but  seeming,  submission,  that  his  meekness 
"  made  many  malefactors  p."  But  I  hope,  and  be- 
lieve, that  the  heirs  of  Seabyrht,  though  the  stoiy 
be  silent  herein,  finding  his  fault,  amended  it  in 
themselves,  and  exercised  just  severity  in  the  execu- 
tion of  these  two  damnable  traitors. 
AD. 654.      32,  Anna  may  be  accounted  the  third  successor 

Anna  hap-  *' 

vyinan  to  Seabyrht,  and  happy  in  a  numerous  and  holy  off- 
spring**.  Yea,  all  his  children,  save  Firminus  the 
eldest,  slain  with  his  £ftther  in  a  fight  against  pagan 
Penda,  were  either  mitred  or  veiled  when  living, 
sainted  and  shrined  when  dead  ;  as  Erkenwald, 
bishop  of  London ;  jEtheldrith,  or  Audrey,  and  Sex- 
burga,  successively  foundresses  and  abbesses  of  Ely; 
Withgith,  a  nun  therein ;  and  Ethilburg,  abbess  of 
Barking,  nigh  London. 

A.D.656.      83.  Peada,  prince  of  Mercia%  may  make  up  the 

o  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  22.]  Penda.  Bede,  Hist.  Ecd.  iii.2 1. 

P  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  22.  Flor.  Wigom.  a.  653.     After 

M  [Bede>  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  18.  Penda  was  slain  in  battle  bj 

Flor.  Wigorn.  a.  654.]  Oswiu,  in  the   year  653,  the 

»•  [At   first  viceroy  of  the  kingdom  of  Mercia   fell   into 

Middel-angli  under  his  father  his  hands  ;    but  he   gave  the 


CENT,  VII.  of  Britain.  213 

quaternion,   who    married    Alchfleda,    daughter  of  a.  d.  656. 
Oswiu,  king  of  Northumberland ;  and  thereupon  re-  non  of  the 
noimcing  paganism,  embraced  Christianity,  and  pro-cwSwI. 
pagated  it  in  his  dominions.      Indeed  Penda,  his'.^^^p^ 
father,  that  persecutor  of  piety,  was  still  alive,  and^*- 
survived  two  years  after,  persisting  an  heathen  till 
death,  but  mollified  to  permit  a  toleration  of  Chris- 
tianity in  his  subjects.     Yea,  Penda,  in  his  old  age, 
used  an  expression,  which  might  have  beseemed  the 
mouth  of  a  better  man,  namely,  "  that  he  hated  not 
"  Christians,  but  only  such  who  professed  Christ's 
"  feith  without  his  works* ;"  accounting  them  con- 
temptible who  pretended  to  believe  in  God  without 
obeying  him, 

84.  A  brace  of  brethren,  both  bishops,  both  emi-  st  Cedd, 
nent  for  learning  and  religion,  now  appeared  in  the  chad, 
church ;  so  like  in  name,  they  are  oft  mistaken  in 
authors  one  for  another.  Now,  though  it  be  "  plea- 
"  sant  for  brethren  to  live  together  in  unity ;"  yet  it 
is  not  fit  by  error  they  should  be  jumbled  together 
in  conftision.     Observe  their  difference  therefore. 

St  Cedd,  in  Latin  Ced.  St.  Chad,  in  Latin  Ceadda,  born 

J        T   K^r         ♦!»       n  in^ Northumberland,  bred  likewise 

Qus,    I    Deiieve   tne    eiuer,      .ttiti     j       j     1.1     *.a» 

in  Holy  Island,  and  scholar  to  Ai- 

bom    at    London  ^   where      ,  „  , .  ,         r  t  •  u 

danus.     He  was  bishop  of  Lich- 

afterward  he  was   bishop ;      figij .  ^  mild  and  modest  man,  of 

kingdom  of  South  Mercia  to  Mercia  reverted  again  to  the 

Peada,  who  was  murdered  by  family  of  Penda.    Bede>  Hist, 

his  wife  the  next  year.     Three  Eccl.  iii.  34.  Flor.  Wigorn.  a. 

years  after  the  death  of  Peada^  655. 659.] 

the  nobles  of  Mercia,  who  had  ■  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  21. 

secretly  preserved    Wulfhere,  ^   [H.  Porter's   Flowers   of 

the    son    of   Peada,    rebelled  the  Saints,  p.  35.] 

against  Oswiu.  They  were  sue-  ^  Idem^  p.  224. 
cessfiil,  and   the   kingdom   of 

p8 


S14 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


^.  D.  656.  bred  in  Holy  Island,  an 
active  promoter  in  making 
the  East-Saxons  converts^ 
or  rather  reverts,  to  the 
faith.  He  is  remembered 
in   the   Romish   Kalendar, 


whom  more  hereafter.  His  death 
is  celebrated  in  the  Kalendar 
March  the  second,  and  the  dust 
of  his  tomb  is  by  papists  reported 
to  cure  all  diseases,  alike,  in  man 
and  beast.  I  believe  it  might 
make  the  dumb  io  see,  and  the 
lame  to  speak^. 


January  the  seventh. 

The  later  of  these  was,  as  the  longest  liver,  so  the 
most  eminent  in  his  life;  who  made  many  Christians, 
and  amongst  the  rest  Wulfade  and  Bufine,  sons  to 
Wulfhere  king  of  Mercia,  succeeding  Peada  therein, 
who  was  suddenly  slain,  and  his  untimely  death  was 
a  great  loss  to  religion, 
'•ridona  §5.  Look  we  uow  ou  the  see  of  Canterbury,  where 

pchbi^.  (to  our  comfort)  we  have  gotten  one  of  our  own 
countrymen  into  the  place,  Fridona,  a  Saxon.  Yet, 
for  the  more  state  of  the  business,  he  assumed  the 
name  of  Deus-dedit.  We  know  archbishops  of  his 
see  are  termed  alteritis  orbis  papce^  and  such  chang- 
ing of  names  was  fashionable  with  the  popes.  He 
was  consecrated  by  Ithamar  alone,  bishop  of  Roches- 
ter, the  first  English  bishop  consecrating  the  first 
English  archbishop.  Let  no  sophister  cavil  with  his 
threadbare  maxim,  Nihil  dat  quod  nmi  haheU  and 


w  [St.  Cedd,  the  elder  bro- 
ther, who  was  a  monk  in  Holy 
Island^  was  at  first  a  preacher 
among  the  Middel-angli»  short- 
ly  after  the  conversion  of  king 
Peada  by  Finan,  the  successor 
of  Aidan.  Afterwards  he  was 
sent  by  king  Oswiu  to  the  East 
Saxons,  and  was  consecrated 
one  of  their  first  bishops  by 
Finan.  He  founded  the  mo- 
nastery  of  Laestingaeu,    near 


Whitby,  in  Yorkshire  ;  the 
headship  of  which  he  left  at 
his  death  to  his  brother  St. 
Chad,  more  correctly  Ceadda, 
first  bishop  of  York,  and  after- 
wards of  Litchfield.  He  ap- 
pears to  have  been  the  young- 
est of  the  four  brothers,  Cedd, 
Cynibill,  Caelin^  and  Ceadda. 
See  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.iii.  22. 23. 
Symeon.  Hist.  Eccl.  Dunelm. 
chap,  iv.] 


TENT.  VII. 


of  Britam, 


215 


therefore  a  single  bishop  could  not  confer  archiepi-  a.  d.  656. 
scopal  power,  but  leave  it  to  the  canon  lawyers  to 
decide  what  may  be  done  in  case  of  extremity. 
Meantime  how  causeless  is  the  caption  of  the  pa- 
pists* at  the  consecration  of  Matthew  Parker,  be- 
cause no  archbishop,  though  four  bishops,  was  pre- 
sent thereat.  Seeing,  though  an  archbishop  be  re- 
quisite ad  dignitateniy  bishops  will  suffice  ad  honesta- 
tern ;  and  a  single  bishop,  as  Ithamar  here^,  may  be 
effectual  ad  essentiam  of  an  archiepiscopal  consecra- 
tion. No  wonder  therefore  if  Evagrius  was  acknow- 
ledged a  legitimate  bishop  by  the  pope  himself', 
though  contrary  to  the  rigour  of  the  canon,  conse- 
crated by  Paulinus  alone*.  Deus-dedit  answered  his 
name,  (a  good  archbishop  is  God's  gift,)  and  for  nine 
years  and  more  ruled  the  church  to  his  great  com- 
mendation. 

86.  A  barbarous  murder  was  committed  by  Wulf-  A.D.663. 
here,  king  of  Mercia,  who,  understanding  that  his  murder^of  * 
two  sons,  Wulfade  and  Rufine,  had  embraced  Chris- ^*^^*^ 
tianity,  cruelly  slew  them  with  his  own  hands^   But 


»  Sanders  de  Schism.  [Angl. 
p.  279.  ed.  1628.] 

y  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  20. 

^  Binnius,  in  notis  in  epist. 
17.  Innocentii  I.  [Concil.  torn, 
ii.  1 268.  ed.  Labbe  et  Coss.] 

*  Theodoret.  [Hist.  Eccl.  v. 
23.  ed.  Reading.] 

*>  [Bede,  the  Saxon  Chroni- 
cle, and  Florence  of  Worces- 
ter, observe  a  deep  silence  upon 
this  point.  The  former  indeed 
gives  a  direct  testimony  of 
Wulfhere  being  a  Christian  at 
the  time  of  his  accession.  For, 
speaking  of  the  emancipation 
of  that  kingdom  ft>om  the  yoke 


of  Oswiu^  who  held  it  by  the 
right  of  conquest,  he  observes; 
"  Sicque  cum  suo  rege  liberi, 
"  Christo  vero  regi  pro  sempi- 
'*  terno  in  coelis  regno  servire 
"  gaudebant."  Hist.  Eccl.  iii. 
24.  Ingulph  styles  the  sons  of 
Peada^  *'  Christians  religionis 
"  cultoresdevotissimos:"  which 
he  would  scarcely  have  done 
had  Wulfhere  been  an  idola- 
ter.  Hist.  Croyland.  p.  1.  ed. 
Gale.  Malmsbury  also  states, 
that  upon  his  very  accession, 
Wulfhere  used  his  utmost  ex- 
ertions (enixUnme  Juvit)  to 
promote  Christianity,  which  his 

P  4 


216 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.664.  afterwards,  repenting  of  so  foul  a  &ct,  he  himself 
turned  Christian ;  and  in  testimony  thereof,  finished 
the  fidr  fabric  of  the  monastery  at  Peterborough, 
begun  by  Peada  his  brother.  The  whole  story  thereof 
was,  till  lately,  set  forth  in  painting  and  poetry,  such 
aa  it  was,  in  the  glass  windows  round  about  the 
cloisters  of  Peterborough. 

Wulfade  prayed  Chad,  that  ghostly  leech, 
The  faith  of  Christ  him  for  to  teach. 


Themak-       87.  And  uow,  having  fallen  on  the  mention  of 
i^ugiu     glass,  be  it  seasonably  remembered,  that  just  at  this 
Engi^.    time  one  Benault,  a  foreign  bishop,  but  of  what 
place  I  find  not,  brought  the  mystery  of  making 
glass  into  England,  to  the  great  beautifying  of  our 
churches  and  houses;  the  eyes  being  the  grace  of 
the  body,  as  windows  are  of  buildings.     I  conceive 
his  invention  was  white  glass  alone,  more  ancient 
than  painted  glass  in  this  island,  as  plain  song  is 
much  senior  to  all  descanting  and  running  of  di- 
vision*^. 
Scottish  bi.     88.  The  paroxysm  continued  and  increased  betwixt 
ienrfrom   the  Scottish  bishops  (headed,  after  Aidan*s  death,  by 


brother  had  introduced.  De 
Gestis  Regum,  f.  14.  Fuller 
follows  a  legend  published  by 
Dugdale  in  his  Monasticon, 
vol.  ii.  p.  119.  ed.  1661. 

A  very  full  account  of  the 
building  of  this  monastery  will 
be  found  in  the  Sax.  Chron.  in 
the  years  655,  656,  though  the 
passage  bears  all  the  marks  of 
being  an  interpolation.] 

c  [The  use  of  glass  windows 
was  introduced  into  England 
by  Abbot  Benedict  about  the 


year  670,  who  built  the  mo- 
nasteries of  St.  Peter  and  Paul 
at  Yarrow^  in  the  bishopric  of 
Durham.  He  also  first  intro- 
duced into  England  artificers 
of  stone  buildings.  *'  Neque 
"  enim  ante  Benedictum  lapi- 
"  dei  tabulatus  domus  in  Bri- 
*'  tannia  nisi  perraro  videba- 
"  tur,  neque  perspicuitate  vitri 
"  penetrata  lucem  sedibus  sola- 
'*  ris  jaciebat  radius."  Malmsb. 
f.  I T .  His  life  has  been  writ- 
ten by  his  pupil  Bede.] 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain,  217 

Finan,  bishop  of  Holy-Island,)  and  such  who  cele- a.  d.  663. 
brated  Easter  after  the  Roman  rite^.  The  latter  sOothenm 
bitterly  detested  the  former,  that  they  would  not^^ 
receiye  consecration  of  them,  or  imposition  of  hands ; 
as  if  their  very  fingers'  ends  were  infected  with 
schism,  for  dissenting  from  Rome.  Yea,  they  would 
neither  give  the  sacrament  of  the  eucharist  to  them, 
nor  receive  it  from  them :  and  yet  they  never  quar- 
relled at  or  questioned  the  validity  of  baptism  con- 
ferred by  them,  seeing  bishop  Finan  christened  the 
king  of  the  East-Saxons®,  and  all  his  subjects. 
Somewhat  more  moderate  were  the  Scots  or  Quar- 
tadecimans  in  their  carriage  to  the  other,  seeing  St. 
Chad  (Scottized  in  his  judgment)  refused  not  conse- 
cration from  Wina,  bishop  of  Winchester,  though 
one  of  the  contrary  opinion  ^ 

89-  Nor  was  this  controversy  confined  to  cloisters  This  oon- 
and  colleges,  but  derived  itself  from  the  king's  court  »piSi7 
down  into  private  families.     Thus  Oswiu  king  oV^^^^^^ 
Northumberland   was   of  the   Scottish  persuasion, 
whilst  his  queen  and  eldest  son  were  of  the  Romish 
opinion,  in  celebration  of  Easter.     One  board  would 
not  hold  them  whom  one  bed  did  contain.     It  fell 
out  so  sometimes,  that  the  husband's  Palm-Sunday 
was  the  wife's  Easter-day ;  and  in  other  families  the 
wife  fasted  and  kept  Lent  still,  whilst  her  husband 
feasted  and  observed  Easter.     Say  not  that  wife 
deserved  to  fast  always  who  in  so  indilSerent  a  cere- 
mony would  not  conform  to  her  husband's  judgment. 

^  [[Bede,  Hist.  iii.  25.     Sy-  who  observed  the  Scottish  rite 

meon,  Hist.  Eccl.  Dunelm.  ch.  of  Easter.     But  certainly  St. 

iv.]  Ceadda»  so  far  from  leaning  to 

«  [Seabyrht.]  their  customs,  held  the  very  op- 

^  [He    was    consecrated   by  posite.  See  the  concluding  pas- 

Wina  and  two  British  bishops,  sage  in  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  a8.]] 


218  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  66a.  For  consciences  in  such  kinds  are  to  be  led,  not 
drawn.  Great  was  the  disturbance  in  every  great 
femily;  only  the  poor  gained  by  the  difference, 
causing  a  duplicate  of  festivals,  two  Easters  being 
kept  every  year  in  the  same  house. 

A.D.664.      90.  To  compose  this  controversy  (if  possible),  a 

A  ooiincil 

is  caUed  to  couucil  was  Called  at  Streoneshalh,  now  Whitby  in 
Su^tro-  Yorkshire,  by  the  procurement  of  St.  Hilda,  abbess 
v««y-        therein.     Here  appeared,  amongst  many  others. 

For  the  Romish  Easter^ 

AVilfrith,  an  abbot,  a  zealous  champion  Cf. 
Bomanus,  a  priest,  very  hot  in  the  quarrel,  and 
others. 

Moderators. 

Hilda,  the  abbess  of  Streoneshalh. 
St.  Cedd,  bishop  of  London,  propending  to  the 
Scottish,  but  not  throughly  persuaded. 

For  the  Scottish  Edster^ 

St.  Colman,  bishop  of  Holy  Island,  who  succeeded 
Finan  in  that  place. 

But  Baronius  and  Binnius  will  in  no  case  allow 
this  for  a  council,  (though  elsewhere  extending  that 
name  to  meaner  meetings,)  only  they  call  it  a  col- 
lation; because,  forsooth,  it  wanted  some  council- 
formalities;  all  bishops  not  being  solemnly  sum- 
moned, but  only  some  volunteers  appearing  therein. 
Besides,  as  there  was  something  too  little,  so  some- 
thing too  much  for  a  canonical  council ;  Hilda,  a 
woman,  being  moderatress  therein,  which  seemed 
irregular^ 

S  [Heddius^  vit.  Wilfrid,  ch.         ^  [It  is   clear   that   Oswiu, 
X.]]  king  of  Northumberland,  and 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain, 


319 


91.  In  this  council  or  collation,  call  it  which  you  A.D.664. 
please,  after  much  arguing  pro  and  con^  Wilfrith  at  wofrith 
last  knocked  all  down  with  this  argument;  that  thoing^!!^. ' 
Romish  celebration  of  Easter  was  founded  on  the™®"^' 
practice  of  St.  Peter,  prince  of  the   apostles,  and 
porter   of  heaven.     King  Oswiu  hearing  this  was 
affrighted,  who  had  rather  anger  all  the  other  eleven 
apostles  than  offend  St.  Peter,  one  so  high  in  power 
and  place ;  for  fear,  as  he  said,  lest  coming  to  heaven- 
gate,  St.  Peter  should  deny  him  a  cast  of  his  office, 
and  refuse  to  let  him  into  happiness.     St.  Colman, 
being  on  the  other  side,  was  angry  that  so  slight  an 
argument  had  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the 
king's  credulity.    And,  to  manifest  his  distaste,  after 
the  council  was  broken  up,  carried  all  those  of  his 


not  St.  Hilda,  was  moderator 
in  this  synod.  In  which  office 
he  seems  to  have  had  the  as- 
sistance of  his  son  Alch frith, 
who  being  a  disciple  of  Wil- 
frith, followed  the  Romish  per- 
suasion. The  defenders  of  the 
Scotch,  that  is,  the  Irish  custom 
of  observing  Easter,  were  Col- 
man and  his  disciples,  whom  he 
in  all  probability  brought  from 
Lindisfkrn  for  that  purpose. 
Those  who  favoured  it  were 
Hilda  and  Cedd^  who  had  been 
ordained  by  the  Scotch,  who 
acted  as  interpreter  for  both 
parties.  The  defenders  of  the 
Romish  custom  were^Egilberct, 
bishop  of  the  West-Saxons, 
Agatho,  a  priest,  and  Wilfrith, 
abbot  of  Rippon,  who  had  been 
educated  at  Lyons,  where  the 
Romish  custom  was  observed, 
and  who  had  also  made  a  pil- 
grimage to  Rome,  where  he 
had   been    instructed    in    the 


Romish  custom  of  celebrating 
Easter.  Heddii  V.  Wilfridi, 
ch.  V.  (in  Gale's  Script,  i.  p. 
53.)  These  were  supported  by 
Jacobus,  who  had  been  a  dea- 
con to  Paulinus,  archbishop  of 
York,  and  Romanus  a  priest, 
whom  Eanfled  had  brought 
with  her  out  of  Kent.  Besides 
these  was  one  Ronan  a  Scotch- 
man, but  educated  in  France 
and  Italy,  a  very  strenuous  ad- 
vocate for  the  Komish  observ- 
ance, in  which  he  had  shewn 
much  opposition  to  Finan,  bi- 
shop of  Lindisfarn,  the  pre- 
decessor of  St.  Colman.  Fuller 
appears  to  have  confounded 
him  with  Romanus.  Wilfrith  in 
his  reply  enters  into  a  long  and 
clear  statement  of  the  difference 
between  the  ch  ur ches.  See  Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  25.  Another 
point  of  dispute  also  was  the 
mode  of  tonsure.  Upon  which 
see  Dr.  Smith's  App.  to  Bede.] 


2S0  The  Church  History  book  II 

A.  D.  664.  own  opinion  home  with  him  into  Scotland  ^  One 
Tuda  succeeded  him  in  his  bishopric  of  H0I7  Island, 
the  first  of  that  see  that  conformed  himself  in  this 
controversy  to  the  Romish  church,  and  died  in  the 
same  year  of  the  plague'^. 

His  in-  92.  As  for  Wilfrith,  he  was  well  rewarded  for  his 

tended,  but 

disappoint-  paius  in  this  council,  bemg  presently  promoted  to 
rm^.^^  be  bishop  of  York^  which,  since  Paulinus  his  death, 
was  no  longer  an  archbishop's,  but  a  plain  bishop's 
see™.  But,  though  appointed  for  the  place  by  king 
Oswiu,  he  refused  consecration  from  any  EngUsh 
bishops,  being  all  irregular,  as  consecrated  by  the 
schismatical  Scots ;  only  Wina,  late  bishop  of  Win- 
chester, now  of  London,  was  ordained  canonically, 
but  lately  he  had  contracted  just  shame  for  his 
simony*^,  in  buying  his  bishopric®.  Over  goes  Wil- 
frith therefore  to  Rome  for  consecration,  and  stays 
there  so  long,  that  in  his  absence  the  king  put 
St.  Chad  into  the  bishopric  of  York  p.  The  writer  of 
Wilfrith's  life  complains  loudly  hereof; 

Audacter  sponsam  vivo  rapiiere  marito. 

Boldly  in  the  husband's  life. 
Away  from  him  they  took  his  wife. 

But,  by  the  poet's  leave,  York  was  but  espoused,  not 


i  [That  is^  Ireland,  at  this 
time  the  great  school  of  eccle- 
siastics. See  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl. 
i.  27.] 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  a6. 
Symeon,  ib.  ch.  v.] 

1  [Vacated  by  the  death  of 
Tuda.] 

°™  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  28." 

n  [Will,  of  Makrisb.  f.  134.; 

o  [iEgilberct,  bishop  of  Win- 
chester,   the     predecessor    of 


Wina,  who  has  been  mentioned 
in  a  previous  note  as  favourable 
to  the  Romish  custom  of  cele- 
brating Easter,  had  now  re- 
turned into  France,  his  native 
country,  and  been  made  bishop 
of  Paris.  He  assisted  at  Wil- 
frith's ordination.  Bede,  Hist. 
Eccl.  iii.  28.  Godwin  de  Prse- 
suLp.  203.] 

P  [Heddius,  ib.  ch.  xiv.] 


CENT.  vii.  of  Britabu  221 

married  to  Wilfiith,  whilst  he  was  in  England :  and  a.  d.  664. 
after  his  going  over  beyond  sea.  he  stayed  so  long, 
that  his  church  presumed  him  dead,  and  herself  a 
maid-widow,  which  lawfully  might  receive  another 
husband.  At  last  Wilfrith  returning  home  had  York 
restored  unto  him%  and  St.  Chad  was  removed  to 
the  new-founded  bishopric  of  Lichfield''. 

93.  The  abbess  Hilda,  whom  we  mentioned  before.  Abbess 
was  like  another  Huldah,  which  lived  in  the  college*, 
superior  to  most  of  her  sex  in  learning,  inferior  to 
none  in  religion  ^  Monks  ascribe  it  to  her  sanctity, 
that  she  turned  many  serpents  in  that  country  into 
stones.     Plenty  of  which  stones  are  found  at  this 

day  about  Whitby,  the  place  of  her  abode,  having 
the  shape  of  serpents,  but  most  headless ;  as  the  tale 
is  truthless,  relating  it  to  her  miraculous  operation. 
Who  knows  not  but  that  at  Alderly  in  Gloucester- 
shire there  are  found  stones  resembling  cockles  or 
periwincles  in  a  place  far  from  the  sea  ?  which  are 
esteemed  by  the  learned  the  gamesome  work  of 
nature,  sometimes  pleased  to  disport  itself,  and  pose 
us  by  propounding  such  riddles  unto  us. 

94.  Some  impute  it  also  to  Hilda  her  holiness,  a  rairade 
that  wild  geese,  when  flying  over  the  grounds  near  jj^r  hoU-*** 
her  convent,  fell  down  to  the  ground,  as  doing 
homage  to  the  sanctity  thereof.  As  the  credit  of 
the  reporters  hath  converted  wise  men  to  believe 
the  thing,  so  they  justly  remain  incredulous,  that  it 
proceedeth  from  any  miracle,  but  secret  antipathy. 

q  [But  not  till  three  years  xiv,  xv.] 
after  his  return,  when  Theo-         ^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  3.] 
dorus  having  been  appointed         ^  2  Chron.  xxxiv.  22. 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  de-         *  [She   died   17  Nov.  680. 

posed  St.  Chad,  and  restored  Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  23.]] 
Wilfrid  to  York.  Heddius,  ib. 


ness* 


22S  The  Church  History  book  ir. 

A.  D.  664.  But  as  philosophers,  when  posed  in  nature,  and  pro- 
"  secuted  to  render  reasons  of  her  mysteries,  took 

sanctuary  at  occulta  qualitds^  monks  in  the  same 
kind  make  their  refiige  to  the  shrine  of  some  saint, 
attributing  all  they  cannot  answer  to  his  or  her  mira- 
culous operation.  Yea  sometimes  such  is  monkish 
impudence,  falsely  to  assign  that  to  a  saint  (though 
all  chronologies  protest  against  the  possibility 
thereof)  which  is  the  plain  and  pregnant  effect  of 
nature.  AVitness  when  they  write,  that  Richard  de 
la  Wich,  bishop  of  Chichester,  with  his  fervent 
prayers  obtained  that  the  witches  or  salt  springs 
should  boil  out  of  the  earth  in  Durtwich  in  Wor- 
cestershire*; which  are  mentioned  and  described  by 
ancient  authors  dead  before  the  cradle  of  the  said 
Richard  de  la  Wich  was  made. 
A.D.668.  95.  Look  we  now  on  the  see  of  Canterbury,  and 
arehbishop  there  after  the  death  of  the  last  archbishop,  and 
bui^^*^"  f^^r  years  vacancy,  we  find  that  church  hath  changed 
her  Latin  into  Greek,  I  mean,  dead  Deus-dedit,  into 
Theodorus  his  successor,  put  in  by  the  pope  v.  This 
Theodorus  was  a  Grecian  by  name  and  nation,  fellow- 
citizen  with  St.  Paul,  bom  in  Tarsus  in  Cilicia^^; 
and  herein  like  him,  that  he  spake  with  tongues  more 
than  they  all^^  had  more  skill  in  learned  languages 
than  all  his  brethren,  bishops  of  England,  in  that 
age.  Yea,  as  children  when  young  are  permitted  to 
play,  but  when  of  some  years  are  sent  to  learn  their 
book,  so  hitherto  the  infant  church  of  England  may 
be  said  to  have  lost  time  for  matter  of  learning,  and 
now  Theodorus  set  it  first  to  school,  brought  books 

^  As  Camden  saith  in  Wor-         ^  Acts  xxii.  3. 
cestcrsliire,  [p.  433.]  *  1  Cor.  xiv.  18. 

V  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  i.] 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain,  22S 

to  it,  and  it  to  books ;   erecting  a  well-fiimished  a.  d.  673. 
library,  and  teaching  his  clergy  how  to  make  use 
thereof. 

96.  I  could  wish  this  Theodorus   had   had  one  His  fierce- 
quality  more  of  St.  Paul ;  that  in  matters  indifferent  JJ^t^  afl«r 
he  would  have  been  made  all  things  to  all  meuy  that  ^^^^^^ 
by  all  means  he  might  save  samey.    Whereas  he  most 
rigorously  pressed  confonnity  to  Rome  in  the  ob- 
servation of  Easter :  and  to  that  purpose  a  council 
was  called  at  Herud-ford',  now  Hertford,  and  not 
Hereford,  as  judicious  and  industrious  bishop  Godwin  Sept.  24. 
(partial  to  the  place  whereof  he  himself  was  bishop) 
doth  mistake  it**.    Here  Easter  was  settled  after  the 
Romish  rite;  and  we  are  not  sorry  for  the  same, 
willing  rather  it  should  be  any  way  ordered,  than 
that  the  reader  (with  whom  I  sympathize  more  than 
grudge  my  own  pains)  should  be  troubled  any  longer 
with  such  a  small-great  controversy,  low  in  its  own 
merit,  but  heightened  with  the  spleen  and  passion  of 
such  as  prosecuted  it.    In  this  synod  nine  other  arti- 
cles were  concluded  of,  as  they  follow  here  in  order, 
out  of  Bede,  as  Stapleton  himself  hath  translated 
them^ 

i.  "  That  no  bishop  should  have  ought  to  do  in 
*'  another's  diocese,  but  be  contented  with  the  charge 
"  of  the  people  committed  unto  him. 

ii.  "  That  no  bishop  should  molest,  or  any  wise 
"  trouble  such  monasteries  as  were  consecrated  and 


7  I  Cor.  ix.  22.  tide  respecting  Easter  was  as 

«  [Heoptfopb.]  follows:  "  That  we  all  in  com- 


b 


De  Prsesul.  p.  42.]  "  mon  do  keep  the  holy  feast 

[See   some    pertinent   re-  "  of  Easter  on  the  Sunday  after 

marks  respecting  this  synod  by  "  the  xivth  day  of  the  moon  in 

Johnson,    quoted   in  Wilkins'  "  the  month  of  March."] 
Concil.  I.  p.  62.     The  first  ar- 


(( 

<( 


2^  The  Church  History  book 

A.  D.  673.  "  given  to  God,  nor  violently  take  from  them  ought 
"  that  was  theirs. 

iii.  "  That  monks  should  not  go  from  place  to  place, 
that  is  to  say,  from  one  monastery  to  another,  unless 
by  the  leave  of  their  own  abbot,  but  should  con- 
"  tinue  in  the  obedience  which  they  promised  at  the 
"  time  of  their  conversion,  and  entering  into  religion, 
iv.  "That  none  of  the  clergy  forsaking  his  own 
bishop  should  run  up  and  down  where  he  list,  nor 
when  he  came  any  whither,  should  be  received 
"  without  letters  of  commendation  from  his  diocesan. 
"  And,  if  that  he  be  once  received,  and  vrill  not 
"  return,  being  warned  and  called,  both  the  receiver 
"  and  he  that  is  received  shall  incur  the  sentence  of 
"  excommunication. 

V.  "  That  such  bishops  and  clerks  as  are  strangers, 
"  be  content  with  such  hospitaUty  as  is  given  them ; 
"  and  that  it  be  lawful  for  none  of  them  to  execute 
"  any  office  of  a  priest  without  the  permission  of  the 
**  bishop  in  whose  diocese  they  are  known  to  be. 
vi.  "  That  whereas  by  the  ancient  decrees  a  synod 
and  convocation  ought  to  be  assembled  twice  a 
year,  yet  because  divers  inconveniences  do  happen 
among  us,  it  hath  seemed  good  to  us  all  that  it 
should  be  assembled  once  a  year,  the  first  day  of 
August,  at  the  place  called  Clofeshooh. 
vii.  "  That  no  bishop   should   ambitiously  prefer 
"  himself  before  another,  but  should  all  acknowledge 
"  the  time  and  order  of  their  consecration. 

viii.  "  That  the  number  of  bishops  should  be  in- 
creased, the  number  of  Christian  folk  waxing  daily 
greater ;  but  hereof  at  this  time  we  said  no  farther, 
ix.  "  That  no  man  commit  advoutry  nor  fornication, 
"  that  no  man  forsake  his  own  wife,  but  for  only  for- 


<( 
«( 
<( 
<( 

«( 


CENT,  VII. 


(jf  Britain. 


£25 


**  nication,  as  the  holy  gospel  teacheth.    And  if  any  a.d.  673. 
"  man  put  away  his  wife  being  lawfully  married  unto 
"  him,  if  he  will  be  a  right  Christian  man,  let  him  be 
"  joined  to  none  other ;  but  let  him  so  continue  still 
*'  sole,  or  else  be  reconciled  again  to  his  own  wife^." 

I  wonder  no  mention  herein  of  settling  the  tonsure 
of  priests  (a  controversy  running  parallel  with  that  of 
Easter)  according  to  the  Roman  rite^.  To  conclude, 
let  not  the  reader  expect  the  like  exemplification  of 
all  articles  in  following  synods  so  largely  as  here  we 
have  presented  them.  For  this  synod  Stapleton 
calls  "  the  first  of  the  English  nation®,"  (understand 
him,  v^^ose  canons  are  completely  extant,)  and 
therefore  more  patrimony  is  due  to  the  heir  and 
eldest  son  than  to  the  younger  brethren,  who  shall 
be  content  to  be  confined  to  their  pensions,  I  mean, 
to  have  their  articles  not  exemplified,  but  epitomized 
hereafter. 

97.  Theodorus  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  beheld  a.d.  678. 
Wilfiith  bishop  of  York,  (one  of  great  parts,  andwiifrith*^ 
greater  passions,)  with  envious  eyes ;  and  therefore,  y^^^P  ^^ 
to  abate  his  power,  he  endeavoured  that  the  diocese 


«=  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  5.] 
d  [This  is  not  so  surprising : 
for  it  is  probable  that  Theo- 
dorus, who  was  educated  in  the 
Greek  church,  and  previous  to 
his  coming  into  England  had 
followed  the  Oriental  mode  of 
tonsure,  which  prevailed  also 
in  the  British  churches,  was 
not  jBavourable  to  the  Romanists 
on  this  point.  Hadrian  ac- 
companied him  by  the  express 
command  of  pope  Vitellianus : 
"  ne  quid  ille  contrarium  veri- 
"  tati  fidei,  Graecorum   more, 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


c< 


tc 


"  in  ecclesiam  cui  prseesset,  in- 
"  troduceret.  Qui  [Theodo- 
rus] subdiaconus  ordinatus^ 
quatuor  expectavit  menses, 
'^  donee  illi  coma  cresoeret  quo 
"  in  coronam  tonderi  posset." 
Corona  denotes  the  Romish 
mode  of  tonsure,  which  was  an 
imitation  of  the  crown  of  thorns 
platted  about  our  Saviour's 
head.  For  an  account  of  this 
controversy,  see  Dr.  Smith's 
App.  to  Bede^  §.  ix.] 

c  In  his  tran^ation  of  Bede, 
ibid. 


226 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.678.  of  York  might  be  divided^.  Wilfrith  offended  hereat 
goes  over  to  Rome  to  impede  the  project,  and  by 
the  way  is  tossed  with  a  grievous  tempest.  It  is  an 
ill  wind  which  bloweth  no  man  profit.  He  is  cast 
on  the  shore  of  Friezeland  in  Belgia,  where  the 
inhabitants,  as  yet  pagans,  were  by  his  preaching 
converted  to  Christianity.  This  may  be  observed  in 
this  Wilftith,  his  irapepya  were  better  than  his  epya^ 
his  casual  and  occasional  were  better  than  his  inten- 
tional performances,  which  shews  plainly  that  Provi- 
dence acted  more  vigorously  in  him  than  his  own 
prudence :  I  mean,  when  at  ease  in  wealth,  at  home, 
he  busied  himself  in  toys  and  trifles  of  ceremonious 
controversies ;  but  when  (as  now  and  afterwards)  a 


^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  19. 
Heddius,  ib.  ch.  xxvi.  Bede  at- 
tributes  the  banishment  of  Wil- 
frith to  Ecgf rith,  king  of  North- 
umberland (Hist.Eccl.iv.  1 2,13, 
and  V.  19,  20.)  It  appears  that 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the 
king,  he  not  only  countenanced 
the  mistaken  piety  of  ^thel- 
drith,  who  abandoned  her  hus- 
band for  the  cloister^  but  even 
encouraged  her  in  it,  contrary 
to  the  express  wishes  of  the 
king.  See  also  Flor.  Wigom. 
an.  672  and  677,  and  the  Sax. 
Chron.  a.  678.  With  these 
also  Heddius  Stephanus^  Wil- 
frid's biographer,  to  a  certain 
extent  agrees,  although  he  at- 
tributes Ecgfrith's  hostility  to  a 
different  cause.  According  to 
his  statement,  Irminburga, 
Ecgfrith's  queen,  excited  feel- 
ings of  envy  in  her  husband's 
breast  against  Wilfrith ;  point- 
ing his  attention  to  that  pre- 
late's power  and  magnificence ; 


and  they  induced  Theodorus^ 
corrupted  as  Balaam  was  by 
Balach,  to  pronounce  sentence 
against  him,  and  deprive  him 
of  his  bishopric.  Vit.  Wilfridi, 
ch.  xxiv.  Malmsbur.  de  gestis 
Pontif.  iii.  f.  149.  Wilfrith's 
own  account  of  the  matter  will 
be  found  in  his  petition  to  the 
pope,  printed  in  Heddius  ib. 
ch.  xxix.  together  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  synod  upon  the 
occasion. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  (rod- 
win,  who  is  Fuller's  authority 
for  this  assertion,  has  mistaken 
Winfrid  bishop  of  Litchfield, 
for  Wilfrith  bishop  of  York. 
Godwin,  de  Presul.  653.  Theo. 
dorus,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, dispossessed  the  former 
of  his  bishopric,  on  occasion  of 
some  contention  between  them 
in  the  year  675.  Bede^  Hist 
Eccl.  iv.  6.     Flor,  Wigom.  a. 

675] 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


227 


stranger,  and  little  better  than  an  exile,  he  effect-  a.  0.679. 
ually  promoted  the  honour  and  glory  of  Godfif. 

98.  And  as  it  is  observed  of  nightingales,  that  The  South- 
they  sing  the  sweetest  when   furthest  from   their  formerly 
nests,  so  this  Wilfrith  was  most  diligent  in  God's  fJJdera)^ 
service  when  at  the  greatest  distance  from  his  own  ^^^Jh 
home.     For  though  returning  into  England  he  re- 
turned not   unto  York,  but  stayed   in  the   pagan 
kingdom  of  the  South-Saxons,  who  also,  by  God's 
blessing  on  his  endeavours,  were  persuaded  to  em- 
brace the  Christian  faith**. 

99-  These  South-Saxons,  of  all  the  seven  king-  The  fim, 
doms,  were  the  last  which  submitted  themselves  to  *  ^ 
the  perfect  freedom  of  God's  service,  and  yet  their 
country  was  in  situation  next  to  Kent,  where  the 
gospel  was  first  planted.  Herein  it  was  verified, 
many  that  are  first  shall  be  last,  and  the  last  first. 
Yea,  the  Spirit,  which  bloweth  where  it  listeth^  ob- 
serveth  no  visible  rules  of  motion;  but  sometimes 
taking  no  notice  of  those  in  the  middle,  reacheth  to 
them  which  are  farthest  off.  Indeed,  iEdilwalch  their 
king  was  a  little  before  christened  by  the  persuasion 
of  Wulfhere,  king  of  Mercia,  who  was  his  god- 
father, and  at  his  baptizing  gave  him  for  a  gift  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  et  provinciam  Meanuarorum^  in  gente 


If  [He  left  Frisia  for  Rome ; 
and  after  pleading  his  cause 
there  returned  into  England. 
Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  13.  Flor. 
Wigom.  an.  679.  Upon  his  ar- 
rival he  presented  the  pope's 
decree  in  his  favour  to  king 
Ecgfrith,  who  notwithstanding 
refused  to  obey  it.  See  Hed- 
dius,  ib.  ch.  xxxiii.  The  ex- 
travagancies of  this  writer  form 
a  striking  contrast  to  the  judi- 


cious narrative  of  Bede,  who 
has  given  a  connected  sketch 
of  this  prelate's  life  in  his  Hist. 
Eccl.  V.  20.] 

^  [Bede»  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  13^ 
and  V.  19.] 

i  [The  record  of  this  pro- 
vince still  remains  in  the  names 
of  Meansborough,  Eastmean, 
Westmean,  and  other  places  in 
Hampshire.  See  Camden's  Brit, 
p.  123.  (ed.  Gibson.) 

Q  2 


2S8  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.67g.  ocddenialium  Scuponumiy  but  his  country  still 


mained  in  paganism.  And  although  Dicul  a  Scot, 
with  some  six  of  his  brethren,  had  a  small  monastery 
at  Boidiam  in  Sussex,  yet  they,  rather  enjoying 
themselves  than  meddling  with  others,  were  more 
careful  of  their  own  safety  than  their  neighbours' 
conversion.  And  indeed  the  pagans  neither  heeded 
their  life  nor  minded  their  doctrine. 
Pagan  cb-  100.  Howevor,  thoso  South-Saxons  paid  for  their 
punished  stubbomnoss,  lu  Standing  out  so  long  against  the 
aSne.*'  gospel ;  for  they  always  were  a  miserable  people^ 
and  at  this  present  afflicted  with  a  great  famine, 
caused  by  three  years'  drought ;  so  that  forty  men  in 
a  row,  holding  hand  in  hand,  used  to  throw  them- 
selves into  the  sea  to  avoid  the  misery  of  a  lingering 
death.  In  this  wofiil  condition  did  Wilfirith  bishop 
of  York,  find  them  when  he  first  preached  the  gospel 
unto  them;  and  on  that  very  day  wherein  he  bap- 
tized them,  (as  if  God  from  heaven  had  poured 
water  into  the  font,)  he  obtained  store  of  rain,  which 
procured  great  plenty.  Observe  (though  I  am  not 
so  ill-natured  as  to  wrangle  with  all  miracles)  an 
apish  imitation  of  Elijah ;  (who  carried  the  key  of 
heaven  at  his  girdle,  to  lock  or  unlock  it  by  his 
prayer ;)  only  Elijah  gave  rain  after  three  years  and 
six  months,  Wilfrith  after  bare  three  years ;  it  being 
good  manners  to  come  a  little  short  of  his  betters. 
South-  101.  Also,  saith  my  author^,  he  taught  the  people 

taught  to    (who  till  then  knew  not  how  to  catch  any  fishes  but 

fiih. 

j  fiede,  Hist.  Ecd.  iv.  13.  Surrey  only.  So  little  was  its 
^  [The  kingdom  of  the  importance,  that  scarce  a  pass- 
South- Saxons  was  one  of  the  ing  notice  has  been  bestowed 
smallest  of  the  Saxon  heptar-  upon  its  history  by  Bede  or 
chy,  embracing  in  its  extent  the  other  chroniclers.] 
the  counties  of   Sussex    and        ^  Bede,  ib. 


CENT.  VII.  of  Britain.  229 

eels)  how  to  take  all  kind  of  fish  in  the  sea  and  A.D.679. 
rivers.  Strange !  that  thus  long  they  should  live  in 
ignorance  of  so  useful  a  trade,  being,  though  infidels, 
no  idiots;  especially  seeing  men's  capacities  come 
very  soon  to  be  of  age  to  understand  their  own 
profit :  and  the  examples  of  their  neighbours  might 
have  been  tutors  unto  them.  But  Wilfrith  after- 
ward wanted  no  hearers,  people  flocking  unto  him ; 
as  when  Christ  made  his  auditors  his  guests  they 
followed  after  him,  because  they  ate  of  the  loaves  and 
were  filled.  The  priests  Elappa,  Padda,  Burgfaelm, 
and  Oiddi,  assisted  in  baptizing  the  common  people ; 
and  king  iEdilwalch  gave  Wilfrith  a  piece  of  land, 
containing  eighty-seven  families,  at  Selsey,  where  he 
erected  a  bishop's  see,  since  translated  to  Chichester. 

102.  Amongst  other  good  deeds,  Wilfrith  freed  a  double 
two  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  maid  servants,  both^^^ 
out  of  soul  slavery,  and  bodily  bondage  ^  For,  having 
baptized  them,  he  procured  their  liberty  of  their 
masters,  which  they  (no  doubt)  cheerfiiUy  embraced, 
according  to  St.  Paul's  counsel.  Art  thou  called  a 
servant  f  care  not  for  it :  but  if  thou  may  est  be  made 
fireej  use  it  rather^.  And  thus  by  God's  blessing,  in 
the  space  of  eighty  and  two  years,  (from  five  hundred 
ninety-seven  to  six  hundred  seventy-nine,)  was  the 
whole  Saxon  heptarchy  converted  to  Christianity, 
imd  did  never  again  relapse  to  paganism. 

108.  Mention  being  lately  made  of  Wulfhere",  the  oodfathen 
Mercian  king,  his  being  godfather  unto  iEdilwalch,  ^  mature 
king  of  the  South-Saxons,  some  will  much  admire,*^ 
that  one  arrived  at  years  of  maturity,  able  to  render 
an  account  of  his  faith,  should  have  a  godfather, 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  ib.]  ™  i  Cor.  vii.  21.        "^  Parag.  99. 

q3 


280  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.679.  which  (with  swaddling-clouts)  they  conceive  belong 
to  infismts  alone.     Yet  this  was  very  fashionable  in 
that  age:  not  only  for  the  greater  state,  in  kings, 
princes,  and  public  persons,  but,  in  majorem  cautdam^ 
even  amongst  private  people.     For  such  susceptors 
were  thought  to  put  an  obligation  on  the  credits, 
and  by  reflexion  on  the  consciences,  of  new  Chris- 
tians, (whereof  too  many  in  those  days  were  bisiptized 
out  of  civil  designs,)  to  walk  worthy  of  their  pro- 
fession, were  it  but  to  save  their  friends*  reputation, 
who  had  undertaken  for  their  sincerity  therein. 
A.D.685.      104.  Cadwallader,  the  last  king  of  Wales,  wearied 
der  founds  out  with  War,  famine,  and  pestilence,  left  his  own 
horouS^at  ^^^^'  ^^^'  ^*^  some  small  treasure,  fled  to  Alan, 
^^^^®-       king  of  Little  Britain.     But  princes  are  welcome  in 
foreign  parts,  when  pleasure,  not  need,  brings  them 
thither ;  or  whilst  they  are  so  considerable  in  them- 
selves  as   to   command    their   own   entertainment. 
Whereas  this  distressed  king  his  company  was  be- 
held  not  only  as  useless  and  expensive,  but  dan- 
gerous, as  likely  to  draw  with  it  the  displeasure  of 
the  Saxon  kings,  his  enemies,  on  his  entertainer. 
But   it   seems   Cadwallader  had   better  friends  in 
heaven  than  any  he  found  on  earth,  if  it  be  true 
what  confidently  is  reported,  that  an  angel  appeared 
unto  him,  advising  him  to  go  to  Rome,  there  to  take 
on  him  the  habit  of  a  monk,  and  spend  the  remainder 
of  his  life®.     Here  he  purchased  lands,  all  by  the 
foresaid  angelical  direction,  built  an  house,  (after  his 
death  converted  into  an  hospital,)  and  by  his  will  so 
ordered  it,  that  certain  priests  of  his  own  country 
should   for   ever  have   the    rule    and   government 

o  Lewis  Owen  his  Running  Register,  p.  17.  [ed.  1626.] 


r.  VI  I.  of  Britain*  231 

Bof.   These  were  to  entertain  all  Welsh  pilgrims  a.p.  685. 

meat,  drink,  and  lodging  for  the  space  of  a 
th,  and  to  give  them  a  certain  sum  of  money 
a  viaticum    at   their   departure   towards   their 
ges  in  returning  to  their  o^  countryP. 
)5.  Many  a  year  did  this  hospital  flourish  in  since  inju- 

riously 

I  plenty,  till  the  middle  of  queen  Elizabeth  her  taken  from 
1;  when  fair  the  revenues  belonging,  and  few 
Welsh  pilgrims  repairing  thereto.     This  made 
3r  Parsons,  with  the  rest  of  our  English  Jesuits, 

an  envious  eye  thereon,  who  would  never  be 
t  until  they  had  obtained  of  pope  Gregory  the 
Ith  to  eject  the  old  British,  and  unite  this  hos- 
l  to  the  English  college  at  Rome.  This,  no 
3t,  stirred  up  the  Welsh  blood  of  Dr.  Morris, 
Lewis,  Dr.  Smith,  Mr.  Griffith,  who  in  vain 
ded  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  to  continue 

foimdation  to  their  countrymen.  In  my  poor 
ion,  seeing  an  angel  is  said  to  direct  in  the 
iding  and  endowing  of  this  hospital,  it  was  but 
hat  either  the  same  angel  appearing  again,  or 
e  other  of  an  higher,  or  at  least  equal  dignity 

[This  foolish  tale  of  Cad-  of  the   Welsh    chronicler,   in 

ider  or  Ceadwalla  going  to  which  he  has  been    followed 

e,  depends  wholly  on  the  by   some  others,  see  R.  Hig- 

jrity  of  Geoffry  of  Mon-  den's  Polychron.  p.  243,  (ed. 

;h,  arising  doubtless  from  Gale,)  and  J.  Fordun,  Hist, 

onf using  Ceadwalla,  king  Scot. iii.  4 1  .sq.  Were  not Bede's 

3  West- Saxons,  with  Cead-  authority  sufficient  to   decide 

I,  king  of  Wales,  who  was  the  point,  it  is  certain  that  no 

i  by  Oswald  in  the  year  Welshman  would   ever  think 

The  former  of  these  kings  at  that  time  of  making  a  pil- 

5  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  in  grimage    to    Rome.     This    is 

^ear  688,  and  died  there,  only  a  foolish  invention  of  later 

Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iii.  12,  times  to  magnify  the  import- 
ed V.  7.  Sax.  Chron.  an.  ance  of  the  church  at  Rome, 
I  so  did  his  successor  Ina.  which  the  Britons  at  that  time 
ecting  this  foolish  conceit  utterly  despised.  See  p.  174.I 

Q  4- 


fast 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


Theecde- 
nastical 
lawiof 
king  Ina. 


A.D.693.  and  degree  in  the  celestial  hierarchy,  should  have 
altered  the  use,  and  confirmed  the  alienation  thereof. 
But  of  this  more  hereafter^. 

106.  Ina,  king  of  the  West-Saxons,  about  this 
time  set  forth  his  Saxon  laws,  translated  into  English 
by  Mr.  Lambarde.  Eleven  of  his  laws  concerned 
church  matters;  kings  in  that  age  understanding 
their  own  power,  the  pope  having  not  as  yet  in- 
trenched on  their  just  prerogative.  These  constitu- 
tions were  concluded  on  by  the  king,  through  the 
persuasion  of  Cenred  his  father.  Hedda  and  Elrken- 
wald  his  bishops,  and  all  his  aldermen  and  wise 
senators  of  the  people.  Let  none  wonder  that  Ina, 
in  his  preface  to  these  laws,  termeth  Erkenwald  his 
bishop',  whose  see  of  London  was  properly  under 
the  king  of  the  East-Saxons.  For  he  might  call 
him  his  in  affection,  whose  diocese  was  in  another 
king's  possession ;  Ina  highly  honouring  Erkenwald 
for  his  piety,  and  therefore  inviting  him  (forward  of 
himself  to  all  goodness)  to  be  present  at  the  passing 
of  these  laws.     Besides,  some  assign  Surrey  as  part 


<1  Vide  annum  Domini  1 569. 
[Much  curious  information  re- 
specting this  college  will  be 
found  in  Ant.  Munday's '  Eng- 
'  lish  Roman  Life/  which  de- 
scribes the  author's  visit  to  this 
seminary,  and  the  manners  of 
its  scholars.  This  tract  was 
first  printed  in  the  year  1590^ 
and  since  reprinted  in  the  Har- 
leian  Miscellany^  II.  167.  ed. 
1 809.] 

^  [In  some  copies  of  this 
preamble^  as  in  that  printed  by 
Wilkins,  Cone.  I.  58,  the  words 
Herchenwoldi  episcopi  tnei  are 
omitted.    But  whether  Erken- 


wald was  present  or  not^  does 
not  affect  the  question  which 
is  here  raised.  Since  the  days 
of  his  predecessor  Ceadii'alia, 
the  whole  of  the  Cis-humbrian 
provinces  were  virtually,  for 
the  most  part  actually^  under 
the  dominion  of  the  West- 
Saxon  kings.  According  to 
Godwin,  Erkenwald  died  in 
the  year  685,  three  years  be- 
fore Ina's  accession;  but  he 
quotes  no  authority  for  this 
statement.  De  Preesul.  p.  17a. 
See  the  note  of  Spelman  in  his 
Concilia^  touching  the  chrono* 
logy  of  this  period.] 


CENT.  viT.  of  Britain.  29ft 

of  the  kingdom  of  the  West-SoxoDB^:  probably  at  a.  0.691. 
this  present  Ina's  puissance  sallied  over  the  Thames^ 
and  London  might  be  reduced  into  his  honorary 
protection.     But  see  here  a  breyiate  of  his  church  • 

laws^ 

i.  That  ministers  observe  their  appointed  form  of 
living. 

ii.  That  every  infant  be  baptized  within  thirty 
days  after  his  birth,  on  the  penalty  of  his  parents 
forfeiting  thirty  shillings ;  and  if  the  child  chance  to 
die  before  he  be  baptized,  all  his  estate. 

iii.  If  the  servant  doth  any  work  on  the  Lord's 
day  at  the  master's  command,  the  servant  shall  be 
acquitted  ^  and  the  master  pay  thirty  shillings.  But 
if  he  did  that  work  without  his  master's  command, 
let  him  be  beaten,  or  redeem  it  with  money,  &c.  A 
priest  offending  in  this  kind  was  to  be  double 
punished. 

iv.  The  first-fruits  of  seeds^  were  to  be  paid  to  the 
church  on  the  feast  of  St.  Martin,  on  the  penalty  of 
forty  shillings,  besides  the  payment  of  the  said  first- 
fruits  twelve  times  over. 

V.  If  any  deserving  stripes  d^  fly  to  a  church, 
his  stripes  shall  be  forgiven  him.  If  guilty  of  a 
capital  crime,  he  shall  enjoy  his  life,  but  make  re- 
compense according  to  what  is  right  and  due. 

*  Usher,  de  Brit.  Eccles.  p.  the  following  1 13th  paragraph. 

394=210.  [Neither  the   Latin    nor   the 

t  Spelman's  Concilia,  I.  182.  Saxon  (sj  he   freo)  admit  of 

[Wilkins^  I.  58,  and  IV.  744.  any  other  than  the  latter  in- 

Brompton*    in     Twysden,    p.  terpretation.] 
761.]  ^  [Cyricsceat,     church-scot, 

n  The  Latin,  liher  esto,  may  church-dues.        The      absurd 

not   only   import    a    freedom  translation  of  the  word  given 

from  fault,  but  also,  that  such  in  the  text  is  taken  from  Lom- 

a  slave-servant  should  be  ma-  barde.      See    Spelman's    and 

numissed  from  servitude.    See  Twysden's  Glossary,  s.  v.] 


SS4  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.692.  vi.  Fighters  in  the  king's  court  to  lose  their  goods, 
and  to  be  at  the  king's  mercy  for  their  life.  Such 
as  fight  in  the  church  to  pay  one  hundred  and  twenty 
shillings.  If  in  the  house  of  an  alderman  sixty 
shillings,  &c. 

vii.  Such  as  fitlsify  their  witness  or  pawn  in  the 
presence  of  the  bishop,  to  pay  one  hundred  and  twenty 
shillings. 

viii.  Several  penalties  of  money  imposed  on  those 
that  should  kill  a  stranger. 

ix.  Such  as  are  breakers  of  the  peace  in  the  town 
of  the  king  Or  bishop^  punishable  with  one  hundred 
and  twenty  shillings ;  in  the  town  of  an  alderman 
eight  shillings ;  in  the  town  of  one  of  the  king's  ser- 
vant8«  sixty  shillings,  &c. 

X.  First-fruits  of  all  seeds  were  to  be  paid  by 
housekeepers  as  due  from  that  place  wherein  they 
themselves  were  resident  on  the  day  of  Christ's 
nativity. 

xi.  What  sums  of  money  are  to  be  paid  by  such 
who  have  killed  their  godfathers  or  godsons. 

In  this  last  law  express  provision  is  made,  episcopi 
filitis  si  ocddatur^  in  case  the  son  of  a  bishop  be 
killed :  a  passage  impertinently  alleged  by  some  for 
the  proof  of  bishops  married  in  that  age;  seeing 
neither  sons  natural  nor  conjugal,  but  only  spiritual, 
at  the  font  are  thereby  intended.  Now  let  the 
learned  in  the  law  render  the  reason  why  murder  in 
that  age  was  not  punishable  with  death,  but  might 
be  bought  off  with  money. 
A.D.694.      107.  A  great  council  (for  so  it  is  tituled)  was  held 

^  [Ubi  sedes  ejus  est.]  *  [Thayni  regis.] 


CENT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


S35 


at  Baccanceldey  by  Wihtred,   king  of  Kent,   and  A.D.694. 
Brihtwald,  archbishop  of  Britain,  (so  called  therein,)  present  at 
understand  him  of  Canterbury,  wherein  many  things ^„«Sirf 
were   concluded  in   favour   of  the  church,      pive®**^*^*- 
Kentish  abbesses,  namely,  Mildred,  ^SEtheldrith,  -^te, 
Wilnode,  and  Herelwide,  were    not   only  present, 
but  subscribed  their  names  and  crosses  to  the  con- 
stitutions concluded  therein.     And  we  may  observe, 
that  their  subscriptions  are  not  only  placed  before 
and  above  all  presbyters,  but  also  above  Botred  a 
bishop',  (but  of  what  diocese  not  specified,)  present 
in  this  great  council.     It  seems  it  was  the  courtesy 
of  England  to  allow  the  upper  hand  to  the  weaker 
sex,  as  in  their  sitting,  so  in  their  subscriptions. 

108.  We  will  conclude  this  century  with  the  mi-RomMb 
raculous  holiness  of  iEtheldrith,  or  St.  Audre ;  pro-  a^'i 
fessing  at  first  to  be  afraid  to  adventure  on  so  high**"*"^^' 
a  subject,  disheartened  in  reading  a  popish  author  to 
rant  so  in  her  commendation.     ^^  Let  the  fabulous 
"  Greeks  talk  no  more  of  their  chaste  Penelope,  who 
in  the  twenty  years'  absence  of  her  husband  Ulysses 
lived  continently,  in  despite  of  the  tempting  im- 
portunity of  many  noble  wooers :  and  let  the  proud 


(t 


M 


«( 


7  ['*  Baccanoeld,  now  called 
*'  Babchild,  near  to  Sitting- 
"  bourne  on  the  Canterbury 
"  side,  being  about  midway 
"  between  the  coast  of  Kent 
^*  and  London^  and  therefore  a 
"  very  convenient  place  for  a 
"  Kentish  council.  At  this 
"  place,  not  many  years  since, 
"  were  the  visible  remains  of 
two  chapels  standing  very 
near  to  one  another,  on  the 
"  right  hand  of  the  road  from 
"  Canterbury  to  Sittingboume; 


t( 


<« 


''  the  present  church  stands  on 
"  the  opposite  side,  at  no  ^eat 
"  distance  from  them.  Dr.Plott 
"  many  years  since  observed  to 
"  me  that  this  and  other  cir- 
cumstances were  good  pre- 
sumptions that  this  was  the 
'*  old  Baccanceld,  the  place  for 
"  the  Kentish  councils."  John- 
son's Coll.  of  Canons,  in  an. 
692.  Wilkins,  I.  56.] 

<  Spelman's  Concil.  I.  190. 
[Wilkins,  I.  56.  IV.  754.] 


t* 


St 


S36  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  694.  '*  Romans  cease  to  brag  of  their  fair  Lucretia,  that 
"  ehose  rather  to  become  the  bloody  instrameBt  of 
^^  her  own  death,  than  to  live  aiW  the  violent 
^^  ravishment  of  her  honour :  and  let  all  the  world 
^^  turn  their  minds  to  admire,  and  their  tongues  and 
^^  pens  to  sound  the  praises  of  the  Christian  virtues 
^^  and  chastity  of  our  blessed  Ethelred,"  &c.^  But 
leaving  the  bubbles  of  his  rhetoric  to  break  of  them- 
selves, on  serious  considerations  we  are  so  hr  from 
admiring,  it  is  more  than  we  can  do  to  excuse  this 
St.  Audre,  as  her  story  is  reported. 

Twice  a         109-  This  Audro  was  daughter  to  Anna  king  of 

iNrif(Ba  still  &  

maid.  the  East-Angles,  and  from  her  in&ncy  a  great 
affecter  of  virginity  ^  However,  she  was  over-per- 
suaded to  marry  one  Tondberct,  prince  of  the  Fen- 
land  S  with  whom  she  lived  three  years  in  the  bands 
of  unexperienced  wedlock,  both  by  mutual  consent 
abstaining  from  carnal  copulation.  After  his  death, 
so  importunate  were  her  friends  with  her,  that  she 
married  with  Egfith  king  of  Northumberland. 
Pretoided  110.  Strange,  that  being  once  free,  she  would 
^in^  again  entangle  herself;  and  stranger,  that  being 
justice.  married,  she  utterly  refused  to  afford  her  husband 
what  the  apostle  calls  due  benevolence^  though  he 
by  importunate  entreaties  requested  the  same.  Being 
benevolence,  it  was  uncharitable  to  deny  it ;  being 
due,  it  was  unjust  to  detain  it ;  being  both,  she  was 
uncharitable  and  unjust  in  the  same  action.  Was 
not  this  a  mockage  of  marriage  (if  in  that  age 
counted  a  sacrament)  solemnly  to  give  herself  unto 
her  husband,  whom  formerly  she  had  passed  away  by 

»  H.  Porter's  Flowers  of  the         c  [Australium  Girviorum.] 
Saints,  p.  393.  d  i  Cor.  vii.  3. 

^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  iv.  19.] 


CXNT.  VII. 


of  Britain. 


j»7 


a  jwevious  vow  of  virginity?  At  last  she  wrested  a.p.6^ 
leave  from  her  hnsband  to  live  a  nun  in  the  monas- 
teiy  of  Ely,  which  she  built  and  endowed.  After 
her  entrance  therein  she  ever  wore  woollen,  and  never 
linen  about  her*:  which,  whether  it  made  her  more 
holy,  or  less  cleanly,  let  others  decide.  Our  author 
tells  us®,  that  in  memory  of  her,  our  English  women 
are  wont  to  wear  about  their  necks  a  certain  chain 
made  of  fine  small  silk,  which  they  call  ^^theldrith's 
chain.  I  must  profess  myself  not  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  sex,  as  either  to  confute  or  confirm  the 
truth  thereof.  At  last  she  died  of  a  swelling  in  her 
throat,  and  was  buried  in  Ely. 

111.  Sixteen  years  her  corpse  slept  in  a  private  A.D.695. 
grave  near  her  own  convent ;  when  it  came  into  thCciSiuMmo- 
head  of  bishop  Wilfrith  and  her  friends  to  bestow  ^j^^Ste!'' 
on  her  a  more  costly  burial.     But  alas !  the  soft  and 
fenny  ground  of  Ely  Isle  (where  scarce  a  stone  big 
enough  to  bury  a  worm  under  it)  afforded  not  a 
tombstone  for  that  purpose.     Being  thus  at  a  loss, 
their  want  is  said  to  be  miraculously  supplied^;  for 
under  the  ruined  walls  of  Grantcbester,  or  Cam- 
bridge^,  a    cofiin  was   found,   with   a  cover  cor- 
respondent, both  of  white  marble,  which  did  fit  her 
body  so  exactly,  as  if  (which  one  may  believe  was 


<i  Bede,  Hist  Bed.  iv.  19. 

«  Porter,  in  his  Flowers  of 
the  Saints,  p.  601.  Harpsfield, 
[Hist.  Eod.  p.  85.] 

f  Beda,  ib. 

iT  [Grantchester  near  Cam- 
bridge. Bede  attributes  this 
circumstance  to  Sexburg  sister 
of  iBtheldrith,  wife  of  Earcon- 
berct,  king  of  Kent,  who  sno- 
ceeded  her  sister  as  abbess.  He 


appears  however  to  have  taken 
his  narrative  from  Wilfrith: 
and  his  words  are  remarkable 
"Kpon  this  occasion  :^— ''  sicut  et 
"  preefatos  Wilfrid  et  multi 
"  alii  qui  novere  testantur. 
*'  Sed  oertiofi  netitU  medicas 
"  Cynifrid  qui  et  morienti  illi, 
"  et  elevate  detnmuloadfmty" 
&c.] 


288  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.696.  true)  it  was  made  for  it.   Herein  was  Audre's  corpse 

stately  enshrined,  and  for  many  years  superstitiously 

adored. 

Confuted        112.  But  Jo.  Caius,  fellow  of  Gonvile-hall,  within 

dibie  wit-   ten  miles  of  Ely,  at  the  dissolution  of  abbeys,  being 

"^'         reputed  no  great  enemy  to  the  Romish  religion  ^ 

doth  on  his  own  knowledge  report, 

Quamquam  illius  eevi  cee.  "  Although  the  blindness  of 
citas  admirationem  in  eo  '*  that  age  bred  admiration  there- 
parity  quod  regnante  Hen.  *'  in,  yet  when  the  tomb  was 
nuper  VIII,  dirutum  idem  "  plucked  down  in  the  reign  of 
sepulchrum  ex  lapide  com.  "  king  Henry  the  Eighth,  it  was 
muni  fuit,  non,  ut  Beda  ''  found  made  of  common  stone, 
narrat,  ex  albo  marmore'.  "  and   not  of  white  marble,    as 

"  Bede  reporteth." 

Thus  was  her  tomb  degraded  and  debased  one  degree, 
which  makes  the  truth  of  all  the  rest  to  be  suspected. 
And  if  all  popish  miracles  were  brought  to  the  test, 
they  would  be  found  to  shrink  from  marble  to 
common  stone,  nay,  from  stone  to  dirt  and  untem- 
pered  mortar. 
A.D.697.  113.  It  is  needless  here  to  insert  the  canons  con- 
ca  at  Berk-  cluded  ou  at  Berkhcmpstead  by  Wihtred  king  of  Kent, 
*^P«^and  Brihtwald  archbishop  of  Canterbury.  First, 
because  topical,  confined  to  that  small  kingdom. 
Secondly,  hard  to  be  understood,  as  depending  on 
some  Saxon  law-terms,  whereon  conjectures  are  the 
best  comment.  Thirdly,  such  as  are  understood  are 
obsolete,  viz.  if  a  master  gave  his  servant  flesh  to  eat 
on  a  fasting-day,  his  servant  was  on  the  refusal,  and 
complaint  thereof,  to  be  made  free^.  Some  punish- 
ments therein  were  very  absurdly  proportioned,  viz. 

^  [See  Strype*8  Parker,  p.  ^  Spelman*s  Concil.  I.  196, 
199.]  &c.   [Wilkins,  I.  60.] 

i  In  his  Hist.  Cantab,  i.  p.  8. 


CKNT.  VII. 


of  Britain, 


239 


six  shillings  or  a  whipping  was  to  be  paid  by  that  a.d.  697. 
servant  who  ate  flesh  on  &sting-days ;  and  just  the 
same  penalty  was  inflicted  on  him  if  convicted  of 
oflering  oblations  to  the  Devil,  as  if  equal  their 
oflences.  And  be  it  remembered,  that  this  council 
was  kept  cum  viris  quUmsdam  militaribus^  ^'some 
"  soldiers  being  present  thereat ;  **  and  yet  the  fifth 
canon  therein  was  made  to  punish  adultery  in  men 
of  their  profession. 

114.  As   for  bishop  Wilfrith^  whom  lately  wewflfHth 
mentioned  so  active  about  the  removal  of  St.  Audreys  yJSJ]^ 
corpse,  he    was  about  this    time   restored   to   his°"^ 
bishopric  of  York™.     Whereupon  he  fairly  quitted 
the  bishopric  of  Selsey,  which  Edilwalch,  and  after 
Ceadwalla,  kings  of  Sussex,  bestowed  upon  him", 
and  returned  to  York.    It  is  much  this  rolUng  stone 
should  gather  so  much  moss,  and  get  wealth  enough 
to  found  two  monasteries ;  who  sometimes  had  three 
bishoprics  together,  York,  Lindisfam,  and  Hagul- 
stad^;   sometimes  none   at  all,  living  many  years 
together  in  exile.      And  indeed  he  continued  not 


1  [He  was  restored  to  his 
see  in  the  second  year  of  Aid- 
frith  king  of  Northumberland, 
anno  686,  after  he  had  been 
reconciled  to  archbishop  Theo- 
dore»  who  wrote  a  letter  to 
iEthelred  king  of  Mercia  in 
Wilfritfa's  favour.  Heddius^ib. 
ch.  xlii.  Five  years  after  this 
he  was  again  driven  from  his 
•eat  by  king  Alfred  and  the 
prelates,  and  returning  a  second 
time  to  Rome  was  acquitted 
of  all  charges  brought  against 
him,  by  John  V.,  who  wrote  a 
letter  in  his  behalf  to  ^thelred 
and  Alfred.  Bede,  Hist.  Ecd. 
V.  19.] 


™  [In  the  year  686,  by  the 
favour  of  king  Aldfrith,  who 
had  succeeded  his  brother  Ecg- 
frith  in  the  kingdom  of  North- 
umberland. He  also  restored 
to  Wilfrith  the  monastery  of 
Rippon,  and  gave  him  at  the 
same  time  the  bishopric  of 
Hexham.  In  the  following 
year  St.  Cuthbert  died,  and 
Wilfrith  held  the  vacant  see  of 
Lindisfame  for  a  year.  See 
Heddius,  ib.  ch.  Yliii.  Flor. 
Wigom.  an.  686,  687.] 

^  [See  Heddius,  ib.  ch.  xli.] 
o    [That    is,     Hexham    in 
Northumberland.] 


240  The  Church  History  of  Britain.        book  ii. 

A.D.^7.  long  in  York,  but  being  expelled  them^e  again,  wbs 
for  a  time  made  lushop  of  Leicester.  Nor  wns  the 
king  of  Northimiberland  content  with  his  bare  ex- 
pulsion, but  also  he  would  have  him  confess  the 
same  legal,  and  resign  it  according  to  the  late  de- 
crees which  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  had  made 
against  him.  But  more  hereof,  God  willing,  in  the 
next  century. 


THE  EIGHTH  CENTURY. 


THOM^  ADAMIDI,  SENATORI  LONDINENSI, 

MEC(ENATI  MEO." 

In  hoc  tanta  rerum  vicUsiludine,  quis,  qui  ie  novii,  con- 
siantiam  Uiam  nan  auspicit?  Undique  turbatur ;  Tu 
interim  tibimet  ipsi  iota  tranquiUitas,  cum  Deo  et  bonis 
et  atudits  tuis  vacas. 

Perlegas,  guaso,  hanc  Cefituriam,  vel  eo  nomine,  qiiod 
Jitnera  tni  et  met  Bedce  exhibeat.  Tuum  dico,  quia 
haud  ita  pridem  sub  anspidis  painynatiis  liii,  iypit 
Saxonicis  piikkenimus  prodiit ;  meum,  quo  authore  {vel 
potius  authoribua)  in  hoc  opere  toties  u-sus  sum.  Plu- 
ribus  viro  occvpaiisstmo  molestu't  esse  nolo.      Vule. 

lAINFUL    Wilfrith    was    no    sooner  A.D.7 


out  of  one  trouble,  but  he  was  engaged  wiifriih 
in  another.  Hereupon"  Harpsfield  p?;^'^'^ 
calls  him  the  Athanasius  of  that  age ;  ^^^"^ 
only,  saith  he,  that  father  was  perse- Northiim. 

cuted  by  heretics,  and  this  Wilfrith  by  catholics. 

He  might  have  added,  that  Athanasius  was  troubled 

■  [Of  this  generous  patron  "  Araby,  kappg  as  all  novelties 
of  learning  and  learned  men,  ''  at  the  first,  would  soon  be- 
Fuller  has  given  the  following  "  come  desert,  yet  it  seems  it 
account  in  his  History  of  Cam-  "  thrived  bo  well,  that  the  sa- 
bridge,  p.  166,  "Thomas  "  lary  was  settled  on  Abraham 
"  Adams,  then  citizen,  since  "  Whelock,  fellow  of  Clare 
"  lord  mayor  of  London,  de-  "  hall,"  By  his  munificence 
"  servedly  commended  for  his  Whelock  was  enabled  to  bring 
"  Christian  constancy  in  all  out  his  edition  of  Bede.  In 
"  conditions,  founded  tui  Are-  the  dedication  of  this  work  he 
"  bian  professorship,  on  con-  has  paid  a  just  compliment  to 
"  dition  it  were  frequented  Adams.  Amts  r  Ermine,  three 
"  with  competency  of  auditors,  cat-a- mountains  passant  guard< 
"  And  notwithstanding  the  ge-  ant  in  pale  azure.] 
"  neral  jealousy  that  this  new  •>  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  95. 


24S 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.  701.  for  essential  and  doctrinal  truths,  whilst  Wilfirith 
was  vexed  about  ceremonious  and  circumstantial  mat- 
ters. And  nowAldfrith,  who  succeeded  Ecgfrith,kmg 
of  Northumberland,  powerfully  opposed  him,  being 
the  paramount  prince,  and  in  effect  monarch  of  the 
Saxon  heptarchy*^.  For,  as  we  have  noted  before, 
amongst  these  seven  kings,  as  amongst  the  planets, 
there  was  ever  one  sun  that  outshined  all  the  rest. 
This  Aldfrith,  joining  with  Brihtwald,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  called  a  council,  and  simimoned  Wilfnth, 
who  appeared  there  accordingly**.  But  being  de- 
manded whether  he  would  obey  the  decrees  of 
Theodore  late  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  he  warily 
returned.  That  he  was  willing  to  obey  them  so  far  as 
they  were  consonant  to  the  holy  canons.  This  an- 
swer was  not  satisfactory  to  his  adversaries,  as  having 
in  it  too  little  of  a  grant  to  please  them,  and  yet  not 
enough  of  a  denial  to  give  them  a  just  offence.  Then 
they  sought  by  fair  means  to  persuade  him,  because 
much  trouble  had  arose  in  the  church  about  him, 
voluntarily  to  resign  under  hand  and  seal  his  pos- 
sessions and  archbishopric ;  affirming,  it  would  be  a 
glorious  act  to  prefer  the  public  good  before  his 
private  profit.  But  Wilfrith  persisted  loyal  to  his 
own  innocence,  affirming  such  a  cession  might  be 
interpreted  a  confession  of  his  guiltiness,  and   ap- 


^  [Spelman's  arrangement  of 
the  chronology  of  this  period 
is  certainly  wrong.  Aldfrith 
succeeded  his  brother  £cgfrith 
in  the  year  685.  (Saxon  Chron. 
and  Flor.  Worcest.  in  an.  685.) 
In  the  second  year  of  his  reign 
Aldfrith  restored  Wilfrith  to 
his  see.  Five  years  after  (691) 
he   was  accused  by  the   king 


himself  and  several  of  the  bi- 
shops, and  banished.  (Bede, 
Hist.  Eccl.  V.  20.)  The  date 
of  this  council  ought  therefore 
to  have  been  placed  in  the 
year  69 1 ,  and  not  in  70 1 .] 

^  Malmsb.  de  Gestis  Pont, 
iii.  f.  151^  b.  Spelman's  Con. 
cil.  I.  201.     [Wilkins,  I  6.] 


CKNT.  viii.  of  Britain,  243 

pealed  from  that  council  to  his  holiness:  and  this  a. p. 705- 
tough  old  man,  being  seventy  years  of  age,  took  a 
journey  to  Rome,  there  to  tug  it  out  with  his  adver- 
saries. 

2.  They  accused  him  of  contumacy,  that  he  had  Wiifnth 
contemptuously  denied  canonical  obedience  to  the  to  Rome, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury*.  He  cleared  himself,  and  Quitted. 
complained  that  he  had  been  unjustly  deprived,  and 
that  two  monasteries  of  his  own  founding,  Rippon 
and  Hexham,  were  violently  detained  from  him. 
No  fewer  than  seventy  several  councils^  (understand 
thetti  so  many  several  meetings  of  the  conclave) 
were  assembled  in  four  months,  and  employed  only 
or  chiefly  about  deciding  of  this  difference :  belike 
there  were  intricacies  therein  more  than  are  specified 
in  authors,  (knots  to  employ  so  many  cunning  fin- 
gers to  untie  them,)  or  else  the  court  of  Rome  was 
well  at  leisure.  The  sentence  of  pope  John  the 
Seventh  passed  on  his  side,  and  his  opposers  were 
sent  home  with  blame  and  shame,  whilst  Wilfrith 
returned  with  honour,  managing  his  success  with 
much  moderation,  equally  commendable,  that  his 
innocence  kept  him  from  drooping  in  afiliction,  and 
his  humility  from  insulting  in  prosperity. 

8.  Brihtwald,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  humbly  He  is  at 
entertained  the  pope's  letters  in  behalf  of  Wilfrith,  g^,^"  and 
and  welcomed  his  person  at  his  return.  But  Aldfrith,  J^ '  an. 
king  of  Northumberland,  refused  to  reseat  him  in  709- 
his    bishopric,   stoutly   maintaining,    "  that   it   was 
**  against  reason  to  communicate  with  a  man  twice 


e  [Bede,  Hirt.  Eccl.  v.  19.] 

f  "  Septuaginta  conciliabula  coacta."    Malmsbury,  ib.  f.  152. 

R  2 


244 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.  705.  "  condemned  by  the  council  of  England,  notwith- 
"  standing  all  apostolic  commands  in  favour  of  him  if." 
But  soon  after  he  fell  dangerously  sick,  a  consequent 
of,  and  therefore  caused  by  his  former  stubbornness ; 
as  those  that  construe  all  events  to  the  advantage  of 
the  Roman  see,  interpret  this  a  punishment  on  his 
obstinacy.     Suppled  with  sickness,  he  confessed  his 
fault ;  and  so  Wilfiith  was  restored  to  his  place  **; 
whose  life  was  like  an  April  day,  (and  a  day  thereof 
is  a  month  for  variety,)  often  interchangeably  fair 
and  foul ;  and  after  many  alterations  he  set  fair  in 
fiiU  lustre  at  last.     Being  forty-five  years  a  bishop, 
in  the  seventy-sixth  year  of  his  age,  he  died,  and 
was  buried  in  his  monastery  at  Rippon.     And  as  he 
had  been  a  great  traveller  when  living,  so  his  bones 
took  one  journey  after  his  death,  being  translated  by 
Odo,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  from  Rippon  to  Can- 
terbury, in  reparation  (perchance)  for  those  many 
wrongs  which  the  predecessors  of  Odo  had  done  to 
this  Wilfrith'.     Let  not  therefore  the  papists  vaunt 
immoderately  of  the  unity  of  their  church,  neither 
let  them  uncharitably  insult  on  our  unhappy  dif- 
ferences, seeing  by  the  confession  of  their  own  au- 
thors there  was  digladiabile  odium,  "  hatred  (as  one 


K. ''  Contra  rationem,  homini 
"  jam  bis  a  toto  Anglorum  con. 
'*  cilio  damnato^  propter  quseli- 
"  bet  Apostolica  scripta  com- 
•*  municare."  Malmsbury,  de 
Gestis  Pontificum,  ib.  f.  152. 

i>  [According  to  Bede,  ( Hist. 
Eccl.  V.  20,)  he  was  not  restored 
in  the  time  of  Aldfrith,  but  by 
Osred  his  son,  who  succeeded 
him,  in  the    year    705.      See 


also  Flor.  Wigorn.,  and  Saxon 
Chron.  an.  705.] 

'  Godwin,  De  Prsesul.  Angl. 
p.  654.  "  Illi  viri  quos  sanctis- 
"  simos  celebrat  antiquitas, 
**  Theodorus,  Bertualdus.  Jo. 
"  hannes,  Bosa,  nee  non  et 
"  Hilda  Abbatissa,  digladiabili 
"  odio  impetierint  Wilfirid- 
••  um  Deo^— acceptissimmn." 
[Malmsb.  ib.  f.  152.] 


CKNT.  VIII. 


of  Britain. 


245 


"  may  say)  even  to  daggers  drawing"  betwixt  Wil-  a.  p.  705. 
frith  and  certain  principal  persons,  conceived  signal 
for  sanctity  in  that  age,  and  sithence  put  into  the 
calendar  of  their  saints.  And  it  is  as  sure,  as  sad  a 
truth,  that  as  long  as  corruption  resides  in  the  bosoms 
of  the  best,  there  will  be  dissensions,  inflamed  by 
malicious  instruments,  betwixt  pious  people,  which 
otherwise  agree  in  main  matters  of  religion. 

4.  The  bishopric  of  Sherbom  was  taken  out  of  Sherbom 

t&lCflD  out 

the  bishopric  of  WinchestefJ  by  king  Ina,  and  Ald-of  Win- 
helm  his  kinsman  made  first  bishop  thereof^.  I  find  jhopnc  *" 
no  compensation  given  to  the  see  of  Winchester  for 
this  great  canton  cut  out  of  it:  as  in  after-ages, 
when  Ely  was  taken  out  of  Lincoln  diocese,  the 
manor  of  Spaldwick  in  Huntingdonshire  was  given 
by  king  Henry  the  First  to  Lincoln,  in  reparation  of 
its  loss,  for  so  much  of  the  jurisdiction  taken  from 
it.  But  at  this  time,  when  Sherbom  was  parted 
from  Winchester,  the  damage  to  Winchester  ac- 
cruing thereby  was  not  considerable;  episcopal  juris- 
diction in  that  age  not  being  beneficial,  but  rather 
burdensome.  So  that  Winchester  might  turn  her 
complaints  into  thankfulness,  })eing  thus  eased  of 
her  cumbersome  greatness.  This  Aldhelm,  bishop 
of  Sherbom,  was  the  first  of  our  English  nation  who 


J  [This  division  was  made  at 
a  synod  held  about  the  year 
705.  (See  Wilkins'  Concil.  I. 
p.  70,  and  Wharton's  Ang.  Sac. 
II.  p.  20.)  Most  probably  in 
conformity  to  the  resolutions 
made  at  the  council  of  Heath, 
tield  in  680  (Bede,  Hist.  Eccl. 
iv.  1 7.),  and  the  growing  neces- 
sities of  that  large  province, 
but  slowly  converted  to  Chris- 


tianity. Daniel  was  appointed 
to  the  diocese  of  Winchester.] 
^  [Bede,  Hist.  Eccl.  v.  18. 
See  the  life  of  this  bishop 
written  at  considerable  length 
by  Will.  Malmsb.  in  Whar- 
ton's Angl.  Sac.  II.  i^  and  in 
Gale's  Scriptores,  I.  337.  See 
also  Malmsb.  ]>i»  Gestis  Reg^ 
f.  6.] 


_     c% 


5546  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  705.  wrote  in  Latin,  and  the  first  that  taught  Englishmen 
to  make  Latin  verse^  according  to  his  promise*. 

Primus  ego  in  patriam  inecum,  modo  vita  superdt, 
Aonio  rediens  deducam  vertice  musas. 

If  life  me  last,  that  I  do  see  that  native  soil  of  mine. 
From  Aon  top  1*11  first  with  me  bring  down  the  muses  nine. 

He  wrote  many  works ;  one  of  virginity™,  another 

of  the  celebration  of  Easter:  and  about  this  time 

the  libraries  of  monasteries  began  to  be  replenished 

with  books,  many  being  vmtten  in  that  age. 

.Multitude       5.  By  the  way,  one  mistake  (I  could  not  have 

created  by  discemed  it  mysclf,  had  not  a  learned  writer  disco- 

amu    e.  ^^j^^j  }^  ^j^^^  ^^^^  uiakcs  books  of  this  age  more 

numerous,  and  the  kings  therein  more  learned  than 
indeed  they  were".  Namely,  because  every  Latin 
charter  granted  by  any  king  to  a  monastery  is  termed 
by  the  Saxon  writers,  liber  or  libellus^  "  a  book  V 
Wlierefore,  when  they  tell  us  of  such  and  such 
books  made  by  the  Saxon  kings,  understand  we 
most  of  them  of  their  charters  of  donation.  In 
which  sense  king  Edgar,  who  some  two  hundred 
years  after  this  time  founded  as  many  monasteries 
as  weeks  in  the  year,  and  consequently  made  as 
many  charters,  was  a  voluminous  writer  of  no  less 
than  fifty-two  books.  And  yet  this  large  acception 
of  books  will  not  make  up  the  number  which  Bale 
and  Pitz  pretend  they  have  seen  in  this  age.     A 

^  Camden's  Britannia  in  Wilt-  that  the  word  *'  libellus,"  being 

shire,  [p.  177.]  used  for  a  translation  of  the 

^  Bede,  [Hist.  Eccl.  v.  19.]  word  "  book,"  came  to  signify 

°  Spelman's  Concil.  I.  210.  a  charter.     The  word  *•  book 


o  [The  lands  of  the  Saxons  is  frequently  used  in  our  early 

which   were   held    by    charter  English  writers  in  as  extensive 

was    called    "  boc-land, "    or  a  sense.] 
**  book.land  :"  it  was  from  this 


CKNT.  Till.  of  Britain.  247 

vanity  in  them  to  affect  a  title-learning,  (though  a  A.D.705. 
stationer's  apprentice  after  some  weeks'  experience 
might  excel  them  therein,)  and  the  greater,  because 
many  imaginary  authors  which  they  make  as  if  they 
had  seen,  either  were  never  extant,  or  long  since 
extinguished. 

6.  But  the  multitude  of  books  increaseth  not  our  The  nume- 
marvel  so  much  as  the  numerosity  of  saints,  such  as  ^l^aamti 
they  were,  in  this  age ;  whereof  four  parts  of  five,  *"  *^  ■**• 
according  to  the  heraldry  of  such  who  wrote  their 
lives,  were  of  royal  or  noble  extraction.  It  addeth 
to  the  wonder,  because  St.  Paul  saith,  Not  many 
noble  are  called^:  except  any  confine  that  observation 
of  the  apostle  to  times  of  persecution,  whereas  Chris- 
tianity now  in  England  flourished  in  all  peace  and 
prosperity.  But,  to  render  their  noble  parentage  at 
this  time  the  more  probable,  know,  that  imder  the 
Saxon  heptarchy  royalty  was  increased  sevenfold  in 
England,  which  must  beget  a  proportionable  multi- 
plication of  nobility  attending  them.  Yet,  when  all 
is  done,  as  the  Jewish  rabbins,  on  their  bare  tradition, 
without  ground  from  scripture,  make  Ruth  the 
dau^ter  to  Eglon  king  of  Moab,  merely  to  make 
the  descent  of  their  kmg  David  from  her  the  more 
illustrious:  so  it  is  suspicious,  that  to  advance  the 
temporal  reputation  of  these  saints,  such  monks  as 
wrote  their  lives  causelessly  clarified  and  refined 
many  of  their  bloods  into  noble  extraction.  How- 
ever, if  truly  pious  indeed,  such  saints  have  the  best 
nobility  in  the  scripture  sense,  Tfiese  were  more 
nobhy  because  titey  received  the  word  with  all  readiness 
of  mind^. 

P  1  Cor.  i.  26.  <I  Acts  xvii.  11. 


eremite. 


248  The  Church  History  >ook  ii. 

A.D.  708.      7.  Of  these  noble  saints,  St.  Guthiake,  a  Bene- 
st.  Outh-    dictine  monk,  was  the  first  Saxon  that  professed  an 
li«t  &xon  eremitical  life  in  England ;   to  which  purpose  he 
chose  a  fenny  place  in  Lincolnshire,  called  Crow- 
land,  that  is,  the  raw,  or  crude-land*^;  so  raw  indeed, 
that  before  him  no  man  could  digest  to  live  therein. 
Yea,  the  devils  are  said  to  claim  this  place  as  their 
peculiar,  and  to  call  it  "  their  own  land".**     Is  any 
place  but  the  prison  of  hell  properly  theirs?  Yet 
wonder  not  at  their  presumption,  pretending  this  spot 
of  ground  to  be  theirs,  whose  impudence  durst  affirm 
that  God  had  given  them  all  the  world,  and  the  glory 
thereof^.     Could  those  infernal  fiends,  tortured  with 
immaterial  fire,  take  any  pleasure,  or  make  any  ease 
to  themselves   by  paddling  here   in   puddles,   and 
dabbling  in  the  moist  dirty  marshes  ?  However,  Guth- 
lake  took  the  boldness  to  enter  common  with  them, 
and  erect  his  cell  in  Crowland.  But  if  his  prodigious 
life  may  be  believed,  ducks  and  mallards  do  not  now 
flock  thither   faster  in  September,   than   herds   of 
devils  came  about  him;  all  whom  he  is  said  vic- 
toriously to*  have  vanquished.     But,  whom  Satan's 
power   could   not   foil,  his   policy  had   almost  de- 
stroyed ;  by  persuading  Guthlake  to  fast  forty  days 
and  nights  together,  after  the  example  of  Moses  and 
Elias'*;  till,  finding  this  project  destructive  to  nature, 
he  was  forced  in  his  own  defence  to  take  some  neces- 
sary, but  very  sparing  refection.     He  died  in  his 

^  [See  Ingulphi  Hist.  Croy-  p.  263,  and  in  the  Acta  Sane- 
land,  p.  5.     The  Hfe  of  St.  torum,  xi  April,  t.  II.  p.  38.] 
Outhlake,  written  by  Felix,  a         «  Porter'8   Flowers   of  the 
monk  who  lived  in  the  middle  Saints,  p.  348. 
of  the  same  century,  has  been         t  Matt.  iv.  8. 
published  by  Mabillon  in  his         «  Porter,  ibid.  p.  347. 
Act.  Sanct.  Benedict.  Sac.  III. 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain.  249 

own  cell,  and  Pega  bis  sister,  an  anchoritess,  led  a  A.D.708. 
solitary  life  not  far  from  liim'^. 

8.  Eoves  also,  a  poor  plain  man,  was  eminent  in  a  swimiOi 
this  age^:  a  shepherd,  say  some ;  a  neatherd,  others ;  monk, 
a  swineherd,  say  the  third  sort,  and  that  most  pro- 
bable. For  whilst  he  lived  in  Worcestershire,  not 
fiir  fi^m  the  river  Avon,  the  Virgin  Mary  is  said  to 
have  appeared  unto  him,  even  where  (farewell  all 
good  tokens)  "  he  found  a  lost  sow  with  seven  pigs 
"  sucking  upon  hery,"  and  to  have  given  order  that 
in  that  very  place  a  monastery  should  be  erected  to 
her  honour.  The  beastly  monk  who  made  this  vision 
had  e'en  learned  as  far  as  Virgil's  iEneids,  whence  he 
fetched  the  platform  of  this  pretty  conceit,  a  place  so 
marked  being  foretold  fortunate  to  iEneas,  to  found 
Alba  (since  Rome)  therein. 

Litoreis  ingens  inventa  sub  ilicibus  sus 
Tri^nta  capitum  foetus  enixa  jacebit 
Alba  solo  recubans,  albi  circum  ubera  nati : 
Hie  locus  urbis  erit,  requies  ea  certa  laboruni^. 

Where  under  oaks  on  shore  there  shall  be  found 
A  mighty  sow,  all  white,  cast  on  the  ground, 
With  thirty  sucking  pigs;  that  place  is  ""sign'd 
To  build  your  town,  and  ease  your  wearied  mind. 

Here  the  monk,  mutatis  mutandis^  (but  principally 
shrinking  the  number  of  the  pigs  from  thirty  to 
seven,  as  more  mystical,)  he  applies  the  apparition  to 
his  purpose.  A  pretty  parallel,  that  pagan  Rome, 
and   popish   superstition,  if  hue-and-cry  should  be 

w  [She  afterwards  went  to         ^  [See  Wharton's  Ang.  Sac. 

llome  and  died  there.    For  an  I.  470.] 

account  of  her  and  others,  sue-         7  Godwin,  De  Prffisul.  Angl. 

cessors  of  Guthlake,  see   In-  p.  448. 
giilph  Hist.  Croyl.  p.  5.]  '  iEneidos  lii.  390. 


S50  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  708.  made  after  them,  might  be  discovered  bj  the  same 
marks.    This  gave  the  first  motion  to  the  foundation 
of  Eovesham  abbey,  so  called  from  Eoves  aforesaid, 
first  built  in  that  sow-place. 
TheiirKt        9-  But  the  buildiug  thereof  was  hastened  by  a 
h^^"^^    second,  more  neat  and  cleanly,  apparition  of  the 
E^'uiid*"  Virgin  Mary  in  the  same  place ;  who  is  pretended  to 
have  shewed  herself,  with  two  maiden-attendants,  to 
Ecgwin,  bishop  of  Worcester,  prompting  him  to  ex- 
pedite a  structure  therein  •.     Ecgwin  posts  presently 
to  Rome,  and  makes  fSsiith  of  this  vision  to  Con- 
stantino the  pope ;  who  convinced  in  his  judgment 
of  the  truth  thereof,  dispatcheth  his  commands  to 
A.  D.  709.  Brightwald,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  assemble  a 
sjnttod  at  Alnecester  in  Worcestershire,  to  promote 
the  building  of  an  abbey  in  that  place :  which  was 
done  accordingly,  and  the  same  was  boimtifully  en- 
dowed by  Offa,  and  other  Mercian  kings,  with  very 
large  revenues.     And  not  long  after,  another  synod, 
saith  my  author^  was  called  at  London,  to  intro- 
duce into  England  the  doctrine  of  image-worship, 
not  heard  of  before,  and  now  first  beginning  to  ap- 
pear in  the  public  practice  thereof. 
Binnius         10.  Here  we  expected  that  Binnius  and  Baronius, 
nhw  RuiJ^n,  two  of  the  Romish  champions,  should  have  been 
•"*  ^^^'    both  joyful  at,  and  thankful  for  this  London  synod 
in  favour  of  image-worship,  a  point  so  beneficial  to 
the  popish  coffers.     But  behold  them,  contrary  to 
our  expectation,  sad  and  sullen ;  insomuch  as  they 

A  Spelmans  Concil.  I.  210.  authoribus,   Nauclero  viz.   et 

[Wilkins,  I.  71.]  Bolaeo.  [Cent.  i.  §.  91.   See  the 

*>  Magdcburgenses     Centur.  remarks  of  Spelmanj  ib.    They 

[Cent.  VIII.  §.  9.  p.  536.  ed.  are  also  in  Wilkins,  I.  72.] 
fiasil.]     Sed  ex  recentioribus 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain,  261 

cast  away  the  credit  of  this  synod,  as  of  no  account,  A.D.709. 
and  disdain  to  accept  the  same.  For,  say  they,  long 
before,  by  Augustine  the  monk,  worship  of  images 
was  introduced  into  England.  But  let  them  shew 
us  when  and  where  the  same  was  done.  We  deny 
not  but  that  Augustine  brought  in  with  him,  in  a 
banner,  the  image  of  Christ  on  the  cross,  very  lively 
depictured®;  but  this  makes  nothing  to  the  wor- 
shipping thereof.  Vast  the  distance  in  their  own 
nature  betwixt  the  historical  use  and  adoration  of 
pictures ;  though,  through  human  corruption,  .the 
former  in  after-age^  hath  proved  introductory  to  the 
latter.  Nor  was  it  probable  that  Augustine  would 
deliver  doctrine  point-blank  against  Gregory,  that 
sent  him,  who  most  zealously  inveigheth  against  all 
worshipping  of  images^.  Wherefore,  let  Binnius 
and  Baronius  make  much  of  this  London  synod  for 
image-worship,  or  else  they  must  be  glad  to  accept 
of  later  councils  in  England  to  prove  the  same, 
seeing  before  this  time  none  can  be  produced  tending 
thereunto. 

11.  Now  also  flourished  another  noble-bom  saint.  The  miracle 
namely,  John  of  Beverley,  archbishop  of  York,  ast  johnof 

c  See  our  second  book.  Cent.  "  adorandum  addiscere.    Nam     ^^  ^' 

VI.  parag.  10.  [p.  J  41.]  "  quod    legentibus    scriptura, 

^  In  his  epistle  ad  Serenum  "  hoc   idiotis   praestat  pictura 

Massiliensem,  [lib.  vii.  ep.  1 1  o.  '*  cementibus,    quia    in    ipsa 

et  ix.  ep.  9.  ed.  Labbe.     But  *'  etiam  ignorantes  vident  quod 

not  the  use  of  images ;  employ.  "  sequi  debeant,  in  ipsa  legunt 

ing   the    same   arguments    in  *'  qui  liiteras  nesciunt."     Ep. 

their  favour  as  the  Romanists  ix.  9.     The  historical  use  of 

of  later  days.     For  though  he  images   was  not   disliked    by 

commends  Serenus  for  not  per-  some    learned    protestants    in 

mitting  the  adoration  of  images,  our  ov/n  church  ;  but  the  abuse 

he  reproves  him  for  breaking  of  them  rendered  their  removal 

them  and  throwing  them  away ;  at  the  Reformation  a  matter  of 

thus  arguing :  ^*Aliud  est  enim  necessity.     The  letter  of  Gre- 

'*  picturam  adoniite,  aliud  per  gory   is   worthy   both   of   his 

'*  pictures    histori^m   quid   sit  character  and  sobriety.] 


252  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  709.  learned  man,  and  who  gave  the  education  to  one 
more  learned  than  himself,  I  mean  venerable  Bede«. 
Now,  though  John  Baptist  did  none^,  yet  John  of 
Beverley  is  said  to  haye  done  many  miracles.  But 
did  not  the  monk  overdo,  who  reports  in  his  rela- 
tion, that  this  John  of  Beverley,  by  making  the  sign 
of  the  cross  on  a  dumb  youth  with  a  scalled  head, 
not  only  restored  him  to  speech  and  an  head  of  hair, 
but  eloquent  discourse  and  brave  "  curled  locks  ?  T 

A.D.  718.  Some  years  before  his  death  he  quitted  his  arch- 
bishopric, and  retired  himself  to  his  monastery  at 
Beverley,  where  he  died ;  and  which  afterwards  king 
Athelstan  made  (I  will  not  call  it  a  sanctuary,  be- 
cause unhallowed  with  the  largeness  of  the  liberties 
allowed  thereunto,  but)  a  place  of  refuge  for  mur- 
derers and  malefactors:  so  that  the  freed-stool  in 
Beverley  became  the  seat  of  the  scornful ;  and,  such 
heinous  offenders  as  could  recover  the  same,  did 
therein  securely  defy  all  legal  prosecution  against 
them. 

Kings  and      12.  About  this  time  it  grew  fashionable  with  kings 

tomkn  and  and  quccns  in  England  to  renounce  the  world,  and 
turn  monks  and  nuns,  commonly  in  convents  of  their 
own  foundation.  Surely  it  is  not  only  lawful,  but 
commendable,  for  men  to  leave  the  world  before  it 
leaveth  them,  by  beifig  crucified  thereunto^  and  using 
it  as  if  they  used  it  not^.  But  let  others  dispute 
whether  this  properly  be  renouncing  the  world,  for 
Christians  to  bury  their  parts  and  persons  in  a  cloi- 


«  Bede  acknowledgeth  that  Godwin  de  Priesul.  p.  655.] 

he  received  the  order  of  priest-  ^  John  x.  41. 

hood  from  him  at  the  conclu-  g  Flowers  of  the  Lives  of 

sion  of  his  history.     [See  also  English  Saints,  p.  416. 

fiede's   Hist.    Eccl.   v,    2 — 6.  h  Gal.  vi.  14. 


nunii. 


CK NT.  VII I .  of  Britain,  253 

ster,  which,  put  forth  to  the  bank,  would  turn  to  a.d.  718. 
good  account  for  church  and  commonwealth.  Da^ 
vid,  I  dare  say  as  holy  a  man  as  any  of  these,  lived 
a  king  and  died  a  king :  the  swaying  of  his  sceptre 
did  not  hinder  the  tuning  of  his  harp,  his  dignity 
being  no  impediment  to  his  devotion.  And  whilst 
these  kings  turning  monks  pretended  to  go  out  of 
the  world,  a  world  of  spiritual  pride  and  superstition 
went  into  them,  if,  as  it  is  too  suspicious,  they  had 
an  high  opinion  to  merit  heaven  thereby*. 

18.  Amongst   the  Saxon   princes  who  thus   re-Kingina 
nounced  the  world,  in  this  and  the  next  century,  r^t^  So 
these  nine  following  were  the  principal :  church. 

1 .  Cjniegils,  king  of  West-Saxons. 

2.  Ina,  king  of  West-Saxons. 

3.  Ceolwolfiis,  king  of  Northumberland. 

4.  Eadberht,  king  of  Northumberland. 

5.  iEthelred,  king  of  Mercia. 

6.  Cenred,  king  of  Mercia. 
7-  Offa,  king  of  East-Saxons. 

8.  Sebbi,  king  of  East-Saxons. 

9.  Seabyrht,  king  of  East- Angles. 

Of  all  whom  king  Ina  was  paramount  for  his  reputed 
piety,  who  accounted  himself  to  hold  all  that  he  had 
of  God,  his  landlord  in  chief,  paid  not  only  a  great 
fine,  but  settled  a  constant  rent  on  the  church,  then 
accounted  the  receiver-general  of  the  God  of  heaven. 
Great  fine ;  for  besides  his  benefaction  to  other,  he 
bestowed  on  the  church  of  GlassenburyJ  two  thou- 
sand   six    hundred    forty   pounds   weight^,    in    the 

i  [It  was  at  this  period  that  founder.      See    Malnisb.     De 

pilgrimages  to  Rome  came  into  Gestis,  f.  7.] 
repute.  Bede's  Chron.  p.  33.]  ^  Spelman's  Concil.  I.  229. 

J    [Of   which    he    was   the  [Wiklin,  I.  81.] 


254  The  C/iurch  History  book  ii. 

A.D.yi8.  utensils  thereof,  of  massy  gold  and  silver.  So  that 
whiles  some  admire  at  his  bounty,  why  he  gave  so 
much ;  others  wonder  more  at  his  wealth,  how  he 
got  so  much ;  being  in  that  age  wherein  such  dearth 
of  coin,  and  he,  though  perchance  the  honorary 
monarch  of  England,  but  the  effectual  king  of  the 
A.  D.  726.  West-Saxons.  The  constant  rent  he  settled  were 
the  Peter-pences  to  the  pope  of  Rome*,  to  be  paid 
out  of  every  fire-house  in  England,  (a  small  sum  in 
the  single  drops,  but  swelling  great  in  the  genend 
channel,)  which,  saith  Polydore  Virgil™,  this  king 
Ina  began  in  England.  I  say,  Polydore  Virgil, 
(and  let  every  artificer  be  believed  in  his  own  art,) 
seeing,  as  he  confesseth,  this  place  was  his  first  pre- 
ferment in  England,  which  brought  him  over  to  be 
the  pope's  publican,  or  collector  of  that  contribu- 
tion. Afterwards  this  king  went  to  Rome,  and 
there  built  a  school  for  the  English,  and  a  church 
adjoining  unto  it,  to  bury  their  dead. 
A.D.  730.  14.  But,  if  my  judgment  mistake  not,  Wynfrith, 
an  English- 8-1^  Englishman,  was  better  employed,  being  busied 
vCTteth^the  ^^^^^  ^^^s  time  to  couvcrt  to  Christ  the  provinces 
Germans,  of  Francouia  and  Hessia,  in  Germany.  True  it  is, 
the  English  were  indebted  to  the  Dutch,  from  them 
formerly  deriving  their  original  by  natural  generar 
tion :  and  now  none  will  censure  them  for  incest,  if 
the  son  begat  his  parents ;  and  this  Wynfrith,  de- 
scended from  the  Dutch,  was  an  active  instrument 
of  their  regeneration". 


>  Parker,  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  87.  who   afterwards    adopted   the 

^  [Hist.  Angl.  p.   I! 8.  ed.  name   of  Boniface,  published 

165 1.]  with   his  letters.    Magontiaci, 

"  [See  the  life  of  this  saint,  1789.] 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain.  255 

15.  Now,  although  many  in  this  age  posted  from  a.  d.  730. 
England  to  Rome,  possessed  with  an  high  opinion  of  Bede, 
the  holiness  thereof ;  yet  sure  I  am,  one  of  the  best  foi^^ntnot 
judgment,  namely,  Venerable  Bede,  was  often  sent  ^  '^^^'^ 
for  by  pope  Sergius  himself  to  come  to  Rome ;  yet, 

for  ought  we  can  find,  never  went  thither:  which 
no  doubt  he  would  not  have  declined,  if  sensible  of 
any  transcendent  sanctity  in  that  place  to  advantage 
the  dwellers  therein  the  nearer  to  heaven.  This 
Bede  was  bom  in  the  kingdom  of  Northumberland, 
at  Girwii",  now  Yarrow,  in  the  bishopric  of  Durham, 
brought  up  by  St.  Cuthbert^  and  was  the  profound- 
est  scholar  in  his  age  for  Latin,  Greek,  philosophy, 
history,  divinity,  mathematics,  music,  and  what  not  ? 
Homilies  of  his  making  were  read  in  his  lifetime  in 
the  Christian  churches,  a  dignity  afforded  to  him 
alone.  We  are  much  beholding  to  his  Ecclesiastical 
History,  written  by  him,  and  dedicated  to  Ceolwol- 
fiis,  king  of  Northumberland.  A  worthy  work  in- 
deed, though  in  some  respect  we  could  heartily  wish 
that  his  faith  had  been  less,  and  his  charity  more. 
Faith  less,  in  believing  and  reporting  so  many  pro- 
digious miracles  of  the  Saxons :  except  any  will  say, 
that  this  in  him  was  not  so  much  vitium  hominis  as 
seculi.  Charity  more,  I  mean  to  the  Britons,  being 
no  friend  to  them,  and  over-partial  to  his  own  coun- 
trymen ;  slightly  and  slenderly  touching  British  mat- 
ters,  only  thereof  to  make  a  pedestal,  the  more  fairly 
to  rear  and  advance  his  Saxon  history  thereupon. 

16.  Some  report  that  Bede  never  went  out  of  his  Bede  pro- 
cell,  but  lived  and  died  thereinP.     If  so,  the  scholars  out  of  hii*' 

A  Camden's  Brit.  p.  606.  pupil  of  Bede's.] 

o  [An   oversight   for  abbot         P  [This  is  farther  confirmed 
Ceolfrid^  for  Cuthbert  was  a     by  Bede's  own  letter  to  Eg^ 


256  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  730.  of  Cambridge  will  be  very  sorry,  because  thereby 
deprived  of  their  honour,  by  Bede's  living  once  in 
their  university;  whose  house  they  still  shew,  be- 
twixt St.  John's  college  and  Roimd-Church,  or  St. 
Sepulchre's.  Surely  Bede  was  not  fixed  to  his  cell, 
as  the  cockle  to  his  shelly  seeing  no  observance  of 
his  Benedictine  order  imposed  such  a  penance  upon 
him.  Indeed  his  own  words,  in  the  end  of  his  book, 
give  some  countenance  to  their  conjecture  of  his  vo- 
luntary confinement ;  speaking  of  himself,  Cunchm 
temptis  viUe  in  efusdem  monasterii  habitatione  per- 
agens.  But  his  expression  imports  only  his  general 
residence  therein,  that  he  was  no  gadder  abroad,  or 
discontinuer  from  his  convent,  for  a  long  time; 
though  he  might  for  some  short  space  make  his 
abode  elsewhere.  Thus,  when  of  the  prophetess  it 
is  said,  that  she  departed  not  from  the  temple^ ;  we 
understand  it  not  so,  as  if  she  never  went  out 
thereof;  but  that  for  the  main  she  spent  the  most 
of  her  time  therein. 
Bede  why  1 7.  He  is  generally  sumamed  Venerabhy  but  why, 
FwwfwAi/w. authors  differ  therein ^  Some  say;  a  dunce  monk, 
being  to  make  his  epitaph,  was  nonplused  to  make 
that  dactyl,  which  is  only  of  the  quorum  in  the  hex- 
ameter, and  therefore  at  night  left  the  verse  thus 
gaping— 

Hie  sunt  in  fossa  Bedse— — ossa. 

till  he  had  consulted  with  his  pillow  to  fill  up  the 

bert  bishop  of  York  ;  printed  The  term  venerabilis  (acoording 

in  Smith's  Bede,  p.  800.]  to  some  authors)  was  first  ap- 

^  Luke  ii.  37.  plied  to  those  wlio  foUowed  t 

^  [Apparently  this  name  was  stricter  observance  of  monasUc 

not  given  to  Bede  till  the  ninth  discipline  than  was  usual.    See 

century.   In  the  earlier  writers  Smithes  dissertation  in  his  edi- 

he  is  termed  Beda  Presbyter,  tion  of  Bede,  p.  807.] 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain.  J857 

hiatus.  But  returning  in  the  moniing,  an  angel  (we  a.  d.  y^a 
have  often  heard  of  their  singing,  see  now  of  their 
poetry,)  had  tilled  up  the  chasm  with  venerabUis. 
Others,  disclaiming  this  conceit,  assign  this  reason ; 
because  Bede's  homilies  were,  as  aforesaid,  read  in 
all  churches  in  his  lifetime";  plain  Bede  was  con- 
ceived too  little,  and  St.  Bede  too  much ;  because, 
according  to  popish  (but  not  St.  Paul's)  principles, 
HLint  is  too  much  flattery  to  be  given  to  any  whilst 
alive ;  Solon  allowing  none  happy,  and  this  mine 
author  none,  in  this  degree,  holy,  before  their  death. 
Wherefore  venerable  was  found  out  as  an  expedient 
to  accommodate  the  difference,  luckily  hitting  the 
mark,  as  a  title  neither  too  high  nor  too  low ;  just 
even  to  so  good  a  man  and  great  a  scholar,  whilst 
alive.  This  is  observable  in  all  those  who  have 
written  the  life  of  Bede ;  that  whereas  such  Saxon 
saints  as  had  not  the  tenth  of  his  sanctity,  nor  hun- 
dredth part  of  his  learning,  are  said  to  have  wrought 
miracles  ad  lectoris  nauseam ;  not  one  single  miracle 
is  reported  to  have  been  done  by  Bede.  Whereof, 
under  favour,  I  conceive  this  the  reason  :  monks, 
who  wrote  the  lives  of  many  of  their  saints,  knew 
little  more  of  many  of  them  than  their  bare  names 
and  times  wherein  they  lived ;  which  made  them  histo- 
ri€B  vacua  miraculis  supplere,  "  to  plump  up  the  hol- 
lowness  of  their  history  with  improbable  miracles,'* 
swelling  the  bowels  of  their  books  with  empty  wind, 
in  default  of  sufficient  solid  food  to  fill  them. 
Whereas  Bede's  life  affording  plenty  and  .variety  of 
real  and  effectual  matter,  the  writer  thereof  (why 
should  a  rich  man  be  a  thief  or  liar  ?)  had  no  tempt- 
ation,  I  am  sure  no  need,  to  farce  his  book  with 

»  Porter  8  Flowers  of  the  Saints,  in  the  life  of  Bede,  p.  528. 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  S 


258  The  Church  Hhtary  book  ii. 

A>  P.  730-  fond  miracles,  who  might  rather  leave  than  lack  of 

material  passages  therein. 
A.D.734.  18.  One  of  the  last  things  he  did  was  the  trans- 
biaM,*and  lating  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  into  English.  When 
murf*S  death  seized  on  him,  one  of  his  devout  scholars, 
andte  of  whom  he  used  for  his  secretary  or  amanuensis,  com- 
plained, "  My  beloved  master,  there  remains  yet  one 
*'  sentence  unwritten."  "  Write  it,  then,  quickly,**  re- 
plied Bede :  and  summoning  all  his  spirits  together, 
like  the  last  blaze  of  a  candle  going  out,  he  indited 
it,  and  expired.  Thus  God's  children  are  immortal 
whiles  their  Father  hath  any  thing  for  them  to  do 
on  earth ;  and  death,  that  beast,  cannot  overcome  and 
kill  theniy  tiU  first  they  have  finished  their  testimony^ : 
which  done,  like  silkworms,  they  willingly  die  when 
their  web  is  ended,  and  are  comfortably  entombed 
in  their  own  endeavours.  Nor  have  I  aught  else  to 
observe  of  Bede,  save  only  this ;  a  foreign  ambassa- 
dor, some  two  hundred  years  since,  coming  to  Dur- 
ham, addressed  himself  first  to  the  high  and  sump- 
tuous shrine  of  St.  Cuthbert,  "  If  thou  beest  a  saint, 
"  pray  for  me :"  then  coming  to  the  plain,  low,  and 
little  tomb  of  Bede,  "  Because,"  said  he,  "  thou  art  a 
"  saint,  good  Bede,  pray  for  me'*." 

t  Rev.  xi.  7.  "ad    nostra   tempera.     Adeo 

^  [See  the  exquisite  descrip-  "  nullus  Anglorum,  studionim 

tion  of  his  death  by  his  pupil  "  ejus  aemulus*  nullus  gratia- 

Cuthbert,    who   attended   him  *'  rum   ejus   sequax   fuit,   qui 

in  his  last  moments,  in  Smith's  "  omissae  monetie  lineam  pro* 

Bede,  p.  792  ;  and  in  Symeon,  **  sequeretur  :   pauci   quos   a- 

Hist.    Eccl.   Dunelm.   ch.  xv.  '*  quus  amavit  Jesus,  quamvis 

The  following  compliment  was  "  litteris  non  ignobiliter  infor- 

paid  to  his  memory  by  one  of  ''  mati,  vita  tota  ingratum  con- 

the  most  judicious  of  all  our  "  sumpserunt   silentium  :    alii 

early  writers,  whose  account  of  "  vix  primis  libris  illas  gustan- 

Bede    is    written    with    much  "  tes  ignavum  confoverunt  oti- 

elegance   and    feeling.      "  Se-  '*  um.     Ita  cum  semper  pigro 

'•  pulta  est  cum  eo  omnis  ges-  "  succederet     pigrior,     multo 

"  torum    pene    notitia   usque  "  tempore  in  tota  insula  studi- 


CKNT.  VIII. 


of  Britain, 


259 


19.  Now  began  the  Saxons  to  be  infected  with  an  a.  d.  735. 
universal  viciousness,  tbe  cause  whereof  was;  ^Ethel- Thcgenend 

vifliotiBiiflis 

bald,  king  of  Mercia,  contemned  marriage  :  and  of  the  Sm- 
though  abstinence  from  it  in  som0  cases  may  be^^i^^ 
commendable,  the  contempt  thereof  always  is  dan- 
gerous, yea  damnable,  as  it  proved  in  him ;  for  his 
unlawftd  lust  made  no  difference  of  places  or  per- 
sons, castles  or  cloisters,  common  kerchief  or  nun's 
veil,  all  came  alike  to  him.  But,  oh  the  legislative 
power  which  is  in  a  great  prince  his  example !  His 
subjects  presumed  they  might  not  only  impune^  but 
legtUmey  follow  his  precedent ;  which  made  the  land 
swarm  with  wickedness^. 


*'  orum  detepuit  fervor.  Mag- 
*'  num  ignavise  testimonium  da. 
''  bunt  versus  epitaphii  sui, 
•'  perdendi  prorsus  et  tanti  viri 
''  mausoleo  indigni. 

^  Presbyter  hie  Beda  requieiMnt  carne 

"  sepultus; 
'^  Dona  Christe  animam  in  ooelis  gau- 

*•  dere  per  aevum  : 
^  Daque  illi  sophis  debriari  fonte,  cui 


jam 


'^  8aipirayit  orans,  intento  semper 
"  amore." 

Will.  Malmsb.  f.  12.] 

^  [See  the  letter  of  arch- 
bishop Boniface  to  king  iEthel- 
bald,  and  another  to  Herefrid  ; 
in  Wilkins'  Cone.  I.  p.  86.  &c. 
Malmsbury  has  given  an  ab- 
breviation of  the  first  in  his 
history  De  Gestis  Reg.  f.  14.  b. 
The  corruption  of  this  country 
is  strikingly  displayed,  particu- 
larly in  Boniface's  letter  to  arch- 
bishop Cuthbert,  where  these 
words  occur:  "  Perpaucee  sunt 
"  civitates  in  Longobardia,  vel 
"  in  Francia^  aut  in  Gallia,  in 
"  quibus  non  sit  adultera  vel 
''  meretrix  generis  Anglorum» 
"  quod  scandalum  est  et  turpi. 


"  tudo  totius  ecclesi*e  vestrae." 
(Wilkins'  Cone.  I.  p.  93.)  The 
writer  proceeds  to  state  that  one 
great  cause  of  this  immorality 
was  the  interference  of  the  laity , 
their  taking  away  the  monas- 
teries  and  religious  houses  from 
the  control  of  the  bishops^  and  a 
general  intermeddling  in  eccle- 
siastical affairs  from  motives  of 
cupidity.  He  also  subjoins  an- 
other reason,  which  shews  the 
state  of  the  times ;  "  aliquod 
"  levamentum  turpitudinis  es- 
"  set,  si  prohiberet  synodus  et 
"  principes  vestri  muliebribus 
"  et  velatis  foeminis  illud  iter 
"  et  frequentiam,  quam  ad  Ro- 
"  manam  civitatem  veniendo  et 
'*  redeundo  faciunt,  quia  magna 
"  ex  parte  pereunt,  paucis  re- 
"  manentibus  integris."  (See 
also  Bonifacii  Epist.  liv.  Ixxi. 
Ixxii.  Ixxiii.) 

England,  whilst  governed  by 
the  Saxons,  was  at  its  greatest 
height  for  learning  and  religion 
in  the  time  of  Bede  ;  after  his 
death,  it  very  rapidly  declined. 
See  the  extracts  from  the  let- 

s  2 


260  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  P.  735'      20.  This  caused  the  letter  of  Bonifia.ce,  archbishop 
The  effect  of  Mentz,  (an  Englishman  btm»  and  lately  very  emi- 
hig  letter  to  nent  foF  Converting  the  Germans  to  Christianity,)  to 
Merdaf  ^  king  iEtholbald;  wherein  he  observed  the  prudent 
method  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthians*.      As  the 
apostle  first  commended  them,  I  praise  yotJL,  brethren^ 
that  you  remember  me  in  aU  things^  &cc^  so  he  began 
with  a  large  encomium  of  king  ^thelbald  his  charity 
and  bountiful  almsgiving.     Hence  seasonably  he  de- 
scended to  his  faults  ;  shall  I  praise  you  in  this  f  I 
praise  you  not ;  and  soundly  and  roundly  told  him 
of  his   notorious   incontinency  ;   proving,   botk  by 
scripture  and  reason,  the  heinousness  of  that  sin, 
and  heavy  judgments  of  God  upon  it.     In  fine,  this 
wrought  so  far  on  the  king's  good  nature,  that  he 
not  only  reformed  himself,  but  with  Cuthbert,  arch- 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  called   a   solemn   synod  at 
Cloves-ho,  or  Clives-at-ho,  for  the  reformation  of 
others^. 
J^'P't^"^'      21.  But  where  this  Cloves-ho  should  be,  authors 

CliffinKent 

proba!)iy     make  much  inquiry.     It  is  generally  conceived  the 

the  Ancient 

cioves-ho.  same  with  Cliff,  near  Gravesend,  in  Kent.  Though 
a  learned  author^  will  hardly  consent  thereunto;  and 
his  intimations  to  the  contrary  are  of  no  great  va- 
lidity. For  whereas  he  allegeth  that  this  Cliff  is  in 
Kent,  whilst  ^Ethelbald,  who  called  this  synod,  was 
king  of  Mercia  ;  he  minded  not  meantime,  what  no 
doubt  he  knew  well,  that  this  ^Ethelbald  is  styled  in 

ters    of  Alcuin    in    Malmsb.  Fasti    of    sir    Henry    Savile, 

f.  13.]  fixes  it  in  the  year  747.     See 

*  I  Cor.  xi.  2.  22.  his  note  in  Wilkins*  Cone.  I. 

y  [The  Saxon  Chron.   and  94.  But  the  MS.  of  Flor.  Wi- 

otherauthorities  date  this  synod  gorn.  in  Corpus  Coll.  Oxford, 

in  the  year  742.    See  Wilkins*  places  it  in  the  year  748.] 

Cone.   I.    86.      Spelman   fol-  «  Camden's  Brit,  in   Kent, 

lowing  archbp.  Parker  and  the  p.  233.  [Wilkins*  Cone.  I.  94.] 


CENT.  viii.  of  Britain.  961 

the  letter  of  Boniface  archbishop  of  Mentz  unto  him,  A.D.  747. 


indyta  Anglorum  imperii  sceptra  gubemans^  "  ruling 
the  famous  sceptre  of  the  English  empire*.*'  And 
whereas  he  objecteth  "  the  site  of  that  place  incon- 
"*  venient  for  such  an  assembly ;"  it  seems  fit  enough, 
though  confessed  dirty  in  winter,  and  unhealthy  at 
all  times,  for  the  vicinity  thereof  to  London  and 
Canterbury,  the  residing  places  of  the  king  and  arch- 
bishop, the  two  persons  in  this  s)mod  most  concerned. 
Nor  doth  the  modem  meanness  of  the  place  make 
any  thing  against  it ;  it  might  be  a  gallant  in  that 
age,  which  is  a  beggar  nowadays.  And  though  we 
confess  there  be  many  Cliffs  in  the  inland  shires, 
properly  belonging  to  Mercia;  yet  the  addition  of 
Ho,  or  Haw,  speaketh  the  maritime  posture  thereof. 
So  that  Clives-ho,  or  Haw,  seems  to  be  a  cliff  near 
the  sea,  well  agreeing  to  the  situation  of  Cliff,  in 
Kent  aforesaid  **. 

22.  But  the  acts  of  this  synod  are  more  certain  The  chief 
than  the  place  thereof,  being  generally  accounted  ^^J^nod. 
one  and  thirty  canons,  although  some  small  variation 
in  their  number  and  order,  all  extant  at  large  in 
Malmsbury*^ ;  and  of  which  we  take  notice  of  these 
four,  as  of  most  concernment : 

i.  "  That  the  priests  learn,  and  teach  *^  to  know 
"  the  Creed,  Lord's  Prayer,  and  words  of  consecra- 
"  tion  in  the  mass  (or  eucharist)  in  the  English 
"  tongue*."  It  seems  learning  then  ran  low,  that  the 

A  Extant  in  Spelman's  Con-  Chronicle. 

dl,  p.  233.  [Wilkins,  I.  87.]  «  De  Gestis  Pont.  i.  f.  112. 

b   Plimmouth    Haw.       See  d   "  Discant,    et    doceant." 

Speed  his  Sarvey  of  London,  Malmsbury,  ib.  [See  also  WiL 

the  meaning  of  Haw.     C  r^  ]]  kins'  Cone.  I.  94.   where  the 

Upon    Clovesho   see    Gibson's  acts  of  this  synod  are  printed 

Index  to  his  edition  of  the  Saxon  at  length.] 

s3 


262 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  ir. 


A.  D.  747.  priests  themselves  had  need  to  learn  them ;  yet  igno- 
rance was  not  then  so  high,  but  that  the  people  were 
permitted  to  be  taught  them^ 

ii.  "  That  the  Lord's  Day  be  honourably  observed." 
We  understand  it  not  so,  as  if  the  sanctity  of  that 
day  depended  only  upon  ecclesiastical  constitutions ; 
or  that  the  command  thereof  in  scripture  is  so  in- 
firm, in  point  of  right  to  oblige  men's  consciences, 
that  it  needs  the  title  of  man's  power,  ad  corrobo- 
randum :  only  human  authority  was  here  cast  in  as 
overweight,  for  the  better  observation  of  the  day. 
Carnal  men  being  more  affected,  and  affiighted  with 
corporal  penalties  of  man's  inflicting,  as  nearer  unto 
them,  than  with  eternal  punishments,  which  Divine 
justice  at  a  distance  denounceth  against  them. 


«  [The  article  subjoins,  "  Ne 
'*  vel  in  ipsis  intercessionibus^ 
*'  quibus  pro  populi  delictis 
"  Deum  exorare  noscuntur,  vel 
**  ministerii  sui  ofiiciis  inveni- 
*'  antur  quasi  muti  et  ignari, 
*'  si  non  intelligant  nee  verbo- 
•*  rum  suorum  sensum,  nee  sa- 
*'  cramenta,"  &c.] 

^  [One  principal  cause  of 
learning  being  at  so  low  an 
ebb,  is  to  be  traced  to  the  mis- 
management of  monasteries  ; 
for  it  appears  that  not  only  the 
princes  of  the  land,  but  the 
superiors  also  of  these  houses, 
united  in  treating  the  monks 
like  slaves  and  mechanics,  and 
employed  them  in  servile  of- 
fices. And  this  abuse,  in  obe- 
dience to  the  directions  of 
archbishop  Boniface,  is  several 
times  reproved  in  the  decrees 
of  this  synod.  Thus  Boniface 
says,  "  De  violenta  quoque 
'*  monachorum    servitute   ope- 


'*  ribus  et  sedificiis  regalibus 
"  quae  in  toto  mundo  Christia- 
**  norum  non  auditur  facta  nisi 
*'  tantum  in  gente  Anglonim," 
&c.  (Wilk.  I.  93.)  Then  in 
the  fourth  act  of  the  synod, 
giving  directions  to  the  heads 
of  religious  houses,  these  words 
occur ;  "  ita  tamen  ut  familias 
"  suas  meminerint  digne  in 
"  Domino  diligere  et  non  in 
**  vice  servorum,*'  &c.  And  in 
the  seventh,  where  it  enjoins 
the  monks  to  study  ;  "  nee 
**  sint  rectores  terrense  tam 
'*  avidi  operationis,  ut  domus 
"  Dei  desolatione  spiri talis  or- 
**  naturae  vilescat." 

The  Acts  of  this  synod  de- 
serve partiaular  attention,  as 
describing  many  of  the  abuses 
which  afterwards  existed  in 
the  church,  and  applying  to 
them  the  same  remedies  which 
were  afterwards  used  by  our 
reformers.] 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain.  863 

iii.  "That  the  sin  of  drunkenness  be  avoided,  a. d. 747. 
**  especially  in  the  clergy."  Indeed  it  was  high  time 
to  suppress  that  sin,  which  was  grown  so  rife,  that 
(as  Boniface,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  doth  observe  in 
his  letter  to  Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Canterburys^) 
the  English  bishops  were  so  far  from  punishing  it, 
that  they  were  guilty  of  the  same.  Moreover,  he 
addeth,  [Ebrietas]  malum  speciale  est  nostra  gentis : 
hoc  nee  Francis  nee  Galliy  nee  Longobardi^  nee  Ro^ 
mani^  nee  Greed  faciunt ;  "  Drunkenness  is  a  special 
"  evil  of  our  nation,  namely,  of  the  Saxons,  of  which 
"  country  this  Boniface  was  a  native ;  for  neither 
**  Franks,  nor  Gauls,  nor  Lombards,  nor  Romans,  nor 
"  Greeks,  (understand  him  anciently,  for  we  know 
"  the  modem  proverb  of  a  merry  Greek,)  are  guilty 
"  thereof" 

iv.  "  That  prayers  be  publicly  made  for  kings  and 
**  princes."  An  excellent  canon  indeed,  because  ca- 
nonical scripture,  and  long  before  made  by  St.  Paul 
himself;  /  ea^hort^  therefore^  that  supplieations  be 
made  for  all  men^for  kings^  &c.** 

This  S)mod  being  finished  vdth  the  royal  assent, 
and  all  the  bishops  their  subscriptions  thereunto; 
Cuthbert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  wonderful 
celerity,  returned  the  canons  concluded  therein,  by 
Cynebryht  his  deacon,  to  Boniface,  archbishop  of 
Mentz,  who  was  affected  with  great  joy  at  the  sight 
thereof. 

23.  At  this  time  flourished  Ecgberht,  archbishop  Ecgberht, 
of  York,  famous  in  his  generation ;  for,  first  his  royal  of  York^ 
extraction,  being  brother  to  Eadberht,  king  of  North- ;3^~" 

fpecti. 

%  Extant  in  Spelman's  Concil.  I.  241  ;  and  Wilkins,  I.  93. 
>*  I  Tim.  ii.  f. 

s  4 


264 


The  Church  History 


BOOKIl. 


A.D.747.  umberland;  both  of  them  lovingly  lying  buried  to- 
gether in  the  porch  of  the  church  of  York.     For  in 
that  age  the  greatest  princes   and   prelates   their 
corpses  came  no  nearer  than  the  church  porch,  and, 
as  I  may  say,  only  knocked  at  the  church  doors; 
though  in  after-ages  the  bodies  of  meaner  persons 
were  admitted  into  the  church,  and  buried  therein^ 
Secondly,  for  his  procuring  the  archiepiseopal  pall  to 
his  see.     For  after  the  departure,  or  rather  the  ban- 
ishment, of  Paulinus  from  York,  his  successors  were 
content  with  the  plain  title  of  bishop,  until  this  Ecg- 
berht,  to  do  something  extraordinaiy,  proportionable 
to  his  princely  extraction,  procured  the  restitution 
of  his  pall,  which  ipso  facto  readvanced  his  church 
into  an  archbishopric.     Thirdly,  for  furnishing  the 
same  with  a  plentiful  library,  highly  commended  by 
Alcuinus,  in  his  epistle  to  Charles  the  Great  ^,  wish- 
ing France  had  the  like ;  which,  though  exceeding 
England  in  paper,  till  of  late  years  ever  came  short 
of  it  in  books.     Fourthly,  for  his  canons  for  the  re- 
gulating of  his  province.    Whereof  one  sort  is  called 
Ecgberht  his  Excerptions  out  of  Fathers^  and  is  gene- 
rally good ;  the  other  entitled.  Canons  for  the  Re- 
medy of  Sin,  and  are  fraught  with  abundance  of 
abominable  beastliness  and  superstition. 


i  [See  Will,  of  Malmsbury, 
f.  12.  b.] 

^  [See  the  extract  of  this 
letter,  published  in  Malmsb. 
ibid.] 

1  At  large  in  Spelman's  Con- 
cil.  I.  p.  258.  [Wilkins*  Cone. 
1. 1  o  I .  Upon  these  Excerptions, 
see  Johnson's  notes  in  his  Col- 
lection of  Canons,  under  this 
year,  which  have  also  been  print- 


ed by  Wilkins.  Fuller,  follow- 
ing Sir  H.  Spelman,  dates  these 
excerptions  750^  not  that  SpeU 
man  had  any  authority  for  so 
doing,  but  because  it  was  his 
rule  when  the  date  \Tas  oncer* 
tain  to  take  the  middle  year  of 
the  reign  in  question,  and  that 
was  750.  See  Johnson 
above.] 


cBKT.viii.  of  Britain.  965 

24.  I  will  give  the  reader  only  a  taste»  or  rather  a  a.  d.  750. 


distaste,  of  these  canons,  by  which  he  may  guess  the  The  heuOj 
rest.  ^^  If  a  layman  hath  carnal  knowledge  of  a  nun,  Ecgberiit. 
"  let  him  do  penance  for  two  years,  &c.,  she  three. 
"  If  a  child  be  begotten  betwixt  them,  then  four 
**  years:  if  they  kill  it,  then  seven  years'  penance™." 
Penance  also  is  provided  for  bestiality  and  sodomy 
in  the  same  canons.  Thus,  where  God  in  scripture 
denoimceth  death.  Whoso  sheddeth  maris  bloody  by 
man  shall  his  blood  be  shed^ ;  they  now  changed  it 
into  penance,  and  in  after-ages  commuted  that  pe- 
nance into  irtoney ;  so  by  degrees  making  the  word 
of  God  of  none  effect  by  their  paltry  canons.  See  we 
here  also  how  forced  virginity  was  the  mother  of 
much  uncleanness,  it  being  appliable  to  them  what 
the  apostle  speaketh  of  others  \  It  is  a  shame  even  to 
speak  of  those  things  which  are  done  of  them  in  secret^. 
And  one  may  justly  admire  how  these  canonists,  be- 
ing pretended  virgins,  could  arrive  at  the  knowledge 
of  the  criticisms  of  all  obscenity ;  so  that  chaste  love 
may  lie  seven  and  seven  years  in  the  undefiled  mar- 
riage bed,  and  be  utterly  ignorant  what  the  language 
of  lust  meaneth  in  such  filthy  canons.  Yea,  when 
such  love,  by  the  help  of  an  interpreter,  shall  under- 
stand the  same,  it  would  blush  for  shame,  were  it 
not  that  red  would  be  turned  into  paleness,  as 
amazed  at  so  horrid  uncleanness. 

85.  Some  five  years  after,  Kenulphus,  king  of  a.  d.  755. 
West-Saxons,  conferred  large  privileges  on  the  mo-of  Kenui. 
nastery  of  Abingdon.   We  will  recite  so  much  of  his  abSJt^f^ 
charterP  as  concerns  us,  because  useftd  to  shew  the^**"*^*"* 

■B  See  Spelman,  ib.  p.  282.  P  Cited    by   Stanford,    Les 

»  Gen.  ix.  6.  plees  del  Coron.  B.  ii.  f.  11 1. 

o  Ephes.  V.  12.  ed.  1576.      And   this   charter 


266 


The  Church  Hiatary 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.755.  power  which  kings  in  that  age  had  in  ecclesisfltical 
matters. 


Kenulphus,  rex — per  literas 
suas  patentes,  consilio  et  cotu 
sensu  episcoporum,  et  senato- 
rum  gentis  sua,  largitus  JuU 
monasterio  de  Abindon  in  co- 
mitatu  Berk,  ac  cuidam  Ru~ 
chino  tunc  abbati  monasterii — 
quondam  runs  sui  portionem, 
id  est,  quindecim  mansias  in 
loco,  qui  a  ruricolis  tunc  nun* 
cupabatur  Culnam,  cum  om» 
nibus  utilitatibus  ad  eandem 
pertinentibus,  tam  in  magnis, 
quam  in  modicis  rebus,  in 
aternam  hareditatem.  Et, 
quod  pradictus  Ruchinus,  ab 
omni  regis  obstaculo,  et  episco- 
pali  jure  in  sempiternum  esset 
quietus,  ut  inhabitatores  ejus 
nullius  regis  out  ministrorum 
suorum  episcopi,  ut  aut  suorum 
qfficialium  jugo  inde  deprimaU" 
tur.  Sed  in  cunctis  rerum 
eventibus,  et  discussionibus 
causarum,  abbatis  monasterii 
pradicti  decreto  subjiciantur. 
Ita  quod,  Sfc. 


"  Kenulphusy  king,  &c.  hj 
his  letters  patents,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the 
bishops  and  counsellors  of 
his  country,  hath  given  to 
the  monastery  of  Abingdon, 
in  the  county  of  Berks,  and 
to  one  Ruchine,  then  abbot 
of  the  monastery.  Sec,  a  cer- 
tain  portion  of  his  land,  that 
is  to  say,  fifteen  mansions, 
in  a  place  which  then  of  the 
inhabitants  was  called  CuL 
nam,  with  ail  profits  to  the 
same  belonging,  as  well  in 
great  as  mean  matters,  as  an 
inheritance  for  ever.  And, 
that  the  aforesaid  Ruchine, 
&c.  should  be  for  ever  acquit 
from  all  episcopal  jurisdic- 
tion, that  the  inhabitants 
thereof  be  thenceforth  op- 
pressed with  the  yoke  of  no 
bishop,  or  his  officials;  but 
in  all  events  of  matters,  and 
discussions  of  causes,  they 
be  subject  to  the  decree  of 
the  abbot  of  the  aforesaid 
monastery.    So  that,"  &c 


From  this  charter,  sir  Edward  Coke,  the  king's 
attorney,  inferreth^,  that  king  Kenulphus  had  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  in  himself,  in  that  he  had  power 


was  pleaded  1.  Hen.  vii.  f.  23. 
et  25.  [according  to  Stanford, 
ib.  This  charter  is  printed  at 
length  from  an  Inspeximus  10 


£dw.  III.  n.  §.  30.  in  the  Mo. 
nasticon,  I.  514.  ed.  1817.] 

q  His  Reports,  part  5.  f.  9. 
[ed.  1605.] 


cENT.Tiii.  of  Britain.  S67 

to  discharge  and  exempt  this  abbot  from  the  juris-  a.d.  755. 
diction  of  the  bishop ;  which  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion was  always  invested  in  the  imperial  crown  of 
England  :  and  therefore  the  statute  made  under 
Henry  the  eighth,  concerning  the  king's  spiritual 
authority,  "  was  not  introductory  of  a  new  law,  but 
"  declaratory  only  of  an  old." 

26.  But  father  Parsons,  for  he  it  is  who  stands  The  caviii 
under  the  visage  of  the  catholic  divine,  in  a  book  agungt  nr 
wrote  of  set  purpose  against  master  attorney  in  this^J;^g^ 
point,  will  by  no  means  allow  king  Kenulphus  any 
ecclesiastical  power,  but  by  many  fetches  seeks  to 
evade  so  pregnant  a  proofs 

Arg.  1.  First  he  pleadeth,  "  that  in  this  charter 
Kenulphus  did  not  exempt  the  abbot  from  all  ju- 
risdiction spiritual  of  the  bishop,  but  from  some 
temporal  interest  or  pretence,  which  perhaps  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese  claimed  over  the  lordship  of 
**  Culnam." 

Answ.  Perhaps,  (commend  not  his  modesty,  but 
thank  his  guiltiness  for  his  timorous  assertion,)  saith 
he:  but  how  doth  this  appear,  for  he  bringeth  no 
proof?  and  if  he  affirmeth  it  on  free  cost, we  can  con- 
fute it  as  cheap  by  denying  it. 

Arg.  2.  Secondly,  saith  he,  "  the  king  exempted 
**  the  abbot,"  a6  (ymni  epucopali  jure ;  that  is,  "  from 
**  all  right  of  the  bishop,  and  not  jurisdiction." 

Answ.  Sharp  wit,  to  cut  so  small  a  mote  in  two 
parts  for  no  purpose ;  seeing  jits  and  jurisdiction  are 
often  known  to  import  the  same  sense. 

Arg.  3.  Thirdly,  he  objecteth  "  the  words  no  way 
"  seem  fitly  to  agree  to  be  spoken  of  the  bishop's 

r  Catholic  divine,  alias  Par-  king's  attorney,  p.  95.  sq.  [ed. 
sons^    in    his    answer   to    the     1606.] 


268  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  755.  ^^  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  which  run  thus :  that  the 
^^  abbot  should  be  quiet  from  the  bishop's  right,  and 
^'  that  the  inhabitants  from  thenceforward  should 
"  not  be  oppressed  by  the  yoke  of  the  bishop's 
"  officers." 

Answ.  Why?  what  incongruity,  but  that  these 
words  may  be  spoken,  as  they  are,  of  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  ?  Is  the  word  yoke  too  coarse  a  phrase 
to  be  applied  to  the  bishop's  spiritual  power,  as  they 
sometimes  did  manage  it  ?  I  appeal  to  those  who 
felt  it ;  for  no  yoke  is  heavy  to  him  that  puts  it  on, 
but  to  those  who  bear  it.  Mark  by  the  way,  the 
word  he  rendereth  officers^  is  in  the  charter  (not  offi- 
ciarii^  lay-Latin,  but)  officialese  which  is  church-lan- 
guage, and  the  very  dialect  of  the  court  Christian, 
and  should  be  translated  officials^  to  whom  bishops 
committed  their  spiritual  power.  But  Parsons  knew 
well  how  to  lay  his  thumb  on  what  he  would  not 
have  seen. 

Arg.  4.  Fourthly,  "  Howsoever  it  were,  it  is  ma- 
nifestly false,"  saith  he,  "  that  this  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction  of  king  Kenulphus  was  derived  from 
his  crown ;  it  might  be  he  had  it  fi^m  the  pope, 
"  which  is  most  likely." 

Answ,  Which  is  most  unlikely,  for  no  clause  in 
the  charter  relates  to  any  delegate  power ;  and  yet 
such  a  passage  might  easily  have  been  inserted,  yea, 
could  not  justly  have  been  omitted,  if  he  had  claimed 
his  jurisdiction  by  deputation  from  the  pope. 

Arg.  5.  Lastly,  "  (which,"  he  saith,  "  seemeth  to 
convince  the  whole  matter,  and  decide  the  very 
case,)  one*  Rethurus,  abbot  of  Abingdon,  went  af- 

s  Harpsfield^  Hist.  Ang.  p.  203.  ex  Mariano  Scoto. 


u 


6i 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain,  9SQ 

"  terwards  to  Rome,  to  obtain  confirmation  of  the  a.  d.  755. 
"  privileges  of  his  monastery  from   the  see  apo- 
"  stolic." 

Answ.  What  of  this?  This  post-fact  of  Rethurus 
argues  no  invalidity  in  Kenulphus  his  former  grant, 
but  rather  shews  the  over  officiousness  of  a  pragma- 
tical  abbot,  who,  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  pope, 
craved  of  him  what  he  had  before.  Yea,  such  cun- 
ning compliance  of  the  clergy  with  his  holiness,  by 
degrees  fixed  in  him  a  supposed  ecclesiastical  power 
paramount,  which  really  he  never  had,  nor  rightly 
ever  ought  to  have. 

See  here  the  king's  power  in  church  matters  in 
conferring  ecclesiastical  privileges ;  and  this  single 
thread  we  will  twist  with  another  instance  so  strong, 
that  the  Jesuit's  art  shall  be  unable  to  break  it  in 
sunder. 

27.  By  the  constitution  of  Augustine,  first  arch-  a.  p.  758. 
bishop  of  Canterbury,  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  broii^t  to 
Gregory  the  Great,  bishop  of  Rome,  it  was  decreed,  ^^IJJJJ^"' 
that  no  corpse,  either  of  prince  or  prelate,  should  be 
buried  within  the  walls  of  a  city,  but  only  in  the 
suburbs  thereof;  and  that  alone  in  the  porch  of  the 
church,  and  not  in  the  body.  Now  Cuthbert,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  having  built  Christ  Church 
therein,  was  desirous  to  adorn  it  with  the  corpses  of 
great  persons  therein  afterwards  to  be  interred.  In 
pursuance  of  this  his  design,  he  durst  not  adventure 
on  this  innovation  by  his  own  power,  nor  did  he 
make  his  applications  to  the  pope  of  Rome,  as  most 
proper  to  repeal  that  act  which  the  see  apostolic  had 
decreed,  but  only  addresseth  himself  to  Eadberht, 
king  of  Kent,  and  from  him,  partim  precario^  partim 
etiam  pretio,  "  partly  praying,  partly  paying  for  it," 


270  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.758.  sajth  my  author  S  obtained  his  request.    Behold  here 
an  ancient  church  canon  recalled  at  the  suit  of  an 
archbishop,  by  the  authority  of  a  king.     This  Cuth- 
bert  afterwards  handseled  Christ  Church  with  his  own 
corpse,  whose  predecessors  were  all  buried  in  St 
Augustine's,  without  the  walls  of  Canterbury.    ThiiB 
began  corpses  to  be  buried  in  the  churches,  which 
by  degrees  brought  in  much  superstition,  especially 
after  degrees  of  inherent  sanctity  were  erroneously 
fixed  in  the  several  parts  thereof:  the  porch  saying 
to  the  churchyard,  the  church  to  the   porch,  the 
chancel  to  the  church,  the  east  end  to  all,  "  Stand 
"  farther  off,  for  I  am  holier  than  you."     And,  as  if 
the  steps  to  the  high  altar  were  the  stairs  to  heaven, 
their  souls  were  conceived  in  a  nearer  degree  to  hap- 
piness whose  bodies  were  mounted  there  to  be  in- 
terred. 
The  ooca-       28.  About  this  time  the  bill  of  fare  of  monks  was 
monks  their  bettered  generally  in  England,  and  more  liberty  in- 
ing  of  wine  dulgcd  in  their  diet.     It  was  first  occasioned  some 
in  England,  ^^gjj^y  yoars  sincc,  when  Ceolwolfus,  formerly  king 

of  Northumberland,  but  then  a  monk  in  the  convent 
of  Lindisfem,  or  Holy  Island,  gave  leave  to  that  con- 
vent to  drink  ale  and  vrine,  anciently  confined  by 
Aidan,  their  first  founder,  to  milk  and  water'*.  Let 
others  dispute  whether  Ceolwolfus  thus  dispensed 
with  them  by  his  new  abbatical,  or  old  regal  power ; 
which  he  so  resigned,  that  in  some  cases  he  might 
resume  it,  especially  to  be  king  in  his  own  convent. 
And  indeed  the  cold,  raw,  and  bleak  situation  of 

*  Tho.  Sprot,  in  his  Hist,  of  91.  See  also  Chron.  W.  Thorn. 

Canterbury.  Also  Archiv.  Can-  p.  1773.  ed.  Twysden,  and  this 

tnariens.  [both  cited  by  Abp.  History,  p.  20.  n.] 

Parker  in  his  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  "  Roger.  Hoved.  f.  231. 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain,  271 

that  place,  with  many  bitter  blasts  from  the  sea,  and  a.  d.  758. 
no  shelter  on  the  land,  speaks  itself  to  each  inha- 
bitant there.  Drink  no  longer  water ^  hut  use  a  little 
wine  for  thy  stomach! s  sake,  and  thine  often  infirmi- 
ties'^. However,  this  local  privilege,  first  justly  in- 
dulged to  the  monks  of  Lindisfam,  was  about  this 
time  extended  to  all  the  monasteries  of  England, 
whose  primitive  over-austerity  in  abstinence  was 
turned  now  into  a  self-sufficiency  that  soon  improved 
into  plenty,  that  quickly  depraved  into  riot,  and  that 
at  last  occasioned  their  ruin. 

29.  This  year*  the  English  have  cause  to  write  a.  d.  787. 
with  sable  letters  in  their  almanack  on  this  sad  oc-fi^^rn^*^ 
casion,  that  therein  the  Danes  first  invaded  England  ^^  ^^^^^^ 
with  a  considerable  armyy.     Several  reasons  are  as- 
signed for  their  coming  hither,  to  revenge  themselves 

for  some  pretended  injuries ;  though  the  true  reason 
was,  because  England  was  richer  and  roomier  than 
their  own  country. 

30.  It  is  admirable  to  consider  what  shoals  of  Denmark, 
people  were  formerly  vented  out  of  Cimbrica  Cher-f^Xifia 
sonesus,  take  it  in  the  largest  extent  for  Denmark ''sj^^™® 
Norway,  and  Sweden,  who,  by  the  terrible  names  °™®»- 

of  Goths,  Ostro-Goths,  Vi  si-Goths,  Huns,  Vandals, 
Danes,  Normans,  overran  the  fairest  and  fruitfulest 
parts  of  Christendom;  whereas  now,  though  for  these 
last  three  himdred  years,  the  Swedish  wars  in  Ger- 
many excepted,  that  coimtry  hath  sent  forth  no  visi- 
ble numbers  of  people,  and  yet  is  very  thinly  inha- 

w  I  Tim.  V.  23.  Chron.  and  Flor.  Wig.  a.  787.] 
*  [See  the  Saxon  Chronicle         ^  Otherwise  strictly,  it  con- 
in  this  year.]  taineth  only  part  of  Denmark, 

y  QThey  landed  in  England  continent  to  Germany, 
with   three   ships.     See    Sax, 


Vl^  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  787.  bited,  so  that  one  may  travel  some  himdreds  of  miles 
therein  through  mere  deserts,  every  man  whom  he 
meeteth  having  a  Phoenix  in  his  right  hand.  Yea, 
so  few  the  natives,  that  some  of  their  garrisons  are 
manned  with  foreigners,  and  their  kings  &in  to  en- 
tertain mercenary  Dutch  and  Scotch  to  manage 
their  wars. 

Tworea-        31.  Strange  that  this  country,  formerly  all  on  the 

of.  giving,  should   now  be  only  on  the  taking  hand. 

Some*  impute  their  modem  comparative  barrenness 
to  their  excessive  drinking ;  a  vice  belike  which 
lately  hath  infected  that  nation,  drinking  themselves 
past  goats  into  stocks,  out  of  wantonness  into  stn- 
pidity,  which,  by  a  contracted  habit,  debilitateth 
their  former  fruitfiilness.  Others^  more  truly  ascribe 
their  former  fruitfiilness  to  their  promiscuous  copu- 
lations with  women  during  their  paganism,  which 
are  not  so  numerous  since  Christianity  hath  confined 
them  to  the  marriage  of  one  vdfe. 

The  reason  32.  If  I  might  spcak  according  to  my  own  pro- 
'^*^'**'  fession  of  a  divine,  soaring  over  second  causes  in 
nature,  I  should  ascribe  their  ancient  populousness 
to  Divine  operation.  As  the  widow  her  oil  multi- 
plied till  her  debts  were  satisfied,  and  that  effected 
for  which  the  miracle  was  intended,  which  done,  the 
increase  thereof  instantly  ceased :  so  these  northern 
parts  flowed  with  crowds  of  people,  till  their  inunda- 
tions had  paid  the  scores  of  sinful  Christians,  and 
then,  the  birch  grooving  no  more,  when  the  wanton 
children  were  sufficiently  whipped,  the  procreative- 
ness  of  those  nations  presently  stinted  and  abated. 

a  J.  Barklay  in  Icon  animo-         ^  G.  Tayl.   in  his  Chronicle 
rum,  [p.  176.  ed.  1614.]  of  Normandy.p] 


CEKT.  Till. 


33.  The  hndii^  of  tbese  Dmos^  in  Eik^Mod  w  J^^ 


rf**' 


ushered  with  msny  sad  progDosdcs :  «aR  -were  ^een  Wmi 
strangely  fidling  frcnn  beaTcn,  and  ^andwy  tevriUe 
flames  sppeBiei  in  the  skies'.  From  the  firing 
such  extiBordinarr  beaeonsw  all  conefaided  fome  nev 
enemy  was  i^roaching  the  oadon.  Serpents  were 
seen  in  Sussex,  and  Mood  reigned  in  feme  parts  of 
the  land.  Lindes&m  cm-  HoIt  Idand  w^k  the  fiisc 
that  felt  the  fury  of  these  pagan« :  bat  soon  after 
no  place  was  safe  and  secnre  from  their  mielty. 
whereof  more  h^cafter. 

34.  At  this  time  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbory  a.  d.  ;< 
was  in   part   removed  to   Lichfield,   fire   eseential 
things  concurring  to  that  great  alteration.  ^ 

i.  The  puissance  and  ambition  of  OflSi,  king  of 
Mercia,  commanding  in  chief  over  England  ^.  He 
would  have  the  brightest  mitre  to  attend  the  biggest 
crown. 

ii.  The  complying  nature  of  pope  Adrian ;  except 
any  will  call  it  his  thankfulness  to  gratify  king  OflS^ 
for  the  large  gifts  received  from  him. 

iii.  The  easy  and  unactive  disposition  of  Janbyrht, 
or  Lambert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury^ :  unless  any 
will  term  it  his  policy,  that  finding  himself  unable 
to  resist,  (a  pope  and  a  prince  overmatch  for  a  pre- 


«  Sim.  Danelm.  Hist.  Eccl. 
ch.  XX.  Ranulphus  Cestrensis, 
p.  251.  ed.  Gale,  et  alii. 

^  [See  Malmb.  f.  15.  b.  He 
ruled  over  twenty- three  shires. 
Vita  Offae,  ii<*>,  p.  30.  (see  be- 
low, p.  274.)] 

«  [This  reproach  is  certainly 
not  just.  Janbyrht  was  com- 
pelled to  yield  to  the  superfor 
force  of  Offa,  after  having  em- 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


ployed  all  lawful  means  of  re- 
sistance. See  Malmsb.  f.  i5,b. 
The  archbishop  died  in  the 
year  790  ;  his  contest  with 
Offa  happened  probably  five 
years  previously,  in  785.  since 
that  is  the  period  in  which  it 
is  stated  that  he  was  deprived 
of  part  of  his  see.  See  the 
Saxon  Chron.  and  Flor.  Wi- 
gorn.  in  an.  785.  Vit.Offae,p.2 1 .] 


274  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  790.  late,)  he  would  not  strive  to  keep  what  most  be 
taken  away  from  him. 

iv.  The  commodious  situation  of  Lichfield,  almost 
in  the  navel  of  the  land:  and  where  should  the  high- 
est candlestick  stand  (the  metropolitan  cathedral) 
but  in  the  midst  of  the  table  ?  Whereas  Kent  itself 
was  but  a  comer,  whence  it  taketh  its  name ;  and 
Canterbury  seated  in  the  comer  of  that  comer,  a 
remote  nook  thereof. 

V.  The  antiquity  of  Lichfield  in  Christianity,  where 
the  British  church  suffered  a  massacre  from  the 
pagans  three  hundred  years  before  St.  Augustine's 
coming  to  Canterbury'';  witness  the  name  of  the 
place,  being  another  Helkath-hazzurim,  or  field  of 
strong  men,  where  so  many  worthies  died  for  the 
testimony  of  the  truth*. 

On  these  and  other  considerations  Ealdulf  was 
made  the  first  (and  last)  archbishop  of  Lichfield, 
though  others  make  Humbert  and  Higbert  his  suc- 
cessors in  that  dignity,  and  six  suffi-agans,  viz. 
Worcester,  Hereford,  Leicester,  Sidnacester,  Helm- 
ham,  and  Dunwich,  subjected  to  his  jurisdiction. 
Yet  was  not  the  archiepiscopal  see  removed,  as  some 
seem  to  conceive,  but  communicated  to  Lichfield; 
Canterbury  still  retaining  its  former  dignity,  and  part 
of  its  province;  the  bishops  of  London,  Rochester, 
Winchester,  and  Sherborne  continuing  still  subject 
unto  him. 
^•j^- 79f  85.  King  Oifa  having  settled  an  archbishopric  at 
ixjdy  en-  Lichfield,  his  next  design  was  to  enshrine  the  corpse 
of  St  Alban:  five  hundred  and  seven  years  had 
passed  since  his  death  and  plain  burial  y.     For  as 

^  Vide  supra,  p.  54.  y  Vita  Offse  secundi,  p.  38, 

«  2  Sam.  ii.  16.  annexed  to  the  new  edition  of 


CKKT.  VIII.  of  BrUain.  275 

John  Baptist,  the  last  martyr  before  Christ,  and  St.  a.d.  793. 
Stephen,  the  first  martyr  after  him,  were  fairly  in- 
terred  by  their  friends  and  followers,  without  any 
more  ado,  so  the  corpse  of  St.  Alban  were  quietly 
committed  to  the  earth,  and  there  some  centuries  of 
years  peaceably  reposed.  But  now  Offa,  they  say, 
was  admonished  in  a  vision  to  bestow  more  public 
sepulture  upon  him.  A  star,  we  know,  directed  to 
the  place  of  Christ's  birth,  whereas  a  bright  beam, 
say  the  monks,  discovered  the  place  of  St.  Alban*s 
burial'.  A  beam  suspected  by  some  shot  by  him 
who  can  turn  himself  into  an  angel  of  light,  because 
gaining  so  much  by  their  superstition.  Then  was 
Alban's  body  in  pompous  manner  taken  up,  en- 
shrined, and  adored  by  the  beholders.  No  wonder 
then  if  the  Danes  now  invaded  the  dominions  of  the 
English,  seeing  the  English  invaded  the  prerogative 
of  Grod,  diverting  the  worship  due  to  him  alone  to 
the  rotten  relics  of  dead  men :  and  henceforth  the 
old  Romans'  city  of  Verulam  lost  its  name  under  the 
new  Saxon  town  of  St.  Alban's. 

56.  King  Offa  went  to  Rome,  and  there  confirmed  a.  d.  794. 
and  enlarged  to  pope  Adrian  the  gift  of  Peter-pence,  re^»nSrm^ 
what  Ina,  king  of  the  West-Saxons,  had  formerly  •^  ^  ^^•• 
bestowed  \    For  this  favour  the  pope  granted  him, 

that  no  Englishman  for  penance  imposed  should  be 
banished  out  of  his  own  country. 

57.  But  bold  beggars  are  the  bane  of  the  best  Gift  no 
bounty,  when  grown  so  impudent,  that  what  at  first 
was  given  them  for  alms,  in  process  of  time  they 


M.  Paris^  [Lond.  1640.  See     called     Peter-pence,     because 

also  Malmsb.  f.  15,  b.]  paid  on  the  day  of  St.  Peter  ad 

'  Ibid.  p.  26.  Vincula.  Vitae  Abb.  S.  Albani ; 

•   [It    was   from    this  time     in  Mat.  Paris,  -^PP*  ?•  3^-] 


276  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  794.  challenge  for  rent.  Some  call  this  a  tribute  (badge 
of  subjection)  of  England  to  the  see  of  Rome; 
among  whom  is  Polydore  Virgil,  once  collector  of 
those  Peter-pence  in  England.  But  blame  him  not 
for  magnifying  his  own  oflSce,  who,  had  he  owned 
this  money  (as  indeed  it  was)  given  in  frank  almonage, 
had  then  appeared  no  better  than  a  gentle  beggar ; 
whereas  now  he  hopes  to  advance  his  employment  to 
a  nobler  notion. 
A.D.79S.  88.  Oifa  having  done  all  his  work  at  Rome^ 
foundatioii  namely,  procured  the  canonization  of  St.  Alban^  the 
ban's  ab.'  absolution  of  his  own  sins,  and  many  murders,  and 
^'  visited  and  endowed  the  English  college  there,  re- 
turned home,  fell  to  found  the  monastery  of  St 
Alban's,  bestowing  great  lands  and  liberties  upon  it, 
as  fireeing  it  from  the  payment  of  Peter-pence,  epi- 
scopal jurisdiction,  and  the  like*.  This  is  alleged 
and  urged  by  our  regians,  to  prove  the  king's  para- 
mount power  in  ecclesiasticis ;  seeing  none  can  give, 
save  what  they  are  formally  or  eminently  possessed 
of.  And  whereas  papists  plead  that  Offa  had  fore- 
requested  the  granting  of  these  privileges  from  the 
pope,  no  mention  at  all  thereof  appears  in  the 
charter  **  of  his  foundation,  here  too  large  to  insert, 
but  that  all  was  done  by  his  own  absolute  authority. 
Next  year  Offa  ended  his  life ;  buried  at  Bedford,  on 
that  token  that  the  river  Ouse  swelling  on  a  sudden 
swept  his  corpse  clean  away. 
Canterbury      39-  Offk  being  dead^  down  fell  the  best  pillar  of 

reooverelh 

*  [See    a   similar   privilege  99.  [ed.  1631.1 
granted  by  Kenulphus  to  the  c  [Offa  died  in  794,  accord- 
monastery  of  Abingdon,  men-  ing  to  the   Sax.   Chron.    and 
tioned  in  this  History,  p.  266.]  Flor.  Wigorn. ;  in  796,  accord- 

^  Amongst  sir  T.  Cotton  his  ing  to  Sim.  Dunelm.  De  Gestis 

manuscripts,  and  is   exempli.  Rcgum.  in  an.] 
tied  in  Weever's  Fun.  Mon.  p. 


CENT.  VIII.  of  Britain,  277 

Lichfield   church,  to  support  the   archiepiscopality  A.D.796. 
thereof.  And  now  Canterbury  had  got  ^thelheard  a !» former 
new  archbishop,  who  had  as  much  activity  to  spare  *^ 
as  his  predecessor  Janbyrht  is  said  by  some  to  want. 
Wherefore    he    prevailed   with   Kenulph    king  of 
Mercia,  and  both  of  them  with  Leo  the  new  pope,  to 
restore  back  the  archiepiscopal  see  to  Canterbury ; 
as  in  the  next  century  was  perfectly  effected. 

40.  We  will  conclude  this  century  with  two  emi-  Learned 
nent  men  (to  leave  at  last  a  good  relish  in  the  ooniutech 
memory  of  the  reader)  now  flourishing  therein.  The  JJj^^**' 
one  Alcuinus  or  Albinus  :  it  being  questionable 
whether  he  were  more  famous  for  venerable  Bede, 
who  was  his  master,  or  Charles  the  Great,  who  was 
his  scholar ;  whilst  it  is  out  of  doubt  that  he  is  most 
honoured  for  his  own  leammg  and  religion.  And 
because  Englishmen  may  be  presumed  partial  in  the 
praise  of  an  Englishman,  hear  what  a  character  a 
learned  foreigner  gives  of  him  :  Vir  in  divinis 
scriptis  eruditissimuSy  et  in  scecularium  literarum 
peritia  nuUi  suo  tempore  secundtis ;  carmine  exceUens 
el  prosa^.  But  he  got  himself  the  greatest  credit  by 
opposing  the  canons  of  the  second  Nicene  council, 
wherein  the  superstitious  adoration  of  images  was 
enjoined**.  These  canons,  some  seven  years  since, 
were  sent  by  Charles  the  Great  to  king  Offa,  to  be 
received  of  the  English ;  who  notwithstanding  gene- 
rally distasted  and  rejected  them,  the  aforesaid  Al- 
cuinus writing  a  learned  epistle  against  the  same. 
He  was  fetched  by  Charles  his  scholar,  calling  him 
his  delicious  master ;  where  he  first  founded  the  uni- 

^  J.  Tritliemius  de  Script.  Ecclesiasticis,  [p.  250.  ed.  1601.] 
«  R.  Hovedeii.  Annal.  f.  234,  b. 


ck 


278 


The  Church  History  of  Britain*        book  ii. 


A.D.  800.  versity  of  Pari8,  and  died  abbot  of  St.  Martin's  in 

Tours. 
Ecgbryht        41.  The  Other  was  Ecgbryht^,  who  in  this  rery  year 

tii6  nnt  fix* 

ed  monarch  made  himsolf  sole  monarch  of  England.  True  it  is, 
**  "  in  the  Saxon  heptarchy  there  was  generally  one  who 
outpowered  all  the  rest.  But  such  monarchy  was 
desidtory  and  moveable,  sometimes  the  West-Saxon, 
sometimes  the  Mercian,  sometimes  the  Northumber- 
land king  ruled  over  the  rest.  But  henceforward  Ecg- 
bryht fixed  the  supreme  sovereignty  in  himself  and 
his  posterity :  for  though  afterwards  there  continued 
some  other  petty  kings,  as  Kenulph  king  of  Mercia, 
&c.,  yet  they  shined  but  dimly,  (as  the  moon  when 
the  sun  is  risen,)  and  in  the  next  age  were  utterly 
extinguished.  So  that  hereafter  we  shall  double  our 
files,  and  for  the  better  regulating  of  time,  next  the 
column  of  the  year  of  our  Lord,  add  another  of  the 
reign  of  our  English  kings  ^. 


^  [King  of  the  West- Saxons; 
it  was  not  till  the  year  827 
that  he  was  master  of  the  Cis- 
humbrian  provinces,  in  which 
year  also  he  inarched  beyond 
the  Humber  with  the  purpose 
of  making  himself  master  of 
all  England ;  but  the  North- 


umbrians having  met  him  with 
offers  oi  subjection,  he  return- 
ed without  further  efforts.  See 
the  Saxon  Chron.  and  Flor. 
Wigom.  an.  827.] 

?  [In  this  edition  the  two 
series  of  dates  are  printed  in 
the  same  column.] 


THE  NINTH  CENTURA. 


TO  HR.  WILLIAM,  AND  MR.  ROBERT  CHRISTMAS. 
MERCHANTS  OP  LONDON". 

You  are  both  brethren  by  birth,  and  by  your  joint  bounty 
on  my  endeavourt.  It  it  there/ore  pity  to  part  you.  May 
no  other  diffirence  be  in  your  hearts,  than  what  heraldry 
aOowa  in  your  arms,  only  to  disHngfiish  the  age  of  the 
elder  Jrom  the  younger;  that  so  the  memory  cf  your 
happy  father  may  survive  in  you  his  hopefid  children. 

HEN  Kenulph,  king  of  Mercia,  sent  a  A-D-Soo. 
letter  to  Leo  the  third,  pope,  by^thel-  '^T?— 1. 
heard  the  archbishop, to  this  effect:  That  biibopno 
whereas  the  metropolitan  seat  by  ao-^^^Jw 
thority  apostolic  was  primitively  fixed  at  Canterbury,  J^^™- 
where  the  blessed  body  of  Augustine  was  buried  ;kinBK^ 
and  whereas  lately  king  Offa,  out  of  opposition  to 
archbishop  Lambert,  had  removed  the  same  seat  to 


•  [i.  Anns.  Oules,  on  a 
feu  raguled,  or,  three  mutlets 
Bable,  a  canton  ennine. 

3.  The  same  with  a  crescent 
for  difference :  as  the  coat  of  a 
second  ton. 

B^r  the  visitation  of  London 
made  by  sir  Richard  St.  George, 
C]arencieux,kingetarms,i663, 
it  appears  that  William  was  the 
eldest,  and  Robert  the  second 


and  youngest  son  of  William 
Christmas  of  London,  mer- 
cliant,  then  living,  by  his  wife 
Snsan,  daughter  of  Thomas 
Endlin  of  Long  Ditton,  co. 
Surrey.  The  said  William 
was  the  second  son  of  Robert 
Christmas,  of  a  good  bmily 
seated  at  Onilford  in  that 
county.  B.] 

Tl 


280 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.800.  Lichfield,  and  procured  from  pope  Adrian  the  same 
1  jiigDem.  ^j^j^Jj^^Jqq  ^q  \yQ  confirmed :  Kenulph  requested  his 

holiness  so  far  to  concur  with  the  general  desire  of 
the  English  nation,  as  to  revoke  the  act  of  his  pre- 
decessor, and  restore  the  archbishopric  to  its  proper 
place*.  And  knowing  that  suits  in  the  court  of 
Rome  speed  no  whit  the  less  when  accompanied 
with  gifts,  he  sent  his  holiness  one  hundred  and 
twenty  mancuses**  for  a  present.  The  gift  was 
kindly  accepted,  the  archbishop  courteously  enter- 
tained, the  request  bbuntiftilly  granted ;  and  thus  the 
archbishop's  see,  dislocated,  or  out  of  joint  for  a  time, 
was  by  the  hands  of  his  holiness  set  right  again. 
A.D.803.  2.  iEthelheard  returning  home,  called  a  synod  at 
most  formal  Cloves-ho  iu  Kent,  not  far  from  Rochester,  where 
fn^sySod"  ^y  power  from  the  pope  he  rivetted  the  archbishopric 
into  the  city  of  Canterbury,  the  synod  denouncing 
heavy  penalties  to  any  that  hereafter  should  endea- 
vour to  divide  them :  so  that  it  is  believed,  that  the 
archbishop's  see  may  as  easily  be  wholly  dissolved,  as 
hence  removed.  The  subscriptions  in  this  council 
were  the  most  formal  and  solemn  of  any  so  ancient. 
The  reader  will  not  be  offended  with  their  hard 
names  here  following,  seeing  his  eye  may  run  them 
over  in  perusing  them,  though  his  tongue  never 
touch  them  in  pronouncing  them*'. 


&  Malmsb.  de  Gestis  Reg. 
f.  16.  [^thelheard  went  to 
Rome  in  the  year  799.  See  the 
Sax.  Chron.  and  Florentius 
Wigornien.  iu  ann.  According 
to  the  same  Chronicles,  and 
Malmsbury  (ibid.),  Ecgbryht 
succeeded  in  the  year  800 ; 
according  to  Sim.  Dunelm.  in 
802.  De  Gestis  Reg.  in  an.] 


^  Mancusee  quasi  manu  cusee, 
a  coin  about  the  valuation 
whereof  is  much  variety.  [See 
Twysden*8  Glossary,  s.  v.,  and 
Foxe's  Martyrol.  I.  483.] 

c  The  original  is  extant  in 
the  records  of  Canterbury, 
copied  out  by  Spelman  in  his 
Concil.  I.  325.    [Wilkins,  I. 

167.] 


CENT.  iX. 


of  Britain, 


S81 


Diocese.  Bishops, 


Abbots.  Presbyters,         Deacons.        A.D.8a3i 

_  rVulfheard    ^  4  Egbert^ 

Canterbury..  I  Jj;^«^  I p^j^^l^         jVuemo^    jVulfred,  arch. 

rLuUa 
Moon 

Lichfield Alduulf Hygberht        -{  Vuigferht 

Eadhere 


L«    «    *    * 


Leicester ....  Vuerenberht .  * 


Ealhmund,  pr. 
Beonna,  pr. 
Forthred,  pr. 
Vuigmund,pr. 

r  Eadred,  pr. 


^Cuthberht 
»Eadberht 
Pl^berht 


Sydn»ce«er . .  E«luulf  . . . .  j  Dac«hd.S,  pr.  |  ^^^^ 

fHygberht        "^ 
Thineferth 
Worcester  . .  Deneberht    . .  -<  Pega  >Cenferth 

Freothomund, 

Hereford  ....  Vulf heard    . .     Cuthraed 


«    «    «     « 


«     «    «     « 


«     «    «     « 


rSrygol 


Schirebum  . .  Wigberht 


Winchester. .  Alhmund 


J 


Aluda 
Eadberht 
Beorthmund 
r  Cuthberht 
Mark 
Cumba 
Lulla 


Dygoga         >  Ueathobald 
Monn.  J 


} 


Hehnham    . .  Ealheard ....     *    *    *    * 

r  Vulf  heard 


Dunwich ....  Tidfrith   .... 


1  Lulla 


r  Northeard 
[Vngthe 

{Folcberht 
Frithobert 
Eadberht 
Wlflab 
{Ceolhelm 
Cynewulf       J- 
Tydberth       J 


«     «     «     « 


Hunfrid 


Eadberht d 


London    ....  Osmond   . . 


{Heahstan 
Plegberht 


.*    *     *     * 


Rochester    . .  Weormund 


Selsey Weohthun 


Archbishop  i 
Bishops  12 
Abbots         26 


{Wigheard 
Tidhun 
Frithorad 
iEthelhelm 
TLullingo 
Tuda 
«     «     *     *     ^  Beagnoth       y*    *     *    * 

Heathoberht  I 
Wigheard      J 
^Dudda 
Eadberht 
Beorcol 
Heahfrid 
Cynebalde    ^ 


Ceolmund 


.*    *     *     * 


Presbyters  39 
Archdeacon  i 
Deacons  x 


1 82  in  all. 


^  [After  this  name  is  a  blank,     priest.] 
and  therefore  it  is  not  certain         ®  Doubtful  whether  priests 
whether   he   were   deacon    or     or  deacons. 


3M  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.P^8<>3.  S.  Now  to  make  a  short  but  necessaiy  digression: 
tr^!^  in  this  synod  we  may  observe,  that  bishops  appeared 
■errabies  personally,  and  the  rest  of  the  clergy  were  repre- 
Sbod^LiT  sented,  monks  in  their  abbots,  and  the  seculars  in 
^^^^^  the  priests  and  deacons  of  their  diocese  respectively. 
iDg.  Such  abbots  as  in  this  catalogue  have  the  addition  of 

pr.  were  also  priests,  and  so  present  in  a  double 
capacity ;  though  perchance  they  made  only  use  of 
their  abbotship.  No  deans  appear  here,  as  a  dignity 
of  far  later  institution.  The  bishops,  in  the  order  of 
their  subscriptions,  seem  to  observe  seniority  of  their 
consecrations,  and  not  dignity  of  their  bishoprics; 
seeing  London  lags  one  of  the  last,  to  which  our 
church-heralds  did  afterwards  assign  the  highest 
place  next  the  archbishops^:  only  Lichfield  may 
seem  to  have  had  the  precedency,  by  the  courtesy  of 
the  synod,  that  the  lost  dignity  thereof  might  be 
buried  in  honour,  being  so  lately  the  seat  of  an  arch- 
bishop. Lastly,  this  was  but  a  provincial  coimcil  for 
Canterbury  alone,  York  with  his  two  sufiragans, 
Lindisfam  and  Hexham,  not  mentioned  in  the  meet- 
ing. Thus,  as  the  anatomy  of  a  little  child,  repre- 
senting all  parts  thereof,  is  accounted  a  greater  rarity 
than  the  skeleton  of  a  man  of  fiill  stature,  so  I  con- 
ceive it  more  acceptable  to  the  studious  in  antiquity 
to  behold  the  form  of  these  synods,  with  the  distinct 
members  thereof,  in  the  infancy  of  the  Saxon  church, 
than  to  see  a  complete  council  in  after-ages,  when 
grown  to  full  perfection. 
A.D.816.  4.  Pass  we  by  some  petty  synods  celebrated  in  the 
S  wSSd/  ^^^S^  and  country  of  king  Kenulph  of  Mercia.  Emi- 
hvS^*^     nent  was  the  council  at  Celichyth  under  Wulfred 

^  Harpefield,  Hist.  Ang.  p.  743. 


cKNT.iz.  of  Britain.  985 

(who  succeeded  iEthelheard)  archbishop  of  Canter-  A.p.8i& 
bury.    Wherein,  amongst  other  things  slight  or  super-  — 
stitious,  was  decreed, 

i.  That  the  catholic  faith  should  be  kept,  and 
ancient  canons  observed. 

ii.  That  new  churches  should  be  consecrated  with 
holy  water  by  their  bishops,  and  the  saint  some- 
where painted  therein  to  whom  the  same  is  dedi- 
cated ff. 

iii.  That  all  in  Christian  charity  mutually  love  one 
another. 

iv.  That  abbots  and  abbesses  be  blameless  persons, 
chosen  by  the  bishop  with  the  consent  of  the  convent. 

V.  That  no  Scotchman  baptize  or  administer  the 
eucharist  in  England ;  it  being  uncertain  whether  or 
by  whom  they  are  ordained.  (We  may  discover 
herein  some  remaining  dregs  of  the  long-lasting  dif- 
ference about  the  celebration  of  Easter,  which  made 
the  suspicious  EngUsh  still  to  harbour  a  causeless 
prejudice  against  the  Scotch  priesthood.) 

vi.  That  the  judicial  sentences  of  bishops  in  former 
sjuods  remain  ratified ;  as  also  all  their  acts  solenmly 
signed  with  the  cross. 

vii.  That  no  abbey-lands  be  leased  out  longer  than 
in  dies^  et  spatium  unius  hominis ;  (that  is,  as  I  take  it, 
for  the  single  life  of  one  man ;)  except  in  some  case 
of  extremity,  to  help  against  famine,  invasion  of  foes, 
or  for  obtaining  of  freedom. 

viii.  That  things  dedicated  to  God  remain  so  for 
ever. 

K  Sec  Spelman's  Concil.  I.  "  depictum  in  pariete  oratorii, 

328.  [Wilkiiw,  I.  169.     The  "  aut  in  tebula,  Tel  etiam  in  al. 

passaf^  referred  to  runs  thus  in  **  taribus,  quibus  Sanctis  sint 

the  original:  " Praecipimus  uni-  "  utraque  dedicata."] 
"  cuique  episcopoj  ut  habeat 


S84  The  Church  History  book  il 

A.D.816.      ix.  That  the  acts  of  all  synods  be  fidrlj  written 
i7isgt>ertL  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^  thereof,  and  name  of  the  arch- 
bishop president,  and  bishops  present  thereat. 

X.  That  bishops  at  their  death  giye  the  full  tithe 
of  their  goods  to  the  poor,  and  set  free  every  English- 
man which  in  their  lifetime  was  a  slave  unto  them, 
xi.  That  bishops  invade  not  the  diocese,  priests  the 
parish,  neither  the  oflSce  of  another,  save  only  when 
desired  to  baptize  or  visit  the  sick.  The  refusers 
whereof  in  any  place  are  to  be  suspended  their 
ministry  till  reconciled  to  the  bishop. 

xii.  That  they  pour  not  water  upon  the  heads  of 
infonts,  but  immerge  them  in  the  font,  in  imitation 
of  Christ,  who,  say  they,  was  thrice  so  washed  in 
Jordan. 

But  where  is  this  in  scripture  ?  The  manifestation 
indeed  of  the  Trinity  plainly  appears  in  the  text; 
Father  in  the  voice.  Son  personally  present,  Holy 
Spirit  in  the  dove**;  but  as  for  thrice  washing  him, 
altum  silentium.  However,  see  how  our  modem 
sectaries  meet  popery  in  shunning  it,  requiring  the 
person  to  be  plunged ;  though  critics  have  cleared  it, 
that  baptize  doth  import  as  well  dipping  as  drench- 
ing in  water. 
Ecgbryht  5.  And  now  we  take  our  farewell  of  king  Kenulph, 
^^^^  who,  for  all  his  great  bustling  in  church  matters  for 
England,  ^jj^  fjj^^  twenty  years  in  this  century,  was  (as  genus 
subdltemum  amongst  the  logicians)  a  king  over  his 
subjects,  yet  but  a  subject  to  king  Ekjgbryht,  who  now 
at  Winchester  was  solemnly  crowned  monarch  of 
the  southern  and  greater  moiety  of  this  island,  en- 
joining all  the  people  therein  to  term  it  Engelond, 
since  England,  that  so  the  petty  names  of  seven 

^  Matt.  in.  16.  17. 


CENT.  IX.  of  Britain,  285 

fonner  distinct  kingdoms  might  be  honourably  buried  A.D.830. 
in  that  general  appellation  ^  ^- ^ 

6.  Some  will  wonder,  seeing  this  nation  was  com-Serenking- 
poimded  of  Saxons,  Jutes,  and  Angles,  why  it  should  lowed  up  in 
not  rather  be  denominated  of  the  first,  as  in  number  ^'*««^**^ 
greatest,  and  highest  in  reputation.     Such  consider 

not  that  a  grand  continent  in  Germany  was  already 
named  Saxony;  and  it  was  not  handsome  for  this 
land  to  wear  a  name  at  second-hand  belonging  to 
another.  Besides,  England  is  a  name  of  credit,  im- 
porting  in  Dutch  the  same  with  the  land  of  angels*^. 
And  how  the  name  stamped  with  the  king's  com- 
mand  soon  became  current,  and  extinguished  all  the 
rest.  For  Kent,  Essex,  Sussex,  Northumberland, 
though  remaining  in  common  discourse,  shrunk  from 
former  kingdoms  into  modem  counties;  Westsex, 
Mercia,  and  East- Angles  were  in  effect  finally  for- 
gotten. It  will  not  be  amiss  to  wish  that  seeing  so 
great  a  tract  of  ground  meets  in  one  name,  the 
people  thereof  may  agree  in  Christian  unity  and 
affections. 

7.  King  Ecgbryht  was  now  in  the  exaltation  of  his  Danes  dis- 
greatness.     But  never  will  human  happiness  hold^bryhi 
out  full  measure  to  man's  desire.   Freed  from  home- 
bred hostility,  he  was  ready  to  repose  himself  in  the 

bed  of  ease  and  honour ;  when  the  Danes  not  only 
jogged  his  elbows,  but  pinched  his  sides,  to  the  dis- 

^  [Mercia  was  not  subject  to  year  827,  and  Ecgbryht  became 

Ecgbryht,  king  of  the  West-  master  of  all  the  Cishumbrane 

Saxons,  till  some  years  after,  provinces.       See    the    Saxon 

Kenulph  died  in  819,  and  after  Chron.  and  Flor.  Wigorn.  in 

various  engagements  between  an.  819  and  827.  Malm.  f.  17, 

Ecgbryht,  and  the  various  kings  1 9.] 

oi  Mercia  who  succeeded  Ken-  ^  Verstegan  of  decayed  in- 

ulph^  that  kingdom   fell  into  telligence,  [p*  I4^'] 
the  hands  of  Ecgbryht  in  the 


286  The  Church  Htsiary  book  ii. 

A.  DJB33.  turbance  of  his  future  quiet.    They  beat  the  English 

1  in  a  naval  fight  at  Carmouth  in  Dorsetshire,  which 

proved  fatal  to  our  nation^     For  an  island  is  never 

an  island  indeed,  until  mastered  at  sea,  cut  off  from 

conunerce  with  the  continent.     Henceforward  these 

pagans  settled  themselves  in  some  part  of  the  knd. 

though  claiming  it  by  no  other  title  than  their  own 

pride  and  covetousness,  and  keeping  it  in  no  other 

tenure  than  that  of  violence  and  cruelty. 

A.D.836.      8.  iEthelwoIphus  his  son  succeeded  king  Eksgbryht 

Ihi.     '^  '  in  the  throne :  a  prince  not  less  commended  for  his 

Smf  Wb^'  valour  than  devotion,  and  generally  fortunate  in  his 

mivemi    undertakings,  though  much  molested  all  his  lifetime 

ithes  to     by  the  Danes.  But  nothing  makes  him  so  remarkable 

jbe  church. 

to  posterity,  as  the  granting  of  this  charter,  or  rather 
the  solemn  passing  of  this  act  ensuing™. 

^'  Regnante  Domino  nostro  Jesu  Christo,  in  per- 
petuum.     Dum  in  nostris  temporibus  bellorum  in- 
cendia,  et  direptiones  opum  nostrarum,  necnon  et 
vastantium   crudelissimas  deprsedationes  hostium, 
"  barbararum,   paganarumque    gentium    multiplices 
"  tribulationes  ad  afHigendum  usque  ad  intemecio- 
nem,  cemimus  tempora  incumbere  periculosa : 
Quamobrem  ego  Ethelwlphus  rex  occidentalium 
"  Saxonum,  cum  consilio  episcoporum  ac  principum 
"  meorum,  consilium  salubre  atque  uniforme  reme- 
"  dium   affirmavi,   ut  aliquam   portionem  terrarum 
«  hsereditariam  antea  possidentibus  omnibus  gradi- 
"  bus,  sive  famulis  et  famulabus  Dei,  Deo  servienti- 
"  bus,  sive  laicis,  semper  decimam  mansionem  ubi 

^  [The  first  descent  was  at  gestis,  f.  20.] 

Sheppey  in  the  year  832.    See  ^  Ex  Ingulph.  Hist.  Croy- 

the  Sax.  Chron.  and  Flor.  Wi-  land.   [p.  17.]   et  Malmsb.  de 

gorn.    an.    832.    Malmsb.  De  Crest.  Reg.  [f.  23.] 


cc 


CEWT.  IX.  of  Britain.  28T 

**  TniniTniiTTi  sit.  tamen  partem  decimam  in  libertatem  a.  d.  83^ 

.1  £thfllwol- 

**  perpetuam  perdonari  dijudicavi,  ut  sit  tuta  acphi. 
"  munita  ab  omnibus  secularibus  servitutibus,  necnon 
*^  regalibus  tributis  majoribus  et  minoribus,  sive 
^  taxationibus,  quod  nos  dicimus  Witereden :  sitque 
**  libera  omnium  rerum  pro  remissione  animarum 
^  nostrarum  ad  serviendum  Deo  soli  sine  expeditione, 
*'  et  pontis  instructione,  et  arcis  munitione,  ut  eo  di- 
^*  ligentius  pro  nobis  ad  Deum  preces  sine  cessatione 
iundant,  quo  eorum  servitutem  in  aliqua  parte 
levigamus. 

"  Plaeuit  etiam  episcopis  Alhstano  Schirebumen- 
sis"  ecclesise,  et  Swithuno  Wintoniensis  ecclesise, 
cum  suis  Abbatibus,  et  sends  Dei,  consilium  inire, 
^  ut  omnes  fratres,  et  sorores  nostrae,  ad  unamquam- 
que  ecclesiam  omni  hebdomada  die  Mercurii,  hoc 
est,  Weddensday,  cantent  quinquaginta  Psalmos, 
^  et  unusquisque  presbyter  duas  missas,  unam  pro 
**  rege  Ethelwlpho,  et  aliam  pro  ducibus  ejus  huic 
**  dono  consentientibus,  pro  mercede  et  refrigerio 
"  delictorum  suorum :  et  pro  rege  vivente  dicant : 
**  Oremus.  Deus  qui  justificds ;  pro  ducibus  etiam 
**  viventibus,  Prcetende  Domine ;  postquam  autem 
**  defuncti  fiierint,  pro  rege  defuncto  singulariter,  et 
"  pro  principibus  defunctis  communiter.  Et  hoc  sit 
**  tam  firmiter  constitutum  omnibus  Christianitatis 
**  diebus,  sicut  libertas  ilia  constituta  est,  quamdiu 
•*  fides  crescit  in  gente  Anglorum. 

Scripta  est  autem  hsec  donationis  cartula  anno 
dominicae  incamationis  856  indictione  quarta,  die 
quinto  nonas  Novembris,  in  civitatae  Wentana,  in 

n  [It  was  by  the  activity  and     cessfully  to  oppose  the  Danes. 
talents    of    this    bishop    that     Malms,  f.  20.] 
jEthelwolf  was    enabled   suc- 


« 


u 


288 


The  Church  Uistory 


900K  II. 


<c 


cc 


A.D.836.  *^  ecclesia  sancti  Petri  ante  altare  capitale;  et  hoc 
phi.    ^  ~  '^  fecerunt  pro  honore  sancti  Michaelis  archangeli  et 

"Bancte   Marise    regin«,  glorio«e   Dei  genitricis: 

simulque  et  beati  Petri  apostolorum  principis,  nee- 
non  et  sanctissimi  patris  nostri  Gregorii  papie,  atque 
^^  omnium  sanctorum.  Et  time  pro  ampliori  finni- 
^^  tate  rex  Ethel  wlphus  posuit  cartulam  super  altare 
"  S.  Petri,  et  episcopi  pro  fide  Dei  accepemnt»  et 
^^  postea  per  omnes  ecclesias  transmiserunt  in  suis 
"  parochiis,  secundum  quod  prsedictum  est®.** 
A.  D.  855.  This  ^thelwolphus  was  designed  by  his  father  to 
be  bishop  of  Winchester,  bred  in  a  monastery,  after 
taken  out,  and  absolved  of  his  vows  by  the  pope: 
and  having  had  church-education  in  his  youth,  re- 
tained to  his  old  age  the  indelible  character  of  his 
affections  thereunto.  In  expression  whereof,  in  a 
solemn  council  kept  at  Winchester,  he  subjected  the 
whole  kingdom  of  England  to  the  payment  of  tithes, 
as  by  the  foregoing  instrument  doth  appear.  He 
was  the  first  bom  monarch  of  England.  Indeed, 
before  his  time  there  were  monarchs  of  the  Saxon 
heptarchy ;  but  not  successive  and  fixed  in  a  family, 
but  fluctuating  from  one  kingdom  to  another.  Ecg- 
bryht,  father  to  this  -Sithelwulf,  was  the  first  that 


o  [See  Wilkins'  Cone.  1. 1 84, 
for  other  copies  of  this  cele- 
brated instrument;  they  vary 
from  each  other  in  a  few  ver- 
bal expressions.  The  date  of 
it  is  certainly  855,  which  coin- 
cides  with  the  third  indiction. 
The  only  writer  of  credit  who 
varies  from  this  date  is  Malms- 
bury,  who  places  it  in  the  year 
844,  and  the  fourth  indiction. 
But  the  fourth  indiction  does 
not  fall  upon  the  year  844,  nor 


any  thing  near  it.  The  date 
844  is  therefore  a  clerical 
error  for  856,  (for  841,  which 
is  the  only  year  it  could  pos- 
sibly be,  is  entirely  out  of  the 
question,)  and  I  have  altered  it 
accordingly. 

This  grant  of  a  tithe  of  the 
land  for  the  church  must  be 
separated  from  a  grant  of  a 
tithe  of  land  to  the  poor  by  the 
same  king.  Of  which  see 
Malmsb.  f.  2a.] 


CENT.  IX.  of  Britain.  289 

achieved  this  monarchy,  and  left  it  to  this  his  son,  not  a.d.  855. 
monarcka  faciusy  but  nattis,  and  so  in  unquestionable  woiph. 
power  to  make  the  foresaid  act  obligatory  over  all 
the  land. 

9.  Indeed,  before  his  time  many  acts  for  tithes  Former 
are  produced,  which  when  pressed  will  prove  of  no  tithes  in- 
great  validity.     Such  are  the  imperial  edicts  in  civil  ™* 
law,  never  possessed  of  full  power  in  England ;  as 

also  the  canons  of  some  councils  and  popes,  never 
admitted  into  plenary  obedience  by  consent  of  prince 
and  people.  Add  to  these,  first,  such  laws  as  were 
made  by  king  Ina  and  OfFa,  monarchs  indeed  of 
England  in  their  turns,  as  I  may  say,  but  not  de- 
riving the  same  to  the  issue  of  their  bodies :  so  that 
their  acts  as  personal  may  by  some  froward  spirits  be 
cavilled  at,  as  determining  with  their  own  lives. 
Join  to  these  (if  producible)  any  provincial  consti- 
tutions of  an  English  archbishop  (perchance  Egbertus 
of  York) :  those  might  obey  them,  who  would  obey, 
being  otherwise  not  subject  to  any  civil  penalty. 
But  now  this  act  of  ^thelwolphus  appears  entire  in 
all  the  proportions  of  a  law,  made  in  his  great 
council,  equivalent  to  after-parliaments,  not  only 
cum  consilio  episcoporum^  with  the  advice  of  his 
bishops,  which  easily  may  be  presumed  willingly  to 
conciu*  in  such  a  matter  of  church-advancement,  but 
also  principum  meorum^  of  my  princes,  saith  he,  the 
consent  of  inferior  persons  not  being  required  in 
that  age. 

10.  However,  nothing  can  be  so  strong  but  it  may  Objections 
meet  with  cavils,  though  not  to  destroy,  to  disturb  act  an- 
the  validity  thereof,  as  this  act  hath ;  and  we  will  ■^®™^- 
severally  examine  the  defects  charged  upon  it. 

Obj.  1.  Some  object  that  iEthelwolphus  was  but 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  U 


S90 


The  Church  History 


Booin. 


A.D.855.  king  of  the  West-Saxons,  as  appears  by  his  style, 
wdph.  "  ^^^  occidentalium  Saa^onum^  and  not  umyeml 
monarch  of  England,  whose  act  only  is  obligatoiy  to 
his  own  subjects.  Let  those  of  Cornwall,  DeTcm, 
Somerset,  Dorset,  Hants,  Wilts,  and  Berks  pay 
tithes  by  virtue  of  this  command ;  other  parts  of  the 
land  are  freed  from  the  same,  because  nihU  dot  quod 
rum  habety  none  can  derive  that  to  others  which  they 
enjoy  not  themselves ;  being  king  but  of  a  part,  he 
could  not  lay  this  law  upon  all  the  land  p. 

Ans.  He  is  termed  eminently,  not  exclusively,  king 
of  the  West-Saxons :  being  fondest  of  that  title,  as 
his  father's  first  inheritance,  before  he  acquired  the 
monarchy  of  the  whole  land.  There  were  indeed  at 
this  time  two  other  royalets,  as  only  kings  by  his 
leave,  viz.  Burhred  king  of  M ercia,  and  Edmond  king 
of  East-Angles,  who,  as  it  plainly  appears  by  Ingul- 
phus,  were  present  at  his  council,  and  consented  to 
the  acts  thereof^. 

Obj.  2.  The  consideration  was  superstitious,  to  say 
so  many  masses  for  the  souls  of  this  king  and  his 
captains  when  deceased. 

Ans.  A  double  consideration  is  mentioned  in  this 
grant.  The  first,  general ;  so  pious  in  itself,  no  ex- 
ception can  be  taken  thereat,  viz.  to  divert  the 
imminent  judgments  of  God  from  the  land,  hourly 
fearing  the  invasion  of  fierce  foreign  pagans  :  so  the 


P  [This  is  a  needless  ques- 
tion. Ecgbriht,  the  father  of 
^thelwulf,  was  monarch  of  all 
England :  iota  Britannia  pott- 
lus:  (Malms,  f.  20.)  This 
power  at  his  death  devolved  to 
^thelwulf ;  he  contented  him- 
self with  the  kingdom  of  the 


West-Saxons,  del^ating  the 
rest  of  his  authority  to  his  son 
iEthelstan.  Saxon  Chron.  and 
Flor.Wigorn.  an.  856.  Malmsb. 
f.  20.  See  particularly  Flor. 
Wigorn.  in  an.  855.] 

q  Exemplified  in  sir  Henry 
Spelman's  Concil.  I.  348. 


CKKT.  IX.  ^fBwUmm.  291 


better  to  secme  the  nine  parts  thereof  to  himself  a.d.  855. 
and  his  sabjects,  br  seCth^  apvt.  resgning,  and  sur-««i^ 
rendering  a  tenth  to  God,  the  supreme  hindlord  of 
all^  in  such  as  attended  his  dailj  serrice.  The  second 
consideration  is  more  restrictive  and  particular,  and 
resents  indeed  of  the  ignorance  of  that  age ;  but  yet 
is  proportionable  to  the  best  dcTotion  those  days 
produced:  and  easily  may  an  accidental  abuse  be 
purged  by  the  |hous  use  intended  and  designed  gene- 
rally to  God's  glory. 

Obj.  3.  The  king  only  granted  tithes  of  his  own 
crown-land,  non  in  dominion  sed  in  dominico  suOy 
**  not  in  all    his  dominions,  but   only  in    his   de- 


**  mesnes." 


Ans.  There  needed  no  such  solemn  consent  of  the 
council  of  the  land  for  the  passing  away  of  his  pri- 
vate bounty.  And  that  the  grant  extended  to  the 
kingdom  in  general,  appears  by  other  authors  on  tho 
same.  Addtdfus  decimo  nono  anno  retjfni  sni^  i/ni 
Mam  terram  mam  ad  opus  ecdesiarum  decimarH 
propter  amorem  Dei,  kcJ  More  plainly  another 
author:  In  eodem  anno  decimavit  Athnlfrcv  de  omni 
possemone  sua  in  partem  Dominiy  el  in  univerao  rtyi- 
mine  sui  principatus  sic  constituit^. 

11.  Here  we  insist  not  on  the  many  arjir\nnontH»tiwna 
out  of  Old  and  New  Testament  to  prove  tithos  to  bi» 
jure  divino;  which  in  due  time  may  bo  proihuMMl, 
when  all  tempests  of  tumultuous  spirits  an>  aHaymU 
and  when  (what  the  toAvn-clerk  of  Ephosus  promised 
to  the  citizens  thereof)  the  question  may  bo  doU^r- 
mined,  iv  rrj  ewofiay  €KK\fi(ria\  in  a  lawful  and  ordinary 
assembly,  without  fear  of  force,  and   suspicion    of 

'  Hen.  Huntind.  Hist.  f.  200. 

•  [Ethelwerdi  Chronicop   f  ^78,  b.]  ^  Acts  xix.  39. 


k.    ..  r» 


292  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.855.  violence.  For  two  strings  to  a  bow  do  not  amisB^ 
^^  being  no  hinderance  to  the  archer  for  the  better 
hitting  of  the  mark,  who  may  wind  up  one,  and  use 
that  for  the  present  which  he  sees  most  for  his  own 
convenience.  Meantime  most  true  it  is,  that  men 
are  not  so  conscientious  to  obey  the  laws  of  GUmI,  as 
fearful  to  resist  the  edicts  of  men:  and  therefore, 
though  far  be  it  from  the  clergy  to  quit  their  title  to 
tithes  by  divine  right,  they  conceive  it  the  surest 
way  sometimes  to  make  use  of  human  injunctions,  as 
having  the  most  potent  influence  on  men's  aflfections, 
especially  in  this  age,  when  the  love  of  many,  both 
to  God  and  goodness,  beginneth  to  wax  cold. 
Aj^eMant  12.  A  reverend  doctor  in  Cambridge%  and  after- 
wards bishop  of  Salisbury,  was  troubled  at  his  small 
living  at  Hogginton  with  a  peremptory  anabaptist, 
who  plainly  told  him,  ^^  It  goes  against  my  conscience 
to  pay  you  tithes,  except  you  can  shew  me  a  place 
of  scripture  whereby  they  are  due  unto  you."  The 
doctor  returned ;  "  Why  should  it  not  go  as  much 
against  my  conscience,  that  you  should  enjoy  your 
nine  parts,  for  which  you  can  shew  no  place  of 
scripture?"  To  whom  the  other  rejoined ;  "  But  I 
have  for  my  land  deeds  and  evidences  from  my 
fathers,  who  purchased,  and  were  peaceably  pos- 
"  sessed  thereof  by  the  laws  of  the  land."  "  The 
"  same  is  my  title,"  saith  the  doctor,  "  tithes  being 
"  confirmed  unto  me  by  many  statutes  of  the  land 
"  time  out  of  mind."  Thus  he  drove  that  nail,  not 
which  was  of  the  strongest  metal  or  sharpest  point, 
but  which  would  go  best  for  the  present.  It  was 
argumentum  ad  hominem^  fittest  for  the  person  be 

^'  [Fuller  doubtless  alludes  to  liis  uncle.  Dr.  John  Davenant, 
bishop  of  Salisbury.] 


«« 
(( 
«< 
(( 
«« 


CENT.  IX.  of  Britain.  29S 

was  to  meddle  with ;  who  afterwards  peaceably  payed  a.d.  8^5. 
his  tithes  unto  him.  Had  the  doctor  engaged  int^ph. 
scripture-argument,  though  never  so  pregnant  and 
pertinent,  it  had  been  endless  to  dispute  with  him, 
who  made  clamour  the  end  of  his  dispute,  whose  ob- 
stinacy and  ignorance  made  him  uncapable  of  solid 
reason ;  and  therefore  the  worse  the  argument,  the 
better  for  his  apprehension. 

]  3.  Most  solid  and  ingenious  was  the  answer  of  a  a  soUd  an- 
most  eminent  sergeant  at  law  of  this  age,  to  the  im-  leaned 
pertinent  clamours  of  such  against  the  payment  of '®'^^'*"'* 
tithes,  because,  as  they  say,  due  only  by  human  right. 
"  My  cloak  is  my  cloak  by  the  law  of  man :  but  he 
"  is  a  thief  by  the  law  of  God  that  taketh  it  away 
"  from  me." 

14.  True  it  is  that  this  law  did  not  presently  find  This  law 
an  universal  obedience  in  all  the  land.     And  thetyand^. 
wonder  is  not  great,  if  at  the  first  making  thereof  it  obeyed, 
met  with  many  recusants ;  since,  corroborated  by  eight 
hundred  years'  prescription,  and  many  confirmations, 

it  finds  obstacles  and  oppositions  at  this  day :  for  in 
succeeding  ages  several  kings  confirmed  the  same, 
though  papal  exemptions  of  several  orders,  and 
modus  dedmandi  according  to  custom,  have  almost 
since  tithed  the  tithes  in  some  places. 

15.  King  jEthelwolphus  the  next  year  took  his  a.d. 856. 
(call  it  progress  or)  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  where  the  iCthd- 
report  of  his  piety  prevented  his  arrival,  and  pro- journey  to 
vided  both  welcome  and  wonder  for  his  entertain- ^^^* 
ment.     Here  he  confirmed  unto  the  pope  his  prede-  ^«  ^v^ 
cessors'  grant  of  Peter-pence,  and,  as  a  surplusage, 
bestowed  upon  him  the  yearly  revenue  of  three  hun- 
dred marks,  thus  to  be  expended'^: 

w  Malmsbury,  [f.  20,  b.  33.] 

u  3 


veral  dio- 


294  Tike  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  856.      i.  To  maintain  candles  for  St.  Peter,  one  hundred 

21  Ethel-  , 

woiph.       marks. 

ii.  To  maintain  candles  for  St.  Paul,  one  hundred 

marks. 

iii.  For  a  free  largess  to  the  pope,  one  hundred 

marks. 
How  this        16.  If  any  be  curious  to  know  how  these  three 
divided,and  hundred  marks  were  in  after-ages  divided  and  col- 
mu^rf^    lected,  let  them  peruse  the  following  account :  if  the 

particulars  be  truly  cast  up,  and  (attested  to  me  oat 

of  sir  T.  Cotton's  library*,  and,  as  they  say,  out  of 

the  Vatican  itself)  be  authentical. 

£.    s.    d.  £.     #•   d. 

Canterbury 8    8    0    Winchester 17    6    8 

London  16  10  0  Covent.  and  Lich- 

Rochester    5  12  0        field 41  5  0 

Norwich 21  10  0    Exeter    9  5  0 

Salisbury    17  0  0    Worcester  10  5  0 

Ely ...  5  0  0    Hereford     6  0  0 

Lincoln  42  0  0  Bath  and  Wells...  12  5  0 

Chichester  8  0  0    York  11  10  0 

These  sums  were  demanded  by  pope  Gregory  the 

X  [Perhaps  Julius,  B.  iii.  f.  49.  In  a  MS.  in  Queen's  coUege 
library^  Oxford,  which  belonged  to  sir  Robert  Cotton,  and  re- 
tains his  autograph,  the  sums  are  stated  thus : 

**  De  Cantiiarien;  dioc.. .  viUi.  xviii*.  '*  De  Londonen:  ....  xriH,  x«. 

'*  De  Roffens: v.  xii.  '<  De  Norwioen:  ....  xxi.  z. 

"  De  Elien: v.  —  "  De  IjiDcx)ln: ....  x[l]u.  — 

"  De  Cioestren:     viii.  —  "  De  Wynton: xvi.  vi.     ruL 

*•  De  Exonien: ix.       v.  **  De  Wygomien:    . .    xi.  ▼. 

**  De  Hereforden: vi.  —  "  De  Bathon: xii.  ▼. 

**  De  Sarisbur: xvii.  —  **  De  Coventren: ....     x.  ▼. 

**  De  Eboracen:    xi.  — 

"  Dat:  apud  vetereni  urbem  x  kalii  Maii  pont :  uri  anno  secundo. 
"  Sum  ma  total:  clxxxxix^^  xvi"  viii^^"  See  also  another  copy  in 
Foxe's  Martyrol.  I.  483.  In  the  succeeding  passage  Fuller  has 
made  a  mistake  in  the  name  of  the  pope.  It  was  evidently 
Gregory  XI.,  not  Gregory  XIII. 

The  reader  will  find  the  bull  printed  entire  in  Somers'  Tracts, 
I.  3  1.  (ed.  1809.) 


Thirteenth  in  the  46th  of  Edward  the  Third,  on  that  A.11.  M. 
token,  that  their  payment  was  mnch  opposed  bTwoipk. 
John  of  Gaunt.  I  dare  not  discede  firom  my  copy  a 
tittle,  coming,  as  they  say,  firom  the  register  at 
Rome:  nor  will  I  demand  a  reason  why  Durham 
and  Carlisle^  are  here  omitted,  much  less  examine 
the  equity  of  their  proportions,  as  applied  to  their 
respective  dioceses ;  but  implicitly  belicYe  all  done 
very  justly.  The  reason  why  the  Welsh  bishoprics 
were  exempted  is,  because  at  the  grant  hereof  by 
king  ^thelwulf,  Wales  was  not  then  under  his 
dominion.  This  three  hundred  marks  was  but  a 
distinct  payment  by  itself,  and  not  the  whole  body  of 
Peter-pence,  (amounting  to  a  greater  sum,)  whereof, 
Grod  willing,  hereafter. 

17.  After  the  death  of  king  iEthelwoIphus,  and  a  IX86S. 
his  two  sons  iEthelbald  and  uEthelbert  succeeding  The 


him,  this  land  was  in  a  sad  condition,  though  nothing  JJ^^JJ^^^' 
so  bad  as  under  the  reim  of  jEthelred  his  third  son  ^',^ 

o  ruin  bytM 

and  successor :  for  then  indeed  most  miserable  was  Du)«i> 
the  state  of  the  English,  harassed  by  the  Danes,  who, 
like  the  running  gout,  shifted  from  joint  to  joint, 
from  place  to  place ;  often  repelled  from  the  several 
shires,  never  expelled  out  of  England.  The  Saxon 
folly  hurt  them  more  than  the  Danish  fury ;  refusing 
eiTectually  to  unite  to  make  a  joint  resistance  against 
a  general  enemy.  For  some  sixty  years  since,  the 
West-Saxons  had  subdued  the  other  six  kings  of 
this  nation ;  yet  so  that  they  still  continued  kings, 
but  homagers  to  the  West-Saxon  monarchy.  The 
shortening  of  their  sceptres  stuck  in  their  stomachs, 
especially  of  the  Mercian  and  Northumbrian  kings, 

7  [Carlisle   was  not    erected   into   a   see   till   the   reign   of 
Henry  I.] 

U  4 


296  The  Church  Histwjf  book  u. 

A.D.866.  the  most  puissant  of  all  the  rest.  Whereupon,  be- 
!^5l!l!!!!^- holding  iEthelred,  the  West^axon  king,  the  staff 
and  stay  of  the  whole  nation,  embroiled  with  the 
invasion  of  the  Danes,  they  not  only  lazily  looked 
on,  but  secretly  smiled  at  this  sight,  as  the  only  way 
to  conquer  the  conqueror*.  Yea,  such  their  envy, 
that  rather  than  one  (once  their  equal)  should  be 
above  them  in  felicity,  they  all  would  be  equal  with 
him  in  misery.  They  would  more  contentedly  be  slaves 
to  a  foreign  foe,  to  whom  they  all  stood  unrelated, 
than  homagers  to  him,  who  had,  as  they  thought, 
usurped  dominion  over  them.  Never  considering 
that  the  Danes  were  pagans ;  (self-interest  is  deaf  to 
the  checks  of  conscience;)  and  revenge,  which  is  wild 
at  the  best,  was  so  mad  in  them,  that  they  would 
procure  it  with  the  hazard,  if  not  loss,  of  their  Grod, 
his  church,  and  true  religion.  Thus  the  height  of 
the  Saxon  pride  and  envy  caused  the  breadth  of  the 
Danish  power  and  cruelty.  Indeed,  the  foresaid 
Saxon  kings,  perceiving  their  error,  endeavoured  at 
last  to  help  the  West-Saxons  (or  rather  to  help 
themselves  in  him)  against  the  Danes.  But  alas !  it 
was  too  late.  For  the  Danish  garrisons  lay  so  in- 
dented in  the  heart  of  the  land,  that  the  Saxon 
troops  were  blasted  before  they  could  grow  into  re- 
giments, and  their  strength,  dispersed  in  the  gather- 
ing, was  routed  before  regulated  into  an  army. 
A.D.870.  18.  This  year  the  Danes  made  an  invasion  into 
i JLtchris-  Lincolnshire,  where  they  met  with  stout  resistance : 
[wT**  and  let  us  take  a  list  of  the  chief  officers  on  both 
sides. 

Christian    Scuvons  :  —  •  Count    Algar,    general, 
with  the  youth  of  Hoyland:    Harding  de  Rehale, 

«  [See  Malmsb.  f.  23.]         »  Ingulphi  Hist.  [f.492=p.  ac] 


CENT.  IX. 


of  Britain, 


897 


with   Stanford   men,   all  very  young  and  valiant :  a.  d.  870. 

Tolius  a  monk,  with  a  band  of  two  hundred  Crow-. 1 

landers^:  Morcardus  lord  of  Brunne,  with  those  of 
his  numerous  family:  Osgot  *^  sheriff  of  Lincolnshire, 
with  five  himdred  under  him :  Wibert,  living  at  Wi- 
berton,  nigh  Boston  in  Hoyland :  Leofiric,  living  at 
Leverton,  anciently  Lefrinkton,  places  named  from 
their  owners. 

Danish  pagans :— -Kjing  Gordroum :  King  Baseg : 
King  Osketil :  King  Halfden  :  King  Hamond  : 
Count  Frena :  Count  Unguar :  Count  Ubba :  Count 
Sidrok  the  elder :  Coimt  Sidrok  the  younger. 

The  Christians  had  the  better  the  first  day,  wherein 
the  Danes  lost  three  of  their  kings,  buried  in  a  place 
thence  called  Trekingham :  so  had  they  the  second, 
till  at  night,  breaking  their  ranks  to  pursue  the 
Danes  in  their  dissembled  flight,  they  were  utterly 
overthrown. 

19-  Theodore  abbot  of  Crowland,  hearing  of  thecrowiand 
Danes'  approach,  shipped  away  most  of  his  monks,  massacred. 
with  the  choicest  relics  and  treasures  of  his  convent, 
and  cast  his  most  precious  vessels  into  a  well  in  the 
cloister.  The  rest  remaining  were  at  their  morning 
prayers,  when  the  Danes  entering,  slew  Theodore 
the  abbot  on  the  high  altar ;  Asker  the  prior  in  the 
vestiary ;  Lethwyne  the  sub-prior  in  the  refectory ; 
Pauline  in  the  choir ;  Herbert  in  the  choir ;  Wlric 
the  torchbearer  in  the  same  place ;  Grimketul  and 


^  [These  Crowlanders  were 
persons  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  monastery  of  Croylana  ; 
their  general  Tollius  was  a  sol- 
dier who  had  assumed  the  mo- 
nastic habit.  "  Miles  ante 
"  suam  couversionem  per  totam 


^*  Merciam  in  bellicis  artibus 
'*  nominatissimus,  sed  tunc  a- 
"  more  cselestis  patriae,  relicto 
"  seculo,  spirituali  militiae 
"  apud    Croylandiam    manci- 

patus."  Ingulph.  ib.] 

^  Vice  dominoa- 


tf 


298  The  Church  Hutory  book  ii. 

A.D.870.  Agamund,  each  of  them  an  hundred  years  old,  in  the 

cloisters. 

These,  saith  my  author^,  were  first  esaminati^  tor- 
tured to  betray  their  treasure,  and  then  exanimaH, 
put  to  death  for  their  refusal.  The  same  writer 
seems  to  wonder,  that  being  killed  in  one  place, 
their  bodies  were  afterwards  found  in  another.  Surely 
the  corpse  removed  not  themselves,  but  no  doubt  the 
Danes  dragged  them  from  place  to  place  when  dead. 
There  was  one  child-monk  therein,  but  ten  years 
old,  Turgar  by  name,  of  most  lovely  looks  and 
person.  Count  Sidrok  the  younger,  pitying  his 
tender  years,  (all  devils  are  not  cruel  alike,)  east  a 
Danish  coat®  upon  him,  and  so  saved  him,  who  only 
survived  to  make  the  sad  relation  of  the  massacre. 
Peterbo-  30.  Henco  the  Danes  marched  to  Medeshamsted, 
monks  kiU-  siuco  Called  Peterborough,  where  finding  the  abbey 
naitery^  gates  lockcd  agaiust  them,  they  resolved  to  force 
their  entrance ;  in  effecting  whereof,  Tulba,  brother 
to  count  Hulba,  was  dangerously  wounded,  almost  to 
death,  with  a  stone  cast  at  him.  Hulba  enraged 
liereat,  like  another  Doeg,  killed  abbot  Hedda,  and 
all  the  monks,  being  fourscore  and  four,  with  his 
own  hand.  Count  Sidrok  gave  an  item  to  young 
monk  Turgar,  who  hitherto  attended  him,  in  no  wise 
to  meet  count  Hulba,  for  fear  that  his  Danish  livery 
should  not  be  found  of  proof  against  his  fury.  Then 
was  the  abbey  set  on  fire,  which  burned  fifteen  days 
together,  wherein  an  excellent  library  was  consumed. 
Having  pillaged  the  abbey,  and  broke  open  the 
tombs  and  coffins  of  many  saints  there  interred,  these 
pagans  marched  forwards  into  Cambridgeshire,  and 

^  Ingulphus,  [f.  493= p.  2 2.]  e  In  Latin  collobium. 


burned. 


CSKT.  IX.  of  Britain.  S99 

passing  the  river  Nene*^,  two  of  their  waggons  fell  A.D.870. 

into  the  water,  wherein  the  cattle  which  drew  them  r 1 

were  drowned,  much  of  their  rich  plunder  lost,  and 
more  impaired. 

21.  Some  days  after,  the  monks  of  Medeshamsted  a  heap  of 
were  buried  altogether  in  a  great  grave,  and  their 
abbot  in  the  midst  of  them,  a  cross  being  erected 

over  the  same,  where  one  may  have  four  yards 
square  of  martyrs'  dust,  which  no  place  else  in  Eng- 
land doth  afford.  Godric,  successor  to  Theodore, 
abbot  of  Crowland,  used  annually  to  repair  hither, 
and  to  say  masses  two  days  together  for  the  souls  of 
such  as  were  entombed.  One  would  think  that  by 
popish  principles  these  were  rather  to  be  prayed  to 
than  prayed  for ;  many  maintaining  that  martyrs  go 
the  nearest  way  to  heaven,  sine  ambage  purgaiorii  : 
so  that  surely  Godric  did  it  not  to  better  their  con- 
dition, but  to  express  his  own  affection,  out  of  the 
redundancy  of  his  devotion,  which  others  will  call 
the  superfluity  of  his  superstition. 

22.  The  Danes  spared  no  age,  sex,  condition  of  The  cruel 
people ;  such  was  the  cruelty  of  this  pagan  unpartial  of  king 
sword.     With  a  violent  inundation  they  brake  into  ^°*^^ 
the  kingdom  of  the  East-Angles ;  wasted  Cambridge 

and  the  country  thereabouts;  burnt  (the  then  city 
of)  Thetford ;  forced  Edmond,  king  of  that  country  fi^, 
into  his  castle  of  Framlingham  ;  who  perceiving 
himself  unable  to  resist  their  power,  came  forth,  and 
at  the  village  of  Hoxne  in  Suffolk  tendered  his 
person  unto  them,  hoping  thereby  to  save  the  efiu- 
sion  of  his  subjects*  bloods.     Where,  after  many  in- 

f  [Or  Nen,  in  Northampton-  9  [Ingulph,  f.  494= p.   24. 

shire.     They   were    inarching  Malms.  De  Gest.  f.  49,  b.  Jo- 

towards  Huntingdon.  See  In-  han.  Bromton,  Chron.  p.  805.] 
gulph,  p.  23.] 


900  Tke  Ckmreh  UiMtary  book  ii. 

A.D.870.  dignitieB  offered   unto  him,  they  bound  him  to  a 

K tree ;  and  because  he  would  not  renounce  his  Chrig- 

tianity,  shot  him  with  arrow  after  arrow,  their  cruelty 
taking  deliberation,  that  he  might  the  better  digest 
one  pain  before  another  succeeded,  so  distinctly  to 
protract  his  torture,  (though  confusion  be  better 
than  method  in  matters  of  cruelty,)  till  not  m^cy, 
but  want  of  a  mark  made  them  desist ;  according  to 
the  poets  expression^. 

Jam  loca  vulneribus  desunt,  nee  dum  furiods 
Tela,  sed  hybema  grandine  pi ura  volant. 

Room  wants  for  wounds,  but  arrows  do  not  Ikil 
From  foes,  which  thicker  fly  than  winter  hail. 

After-ages,  desiring  to  make  amends  to  his  memoiy, 
so  OYer-acted  their  part  in  shrining,  sainting,  and 
adoring  his  relics  at  Bury  St.  Edmonds,  that,  if  those 
in  heaTen  be  sensible  of  the  transactions  on  earth, 
this  good  king's  body  did  not  feel  more  pain  from 
the  fiiry  of  the  pagan  Danes,  than  his  soul  is  filled 
with  holy  indignation  at  the  superstition  of  the 
Christian  Saxons. 
King  23.  However,  the  West-Saxon  king  jEthelbert  be- 

Ws'^!^^-  haved  himself  bravely,  fighting,  with  various  success, 
victory.  ^^^  battlcs  against  the  Danes':  though  ninety-nine 
had  not  been  sufficient  against  so  numerous  an 
enemy.  But  we  leave  these  things  to  the  historians  of 
the  state  to  relate.  We  read  of  an  heap  of  stones,  made 
between  Jacob  and  Laban,  with  a  mutual  contract, 
that  neither  should  pass  the  same  for  hann'^.  Thus 
would  I  have  ecclesiastical  and  civil  historians  indent 
about  the  bounds  and  limits  of  their  subjects,  that 

^  Camden's  Britann.  in  the    gum,  f.  32,  b.    [Nine  battles 
description  of  Suffolk,  p.  340.     in  one  year.  Malmsb.  ibid.] 
i  Malmsbury  De  Oestis  Re-         ^  Gen.  xxxi.  53. 


CKNT.  IX.  of  Britain.  801 


neither  injuriously  encroach  on  the  right  of  the  other,  a.  ix  870. 

And,  if  I  chance  to  make  an  excursion  into  the  mat- ! 

ters  of  the  commonwealth,  it  is  not  out  of  curiosity 
or  busybodiness  to  be  meddling  in  other  men's  lines, 
but  only  in  an  amicable  way,  to  give  a  kind  visit, 
and  to  clear  the  mutual  dependence  of  the  church 
on  the  commonwealth.  Yet  let  me  say,  that  this 
war  against  the  Danes  was  of  church-concernment ; 
for  it  was  as  much  pro  arts  as  pro  focis^  as  much  for 
religion  as  civil  interest.  But  one  war  must  not  be 
forgotten^  Importunate  messengers  brought  the 
tidings  that  the  English  were  dangerously  engaged 
with  the  Danes  at  j£sces-dune,  (haply  Essenden 
now,  in  Surrey™,)  and  likely  to  be  worsted.  King 
Ethelbert  was  at  his  devotions,  which  he  would  not 
omit  nor  abbreviate  for  all  their  clamour.  No  suit 
would  he  hear  on  earth  till  first  he  had  finished  his 
requests  to  heaven.  Then,  having  performed  the 
part  of  pious  Moses  in  the  mount",  he  began  to  act 
valiant  Joshua  in  the  valley.  The  Danes  are  van- 
quished, leaving  posterity  to  learn  that  time  spent 
in  prayer  is  laid  out  to  the  best  advantage. 

24.  But  alas!  this  Danish  invasion  was  a  mortal  A.D.871. 
wound,   dedecus  ScueoniccB  fortitudinis  ;   the   cureiEtMbert 
whereof  was  rather  to  be  desired  than  hoped  for.b^[^ 
Ease  for  the  present  was  all  art  could  perform.  King  ^'^  «^'*^' 
Ethelbert  saw  that  of  these  pagans  the  more  he 
slew  the  more  they  grew,  which  went  to  his  valiant 

1  [Asser,  De  Gestis  iElfredi,  this   battle.     Upon   a  careful 

and  the  Saxon  Chron.  in  the  examination  of  the  authorities 

year  871.  Malmsb.  f.  23.^  quoted  above,  there  seems  to 

^  [Aston,  near  Wallingford  be  little  doubt  of  this  battle 

in  Berkshire.     Some  however  having  been  fought  in  Berk- 

think  that  Ashendon  in  Buck-  shire.] 

inghamshire  was  the  scene  of  ^  Exodus  vm,  11. 


302  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.871.  heart.  Grief  is  an  heavy  burden,  and  generally  the 
strongest  shoulders  are  able  to  bear  the  least  pro- 
portion thereof.  The  good  king  therefore  withered 
away  in  the  flower  of  his  age,  willingly  preferred  to 
encounter  rather  death  than  the  Danes ;  for  he  knew 
how  to  make  a  joyful  end  with  the  one,  but  endless 
was  his  contest  with  the  other :  according  to  the  ob- 
servation of  the  English  historian,  that  the  Saxon 
kings  in  this  age,  magis  optarent  hanestum  eantum^ 
quam  dcerbum  imperium^. 
AD.  871.  25.  In  this  sad  condition  God  sent  England  a  deli- 
fred^exem- verer,  namely,  king  Alfred,  or  Alured,  bom  in  Eng- 
t^^  land,  bred  in  Rome,  where,  by  a  prolepsis,  he  was 
anointed  king  by  pope  Leo,  though  then  but  a  pri- 
vate prince,  and  his  three  elder  brothers  alive,  in 
aiispicium  futuri  regniy  in  hope  that  hereafter  he 
should  come  to  the  crown.  Nor  did  this  unction 
make  Alfred  antedate  his  kingdom,  who  quietly 
waited  till  his  foresaid  brothers  successively  reigned, 
and  died  before  him,  and  then  took  his  turn  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  West-Saxons.  The  worst  was,  his 
condition  was  like  a  bridegroom,  who,  though  law- 
fully wedded,  yet  might  not  bed  his  bride,  till  first 
he  had  conquered  his  rival ;  and  must  redeem  Eng- 
land before  he  could  reign  over  it.  The  Danes  had 
London,  many  of  the  inland,  mo  of  the  maritime 
towns;  and  Alfred  only  three  effectual  shires,  So- 
merset, Dorset  ^  and  Wilts :  yet  by  God's  blessing 
on  his  valour  he  got  to  be  monarch  of  all  England. 
Yea,  consider  him  as  a  king  in  his  coiut,  as  a  general 
in  his  camp,  as  a  Christian  in  his  closet,  as  a  patron 
in  the  church,  as  a  founder  in  his  college,  as  a  father 

o  Malmesburiensis  ut  prius.      Malmsbury,  f.  33,  b.,  and  In- 
P  [Hampshire,  according  to     gulph.  p.  26.] 


CENT.  jx.  of  Britain.  303 

in  his  family ;  his  actions  will  every  way  appear  no  a.  d.  878. 

less   excellent  in   themselves,   than    exemplary   to 1- 

others. 

26.  His  most  daring  design  was,  when  lying  hid  Alfred  as  a 
ahout  Athelney  in  Somersetshire,  and  disguised  covereththe 
under  the  hahit  of  a  fiddler,  being  an  excellent  mu-gi^  ®" 
sician,  he  adventured  into  the  Danish  camp^.     Had 

not  his  spirit  been  undaunted,  the  sight  of  his  armed 
foes  had  been  enough  to  have  put  his  instrument 
out  of  tune.  Here  going  unsuspected  through  their 
army,  he  discovered  their  condition,  and  some  of 
their  intentions.  Some  would  say  that  the  Danes 
deserved  to  be  beaten  indeed  if  they  would  commu- 
nicate their  counsels  to  a  fiddler.  But  let  such 
know,  Alfred  made  this  general  discovery  of  them, 
that  they  were  remiss  in  their  discipline,  lay  idle  and 
careless  :  and  security  disarms  the  best-appointed 
army.  Themistocles  said  of  himself,  "  that  he  could 
"  not  fiddle,  but  he  knew  how  to  make  a  little  city 
"  great."  But  our  Alfred  could  fiddle,  and  make  a 
little  city  great  too ;  yea,  enlarge  a  petty  and  con- 
tracted kingdom  into  a  vast  and  absolute  monarchy. 

27.  But,  as  the  poets  feign  of  Anteus,  the  son  of  TheDanish 
the  earth,  who   fighting  with  Hercules,  and  often  water- 
worsted  by  him,  recovered  his  strength  again  every 

time  he  touched  the  earth,  revived  with  an  addition 
of  new  spirits :  so  the  Danes,  which  may  seem  the 
sons  of  Neptune,  though  often  beaten  by  the  English 
in  land  battles,  no  sooner  recovered  their  ships  at 
sea,  but  presently  recruiting  themselves,  they  re- 
turned from  Denmark  more  numerous  and  formidable 
than  before.     But  at  last  (to  follow  the  poetical 

q  [Malmsb.  f.  23,  b.] 


304 


The  Church  Histaty 


BOOK  II. 


A.  D.  878.  fancy)  as  Hercules,  to  prevent  Antseus  his  father  r&- 

viving,  hoisted  him  aloft,  and  held  him  strangled  in 

his  arms  till  he  was  stark  dead  and  utterly  expired ; 
so,  to  secure  the  Danes  from  returning  to  the  sea, 
who  out  of  the  Thames  had  with  their  fleet  sailed  up 
the  river  Lea,  betwixt  Hertfordshire  and  Essex, 
Alfred  with  pioneers  divided  the  grand  stream  of 
Lea  into  several  rivulets;  so  that  their  ships  lay 
water-bound,  leaving  their  mariners  to  shift  for  them- 
selves over  land,  most  of  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  their  English  enemies  :  so  that  this  proved  a 
mortal  defeat  to  the  Danish  insolence'. 
Thegenerai  28.  Alfred  having  thus  reduced  England  to  some 
InE^ADd. tolerable  terms  of  quiet,  made  most  of  the  Danes 
his  subjects  by  conquest,  and  the  rest  his  friends  by 
composition,  encountered  a  fiercer  foe,  namely,  igno- 
rance and  barbarism,  which  had  generally  invaded 
the  whole  nation.  Insomuch  that  he  writeth,  that 
south  of  Thames  he  found  not  any  that  could  read 
English.  Indeed  in  these  days  all  men  turned  stu- 
dents ;  but  what  did  they  study  ?  only  to  live  secretly 
and  safely  from  the  fury  of  the  Danes.  And  now, 
that  the  next  age  might  be  wiser  than  this,  Alfred 
intended  the  founding  of  an  university  at  Oxford. 
Ancient  29-  Indeed,  there  were  anciently  standing  on  the 
Ci^eiade   bauks    of    Isis,   which    in   due   time   commenceth 


^  [I  can  iind  no  authority 
for  this  statement.  According 
to  the  Saxon  Chronicle,  in  the 
year  896  the  Danes  ascended 
the  river  Lea,  twenty  miles 
above  London,  and  there  erect- 
ed a  fort.  To  prevent  their 
excursions,  and  obstruct  the 
passage  of  their  ships,  Alfred 
built  a  fort  on  each  side  of  the 


river.  The  Danes  finding 
themselves  thus  hemmed  in, 
fled  over  land  to  Quatbridge 
on  the  Severn,  leaving  their 
ships  a  prey  to  the  enemy; 
these  the  Londoners  took  pos- 
session of  and  broke  up  sudi  as 
they  found  impossible  to  re- 
move.] 


nsMT.  nc. 


of  Britain. 


805 


rhamisis,  two  towns,  one  Crekelade  or  Greeklade,  in  a.  d.  878. 

Watshire  ;   the   other   Lechlade    or   Latinlade,  in ^ 

Gloucestershire.  In  the  former  of  these  many  years  bd©. 
since  (things  time  out  of  mind  must  not  be  con- 
demned as  time  out  of  truth)  the  Greek  tongue,  as 
in  the  latter  the  Latin  tongue,  are  said  to  be  publicly 
professed  by  philosophers*.  But  where  was  Hebrew- 
lade,  the  Hebrew  tongue  being  more  necessary  than 
both  the  former  for  the  understanding  of  the  Old 
Testament  ?  Alas !  in  this  age  it  was  banished,  not 
only  out  of  England,  but  out  of  Christendom.  As 
in  the  ordinary  method  of  nature,  the  more  aged 
usually  die  first ;  so  no  wonder  if  Hebrew,  generally 
presumed  the  oldest  language  in  the  world,  expired 
first  in  this  age  of  ignorance,  utterly  abolished  out  of 
the  western  countries.  Yea,  it  is  well  the  other  two 
learned  tongues  were  preserved  in  these  places; 
Crekelade  and  Lechlade  being  then  cities  of  eminent 
note,  shrunk  now  to  mean  towns,  and  content  with 
plain  English,  where  Latin  and  Greek  were  formerly 
professed. 

80.  But  now  the  muses  swam  down  the  stream  of  a.  d.  88  2. 
the  river  Isis,  to  be  twenty  miles   nearer  to   the  verity  fi'm 
rising  sun,  and  were  by  king  Alfred  removed  from  AiflJ^at'^ 
Crekelade  and  Lechlade  to  Oxford,  where  he  founded  o«fo«J- 
an  university.     Yet  some  say  Alfred  did  find,  and 


*  [In  his  observations  upon 
this  passage  Dr.  Heylyn  re- 
marks ;  *'  The  country  people, 
"  as  it  seems,  do  better  under- 
''  stand  themselves  than  our 
'*  author  doth.  Amongst  whom 
"  there  is  a  common  tradition 
"  that  Crekelade  was  a  univer- 
"  sity  of  Greek  philosophers, 
"  L^hlade  of  leches  or  physi- 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 


<*  cians,  as  the  name  doth  inti- 
"  mate ;  and  Latten,  a  small 
**  village  betwixt  both,  to  be 
"  the  place  of  study  for  the 
*'  Latin  tongue."  He  then  pro. 
ceeds  to  shew  that  Lechlade 
takes  its  name  from  the  river 
Lech.  Examen  Hist.  p.  40. 
The  Appeal,  &c.  part  11.  p.  15. 


306  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.882.  not  found  letters  therein,  seeing  there  was  a 
^  sprinkling  of  students  therein  before ;  though  learn- 
ing was  very  low  and  little  therein,  till  this  consi- 
derable accession,  when  Alfred  founded  therein  three 
colleges ;  one  for  grammarians,  a  second  for  philoso- 
phers, a  third  for  divines.  Take  a  list  of  their  pri- 
mitive professors : 

In  divinity :  St.  Grimbald,  St.  Neot. 

In  grammar :  Asserius  a  monk. 

In  logic :  John  of  St.  David's*. 

In  mathematics :  Joannes  Monachus ". 
It  is  credibly  reported,  that  what  is  now  called  Uni- 
versity college,  was  then  one  of  king  Alfred's  founda- 
tions, as  the  verses  written  in  their  hall  under  his 
arms  do  attest : 

Nobilis  Alfredi  sunt  haec  insignia,  cujus 
Primum  constructa  est  haec  pietate  domus. 

'  And  from  this  time  learning  flourished  here  in  great 

plenty  and  abundance,  though  ofttimes  abated ;  the 
universities  feeling  the  impressions  of  the  common- 
wealth. 
KingVhaU      31.  At  the  samc  time  wherein  king  Alfred  built 
id^  Ai-  ^  University  college  in  Oxford,  he  also  founded  an- 
*^^*         other  house  called  King's-great-hall,  (intimating  a 
lesser  hard  by,)  now  included  within  the  compass  of 
Brazen-nose  college'.     And  hence  it  is  that  at  this 
very  day  it  payeth  some  chief  rent  to  University  col- 
lege, as  the  ancient  owner  thereof.     Here  he  placed 
Johannes    Scotus   (highly  endeared   in   this   king's 
affections)  reader  therein.    On  the  clearing  of  whose 
extraction  and  opinions  a  long  story  doth  depend. 

t  Wake's  Rex  Platonicus,  p.  **  de  monasterio  S.  David  Me- 

211.  [ed.  1627.]  *'  nevise  ad  se  vocavit."    Hig- 

s  [Evidently  the  same  per-  den,  p.  256.] 
son :    "  Johannem    monachum 


:ekt.  IX. 


of  Briiam. 


807 


32.  This  Scotus  is  called  Johannes  Scotus  En- a.  d.  88a. 

^na,  with  addition  sometimes  of  ^M>phista :  so  that ^ — 

sdl  may  amoimt  to  a  kind  of  definition  of  him  as  to  place  of 
his  individual  person.  Conceive  we  Scotus  for  his 
^nus,  which  because  homonymous  in  that  age,  as 
signifying  both  Scotland  and  Ireland,  Erigena  is 
added  for  his  difference  ^  that  is,  bom,  as  some  will 
have  it,  in  Ireland,  called  Erin  in  their  own  country 
language^.  But  Dempster,  a  Scotch  writer,  who  will 
leave  nothing  that  can  be  gotten  above  ground,  yea, 
will  dive  and  dig  into  the  water  and  land  of  others, 
to  the  credit  of  his  country,  claimeth  Scotus  as  bom 
in  Scotland,  spelling  him  Airigena,  from  Aire,  a 
small  place  therein ''.  But  besides  unanswerable  ar- 
guments to  the  contrary,  gena  is  a  termination  seldom 
added  to  so  restrictive  a  word,  but,  as  Francigena, 
Angligena,  denoteth  generally  the  nation,  not  petty 
place  of  a  man's  extraction  y.  As  for  Dempster,  his 
credit  runneth  low  with  me,  ever  since  he  made  pope 
Innocentius  the  First  a  Scotchman,  because  calling 
himself  Albanus,  (and  Scotland  forsooth  is  Albania,) 
it  being  notoriously  known  that  the  said  Innocent 
was  bom  at  Long  Alba  nigh  Rome.  Yea,  Bellarmine 


^  Jac.  Ware,  de  Scrip.  Hib. 
p.  43.  [ed.  1639.] 

^  Mercat.  Atlas,  p.  34.  [ed. 
Hond.  1621.] 

*  Eccles.  Hist.  Scot.  lib.  i. 
(.  64.  et  lib.  ix.  §.  704. 

7  [A  very  just  account  and 
leveral  pleasing  anecdotes  of 
Johannes  Scotus  will  be  found 
in  Maknsb.  de  Gestis  Pontifi- 
cum,  V.  p.  360.  ed.  Grale ;  and 
in  Wharton,  AngL  Sacr.  II.  27. 
In  the  letter  of  pope  Nicholas, 
of  which  an  extract  has  been 
preserved  by  Malnisbury^  this 


\mter  is  called,  "Johannes  ge- 
"  nere  Scotus ;"  that  is,  an 
Irishman,  for  the  term  Scotus 
was  not  applied  to  natives  of 
Scotland,  as  it  is  now  called, 
till  some  time  after.  See  the 
authorities  quoted  by  Usher, 
Ant.  Eccl.  Brit.  p.  382.  sq. 
The  discrepant  opinions  re- 
specting Johannes  Scotus  are 
briefly  recapitulated  by  Fabri- 
cius  in  his  Bibliotheca  Mediae 
Latinitatis,    ix.    p.    136.    ed* 

1 754.] 

X  2 


808 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.883.  himself  said,  reading  the  three  books  of  Dempster, 

1  wherein  he  hooketh  in  so  many  for  his  countrymen, 

that  he  thought  that  if  he  should  add  a  fourth,  he 
would  make  Jesus  Christ  himself  to  be  a  Scotch- 
man. 
Waietits        33.  All  this  while  Wales  stands  modestly  silent, 
Sootua  his  with  intention  to  put  in  her  claim  the  last  to  Scotus 
^"^"^        his  nativity,  whom  many  writers  make  boru  at  St. 
David's*.     Whilst  some  will  have  the   epithet  of 
Erigena  affixed  unto  him,  qu€m  Jjpi  ytpojULcvof, "  early- 
"  bom,"  because  of  the  timely  rising  of  his  parts  (as 
a  morning  star)  in  those  dark  dajrs:  which  I  can 
better  applaud  for  an  ingenious  allusion,  than  approve 
for  a  true  and  serious  assertion.   But  be  Scotus  bom 
where  he  please,  most  sure  it  is,  by  king  Alfred  he 
was  made  a  professor  of  learning  in  Oxford. 
Sootus,  34.  I  confess   Caius   maketh  this   John    Scotus 

M,  studied  scholar  to  Bede,  (as  many  good  authors  also  do%)  and 
wS^'  brought  up  at  Cambridge**:  to  which  the  sons  of  our 
aunt  are  loath  to  consent,  that  one  who  was  taught  in 
Cambridge  should  teach  in  Oxford ;  and  their  elo- 
quent orator  <^  falls  very  foul,  save  that  it  is  some 
ease  to  be  railed  on  in  good  Latin,  on  him  for  the 
same.  Now  because  we  Cambridge  men  are  loath  to 
take  a  limb  of  John  Scotus,  or  any  other  learned 
man,  more  than  what  will  come  of  itself,  with  the 


*  Bale's  Cent.  ii.  §.  24. 

»Trithemiu8,[i  15. ed. 1546.] 
et  ejus  sequaces.  [Apparently 
Trithemius  is  not  speakins  of 
the  same  person  as  Fuller. 
Trithemius  distinguishes  Jo- 
hannes Scotus^  a  monk  of  the 
order  of  S.  Benedict,  ^om  Jo- 
hannes Erigena  ;  the  first  a 
disciple  of  Bede,  and  flourish- 


ing in  the  reign  of  Charle- 
magne, the  other  living  in  the 
time  of  Lotharius  the  emperor 
fifty  years  after.  Trithem.  de 
Script.  Eccl.  p.  115,  119.] 

1>  Cajus  de  Ant.  Cant.  lib.  i. 
p.  157.  [ed.  1574.] 

c  Wake's  Rex  Platonicns, 
p.  212. 


CF.XT.  IX. 


of  Britain. 


809 


consent  of  chronolofirr*  and  because  I  find  Bale^  dis-  A.D.88a. 

likes  the  same,  chiefly  on  the  account  of  his  impro '- 

bable  vivacity  of  an  hundred  and  seventy  years,  I 
can  be  content  to  resign  my  particular  title  unto 
him,  provided  it  be  without  prejudice  to  others  of 
our  university,  who  hereafter  may  challenge  him 
with  better  arguments®. 

35.  I  much  wonder  that  this  Scotus  should  be  so  Miserably 
degraded  in  his  old  age  from  Oxford  to  Malmsbury ;  by  his 
from  a  professor  in  a  university  to  a  schoolmaster  in  **®**"* 
a  coimtry  town;  where  pouring  learning  into  his 
lads,  (rather  in  proportion   to   the   plenty   of  the 
fountain  than  to  the  receipt  of  the  vessels,)  he  was 
severe  to  such  scholars  as  were  dull  in  their  appre- 
hensions.    This  so  irritated  their  anger  against  him, 
that  by  an  universal  conspiracy  they  dispatched  him 
in  the  school  with  their  penknives.     I  find  not  what 
punishment  was  inflicted  upon  them :  whipping  being 
too  little  if  sturdy  youths,  and  hanging  too  much  if 
but  little  boys.     Only  I  observe  one  Cassianus,  a 


a  Bale,  lb. 

c  [No  good  writer,  as  far  as 
I  can  find,  states  that  Johannes 
Scotus  studied  at  either  of  the 
universities,  if  indeed  they  ex- 
isted at  the  time.  Scotus  was 
the  author  of  a  tract,  De  DivU 
stone  Natura,  (since  published 
at  Oxford  in  1681,)  in  which 
he  had  broached  certain  tenets 
abhorrent  to  the  catholic  faith. 
To  avoid  the  ill  consequences 
of  this,  according  to  Malms- 
bury,  he  left  France,  and  came 
over  to  England,  and  had  his 
residence  appointed  for  him 
by  the  king,  in  the  monas- 
tery of  Malmsbury,  where  he 


was  killed  in  the  manner 
here  described,  and  buried  in 
the  church  of  St.  Laurence. 
In  the  year  1235,  when  this 
tract  began  to  attract  consider- 
able attention,  on  account  of 
the  spreading  of  the  tenets  of 
the  Albigenses,  pope  Honorius 
III.  issued  a  bull,  directed  to 
all  archbishops  and  bishops, 
enjoining  them  to  make  dili- 
gent search  for  all  copies  of 
the  work,  and  to  send  it 
to  Rome  without  delay  to  be 
burnt,  as  containing  many  he- 
retical tenets.  See  this  bull  in 
Fabricius,  ibid.  See  also 
Malmsb.  f.  24,  b.] 

x8 


810 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


Uninartyr- 

edbyBa- 

ronius. 


A.  D.  88a.  schoolmaster  in  primitive  times,  sent  the  same  way 
^^ on  the  same  occasion ;  his  death  being  elegantly  de- 
scribed by  Prudentius^ 

86.  All  the  amends  which  is  made  to  the  memory 
of  Scotus  is,  that  he  was  made  a  martyr  after  his 
death,  and  his  anniversary  is  remembered  in  the 
calendar  on  the  fourth  of  the  ides  of  November,  in 
the  Roman  martyrology,  set  forth  at  Antwerp  1586, 
by  the  command  of  Gregory  the  Thirteenth.  But 
since  Baronius  hath  unmartyred  him,  and  that  on 
good  reason,  saith  Henry  Fitz-Simonfi^,  attesting  that 
an  apology  is  provided,  confirmed  with  approbation 
of  many  popes,  cardinals,  and  many  learned  doctors, 
justifying  Baronius  therein,  which  we,  as  yet,  have 
not  beheld.  Indeed  Scotus  detested  some  super- 
stitions of  the  times,  especially  about  the  presence  in 
the  Lord's  Supper;  and  I  have  read^  that  his  book 
De  Eucharistia  was  condemned  in  the  Vercellian 
synod  for  some  passages  therein  by  pope  Leo^    This 


^  Prudentius,  in  his  Periste- 
phanon.  [Hymn.  ix.  In  Bib. 
Max.  Patrum,  vol.  V.  p.  1024. 
ed.  1677.] 

g  In  2  edit.  Catal.  SS.  Hib. 
[p.  96.  Published  at  the  end  of 
J.  F.  (Roth's)  Hiberniae  Vin- 
diciae,  ed.  1621.] 

b  Job.  Parisiensis  Hist,  in 
anno  877,  [quoted  in  Malmsb. 
ib.,  and  Bale,  ib.] 

>  [Held  in  the  year  1050, 
when  the  book  of  Berengarius 
on  the  same  subject  was  burnt. 
Berengarius  was  led  to  the 
opinions  which  he  afterwards 
entertained  of  the  eucharist, 
by  perusing  Scot's  book,  which 
was  probably  the  first  time 
that  attention  was  directed  to- 


wards it  ;  which  makes  the 
suspicion  of  Fuller  very  im- 
probable. He  has  forgotten 
the  literary  and  theological 
state  of  England  at  the  time. 
Besides,  this  work  of  Scotus 
was  written  at  the  desire  of 
Charles  the  Bald,  and  pro. 
bably  was  not  published  in 
England.  This  suspicion  Ful- 
ler derived  from  that  absurd 
writer.  Bale. 

Scot  and  Berengarius  held 
the  same  doctrine  as  Bertram 
or  Ratramnus,  the  writer  from 
whom  bishop  Ridley  and  our 
other  reformers  derived  their 
views  of  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper.  See  Strype's 
Cranmer,  p.  257.] 


CKNT.  IX.  of  Britain.  311 

makes  it  suspicious,  that  some  hands  of  more  age,  A.D.ssa. 

and  heads  of  more  malice  than  schoolboys,  might  ^^ 1 

guide  the  penknives  which  murdered  Scotus,  because 
of  his  known  opposition  against  some  practices  and 
opinions  of  that  ignorant  age. 

37.  It  is  much  that  this  Scotus,  though  carrying  Sootus  con- 
in  his  name  a  comment  on  himself,  that  all  should  with  other 
not  suffice  so  distinctly  to  expound  him  to  some^gj"*™*" 
apprehensions,  but  that  still  they  confound  him  with 
others  of  his  name  ;  sometimes  with  Johannes  Scotus 
Mailrosius^  sometimes  with  John  Duns  Scotus ; 
though  indeed  there  be  difference  enough  of  time, 
place,  and  other  distinguishing  characters  betwixt 
them.  Our  present  Scotus  being  most  probably  an 
Irishman,  a  great  linguist  in  the  learned  tongues,  a 
vast  traveller  into  the  eastern  parts,  a  monk  by  pro- 
fession, killed  and  buried  at  Malmsbury.  The  other 
Scotus  bom  in  Northumberland,  skilled  only  (and 
that  but  meanly)  in  Latin,  never  travelling  further 
than  France  and  the  hither  part  of  Germany,  a  Fran- 
ciscan by  his  order,  dying  of  an  apoplexy,  and  buried 
at  Cologne;  of  whom,  God  willing,  largely  here- 
after. 

88.  To  return  to  king  Alfred.     As  for  the  main-  The  icho. 
tenance  of  the  scholars,  it  issued  forth  annually  from  temmoe  out 
Alfred's  exchequer,  who  made  a  fourfold  division  offing?,  ex- 
his  wealth^;  understand  it  of  the  surplusage  thereof,  **®^'*®^' 
more  than  what  his  court  and  camp  expended :  one 
part  to  the  poor  of  all  kinds  that  came  and  craved 
of  him;  a  second  to  the  monasteries  of  his  own 
erection ;  a  third  to  the  school,  understand  Oxford, 

^  Bale,  ib.  Alfred!    Gestis,    [p.    19.    ed. 

1  Asserius    Menevensis    De     Camden.] 


SIS  The  Church  History  book  u. 

A.D.883.  which  he  himself  had  founded;  the  fourth  and  lart 
'-  to  the  neighbouring  monasteries  round  about.  How- 
ever, we  may  easily  believe  that  after  his  death  the 
students  of  Oxford  were  often  at  a  loss  of  livelihood. 
For,  seeing  the  coffers  of  the  greatest  kings  (espe- 
cially in  the  time  of  war)  are  subject  to  a  drought  of 
coin,  there  must  needs  be  a  dearth  in  those  colleges, 
which  are  watered  thence   for  their  maintenance. 
Scholars  may  in  time  of  peace,  but  soldiers  must  be 
paid  in  time  of  war.     Wherefore,  the  most  certain 
subsistence  for  scholars  (so  far  forth  as  inconstant 
things,  as   all  sublunary  can  be  made  constant)  is 
what  ariseth  from  solid  lands,  wherewith  they  are 
endowed.     For  though  even  such  revenues  are  sub- 
ject to  casualties,  yet  some  water  will  ever  be  run- 
ning, though  the  tide  thereof  may  ebb  or  flow  ac- 
cording to  the  fall  or  rise  of  commodities. 
A.D.885.      39.  But  it  is  hard  so  to  compose  two  swarms  of 
betwixt  the  bccs  in  oue  hive  but  that  they  will  fidl  out  and 
Oxford.  *  fight.     The   college   of  logic,   it   seems,   from  the 
foundation  thereof,  studied  divisions  as  well  as  dis- 
tinctions; there  happening  a  dangerous  difference 
betwixt  the  Aborigines  and  the  Advenae,  the  old 
stock  of  students,  and  the  new  store  brought  in  by 
St.  Grimbald :  the  former,  standing  on  their  seniority, 
expected  more  respect  unto  themselves,  deriving  their 
privileges  from  their  learned  ancestors,  time  out  of 
mind,  which  the  Grimbaldists  would  not  consent  unto. 
Both  sides  appealed  to  Alfred  as  their  patron™.    He 
coming  to  Oxford,  carried  himself  with  much  mode- 
ration, as  accounting  that  agreement  most  durable 
into  which  the  parties  were   persuaded,  not  com- 

>i«  [See  Asser,  p.  52,  and  p.  132.  ed.  Wise.] 


CENT.  IX.  of  Britain,  813 

manded.    Grimbald,  expecting:  kinff  Alfred's  zealous  A.D.8S5. 

engaging  on  his  side,  according  to  the   conceived 

merits  of  his  cause,  was  not  a  little  offended  that  the 
king  did  not  appear  more  resolute  in  his  behalf. 
Insomuch  that  he  forsook  Oxford,  wherein  he  had 
formerly  built  the  church  of  St.  Peter  from  the  very 
foundation,  with  stone  most  curiously  wrought  and 
polished,  and  translated  both  himself  and  his  intended 
tomb  thence  to  Winchester. 

40.  An  antiquary  tells  us,  that  the  ancient  arms  The  amw 

r>^  /»      1      1  -I  .       .  1       .     of  Oxford. 

were  assigned  to  Oxford  about  this  time,  namely,  in 
a  field  azure,  a  Bible  with  seven  seals  appendant 
thereunto,  opened  (at  the  beginning  of  St.  John's 
Gospel,  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word^  Sfc.)  betwixt 
three  crowns  or :  which  three  crowns,  saith  he,  sig- 
nify the  three  senses  of  the  scripture " :  in  the  which, 
I  confess,  I  do  not  understand  him.  For  either  we 
must  admit  but  one  sense  of  the  scripture,  as  prin- 
cipally intended  therein,  which  is  the  general  opinion 
of  the  protestants,  or  if,  with  the  papists,  we  will 
allow  mo  senses  than  one,  we  must  conclude  four, 
namely,  the  literal,  allegorical,  moral,  and  anago- 
gical®.  What  if  the  three  crowns  import  the  three 
professions  which  Alfred  here  founded,  and  all  ne- 
cessary to  the  understanding  of  the  book  betwixt 
them?  Grammar,  to  understand  the  letter;  philo- 
sophy, the  reason ;  and  divinity,  the  mystery  of  the 
scripture. 

41.  One  of  the  first  scholars  of  note  whom  I  find  One,  once 

bred  in  Oxford,  was  one  Denulfiis,  once  a  swine- herd,  made 

herd  in  Athelney,  when  Alfred  lurked  therein,  being  ^ 

t 

n  Brian  Twyne  in  Apolog.     prima  pars,  qusest.  i.  art.  10. 
Antiq.  Oxon.  [p.  201.]  [p.  3.  ed.  1604.] 

°  Aquinas,  Summa  Theolog. 


314 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.  D.  885.  the  king's  host,  who  entertained  him,  or  rather  his 

!^ 1  master,  whom  the  king  served.     Alfred  perceiving 

in  him  pregnancy  of  parts,  (though  stifled  with  the 
narrowness,  and  crippled  with  the  lowness  of  his  vo- 
cation,) sent  him  to  Oxford  P,  where  he  became,  after 
some  years'  study,  doctor  in  divinity,  and  was  by  the 
king,  in  gratitude,  preferred  to  be  bishop  of  Win- 
chester **.  But  the  monks  of  Winchester  are  so 
proud  and  sullen,  they  disdain  to  accept  this  man  for 
their  bishop,  affirming,  that  their  see  stood  void  at 
this  time"^;  more  willing  to  confess  a  vacancy,  than 
admit  a  swineherd  into  their  episcopal  chair.  Whereas 
surely  Alfred,  so  great  a  scholar  and  good  a  man, 
would  not  have  advanced  him  per  saltum^  firom  a 
swineherd  to  a  bishop,  had  he  not  been  qualified  by 
intermediate  degrees  of  education.  For  mine  own 
part,  I  see   no  reason  why  Winchester  should  be 


P  Godwin,  [De  Prsesul.  p. 
207.  There  is  as  much  au- 
thority for  this  assertion  as 
there  is  for  that  of  Scotus 
being  a  student  at  Oxford. 
Nor  is  the  succeeding  remark 
more  just,  that  Denulf  was  a 
swineherd  at  Athelney ;  for 
Alfred  did  not  retire  thither 
till  the  year  878,  and  in  879 
Denulf  was  made  bishop  of 
Winchester.  See  Wharton's 
Ang.  Sacr.  1. 108.  The  report 
is  indeed  mentioned,  with  some 
misgivings,  by  Florence  of  Wor- 
cester, who  saw  in  all  probabi- 
lity that  it  could  not  be  recon- 
ciled in  its  original  state  with 
the  course  of  Alfred's  history, 
for  he  has  suppressed  the  name 
of  the  place  (Athelney)  where 
Alfred  is  said  to  have  met 
him,  and  states  merely  that  he 


met  him  in  a  wood  feeding 
swine :  "  in  silvam  profugus 
**  casu  sues  pascentem  ofFen- 
"  dit."  Flor.  Wigorn.  an.  879. 
Indeed  this  entire  period  of 
Alfred's  reign  is  involved  in 
great  confusion,  as  might  be 
expected.  Two  distinct  classes 
of  legends  respecting  the  life 
of  this  monarch  remain  to  us ; 
the  one  has  been  followed  by 
Asser,  the  Saxon  Chronicle, 
Florence  of  Worcester,  and 
Symeon  of  Durham  ;  the  other 
by  Ingulph,  Malmsbury,  Mat- 
thew of  Westminster.  Each 
has  little  in  common  with  the 
other.] 

q  Malmsb.  de  Gest.  Pontifi- 
cum,  [f.  138.] 

^  See  Mr.  Isaacson's  Chro- 
nology, [p.  423.  ed.  1633.] 


CENT.  IX.  of  Britain.  315 

ashamed  of  him;    and  for  ought  I  know,  Denulf  a. D. 887. 

might  be  as  good  a  bishop  as  Dunstan,  of  whom  the  'i 1 

monks  of  Winchester  so  boast,  both  without  cause 
and  measure. 

42.  Councils  (except  councils  of  war)  were  very  The  pre- 
rare  in  this  age.    The  first  I  find  a  solemn  one,  cele- canons 
brated  by  king  Alfred*;  the  place  not  expressed,  but^J!^®^ 
the  canons  therein  fairly  transmitted  to  posterity.  ^'^• 
The  preface  of  these  canons  is  very  remarkable,  con- 
sisting of  three  parts*. 

i.  The  ten  conmiandments  translated  into  Saxon, 
as  being  the  basis  and  foundation  of  all  human 
laws. 

ii.  Several  pieces  of  chapters  in  Exodus,  being 
the  breviate  of  the  judicial  law  of  the  Jews ;  which 
though  in  the  latitude  thereof  calculated  only  for 
the  Jewish  commonwealth,  yet  the  moral  equity 
therein  obligeth  all  Christians. 

iii.  The  fifteenth  chapter  of  the  Acts,  containing 
the  council  of  Jerusalem,  as  being  a  divine  precedent 
or  warrant  for  Christians  to  convene  together,  and 
conclude  orders  for  regulating  men's  conversations. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  in  the  aforesaid  ten  com- 
mandments, as  exemplified  in  this  council  of  Alfred, 
the  second  commandment  is  wholly  expunged; 
image-worship  beginning  then  to  grow  common  in 
the  world,  and  the  clergy,  who  gained  thereby 
(hating  the  second  commandment  on  the  same  ac- 
count as  Ahab  did  Micaiah",  because  it  ever  prophe- 

s  [This  was   apparently  no  appeared  to  him  most  deserving 

council  at  all ;  nor  were  these  of  distinction.     This  is  clear 

the  canons  of  any  council ;  but  from  the  conclusion  of  them.] 
merely  a  collection  by  the  king         ^  Spelman's   Cone.    I.   354 

of  such    laws^    selected    from  [=  1 86.  Wilkins,  I.  1 86.] 
those  of  his   predecessors^  as         ^  i  Kings  xxii.  8. 


S16  The  Church  Hi8t€ny  lonii. 

A.  D.  887.  sied  evil  unto  them,)  dashed  it  out  of  the  Decakgne. 

i^ !lThe  worst  is,  when  this  was  wanting,  the  Denlogne 

was  but  an  ennealogue;  and  therefore  to  presera 
the  number  of  ten,  the  papists  generally  cleave  tbe 
last  commandment  into  two :  but  in  Alfred's  ipnAat 
this  is  made  the  tenth  and  last  commandment^  ^Hmm 
"  shalt  not  worship  gods  of  gold  and  silver."  Whi^ 
as  it  comes  in  out  of  its  proper  place,  (and  why  should 
not  God's  order  be  observed,  as  well  as  his  munbo; 
in  the  commandments  ?)  so  it  is  defectively  rendod 
nothing  so  full  against  graven-images,  as  God  pro- 
pounded it.  The  canons  made  in  this  council  611 
under  a  threefold  consideration.  Some  relate  cmly 
to  the  commonwealth,  and  by  us  may  properly  be 
forborne.  Others  concern  only  monks  and  firian^ 
(a  sixth  finger,  and  no  necessary  member  of  the 
church,)  and,  as  actio  moritur  cum  persona^  so  with 
the  extirpation  of  those  convents,  those  canons  maj 
seem  to  expire. 
A.  D.  880.  43.  Plegmund,  an  eremite  in  the  isle  of  Chester, 
oonui.*  (now  called  Plegmundsham,)  tutor  to  king  Alfred, 
SumTiI^d  ^^  ^^y  ^^^  preferred  to  be  archbishop  of  Canter- 
Jerusaiem.  bury,  then  a  miserable  place,  as  hardly  recovered 
from  the  late  sacking  of  the  Danes.  By  the  king's 
command,  he  called  the  clergy  of  England  together, 
and  made  a  collection  of  alms,  to  be  sent  to  Rome 
and  Jerusalem^:  and  Athelm,  archbishop  of  York, 
was  employed  in  the  journey,  going  personally  to  the 
aforesaid  places  to  see  the  contribution  there  fiaith- 
fuUy  delivered  and  equally  distributed. 

^'  [According  to  Mat.  West-  king   Edward.     See   Malmsb. 

mon.  in  an.  889^  whose  author-  f.  26.     iEthelmus  was  bishop 

ity  is  worth  very  little.  He  has  of  Winchester,  not  archbishop 

probably  confounded  this  with  of  York.] 
another  assembly   held    under 


mNT.  UL. 


of  Britain. 


817 


44.  About  the  end  of  this  century  died  worthy  a.  d.  901. 

dng  Alfred,  remarkable  to  posterity  on  many  ac '■ 

counts,  whereof  this  not  the  least ;  that  he  turned  king  ai- 
David's  Psalms  into  English;  so  that  a  royal  text     ' 
net  with  a  royal  translator.     He  left  his  crown  to 
Edward  his  son,  commonly  called  the  elder,  far  infe- 
rior to  his  father  in  skill  in,  but  not  so  much  in  his 

love  to  good  literature.  Indeed  he  had  an  excellent 
tator,  Asserius  Menevensis,  archbishop  of  St.  David's, 
bhe  faithful  writer  of  his  father's  actions,  supposed 
by  some  bishop  of  Sherbom'^,  which  is  denied  by 
others*,  (though  one  of  the  same  name  was  some 
jrears  before,)  as  inconsistent  with  chronology. 

45.  As  for  the  principal  clergymen  extant  at  this  ^eak 

guardians 

time,  we  take  special  notice  of  two :  the  one,  Ber-  God  wot. 
thulf  bishop  of  Winchester  y,  made  one  of  the  guard- 
ians of  the  realm  against  the  incursion  of  the  Danes ; 
the  other,  Ealheard  bishop  of  Dorchester,  advanced 
also  into  the  same  employment.  But  alas!  what 
weak  guardians  were  these  to  defend  the  land,  which 
could  not  secure  their  own  sees !  And  in  what  capa- 
city, save  in  prayers  and  tears,  were  they  able  to  make 
any  resistance  ?  for  now  the  Danes  not  only  assailed 
the  skirts  and  outsides  of  the  land,  but  also  made 


^  [See  Wise  in  his  edition 
of  Asser.  If  this  Asser  be  the 
game  as  the  author  of  Al^ed's 
life,  he  was  indisputably  bishop 
of  Sherborn.  "  Habebat  (Al- 
"  fredus)  ex  sancto  Dewi  As. 
*'  aerionem  quendam  scientia 
*'  non  ignobiliinstructum  quern 
**  Schireburniae  fuit  episco- 
**  pum."  Malmsb.  24,  b.  The 
authenticity  of  Asser's  narra- 
tive is  involved  in  great  diffi- 
culty. In  its  present  state  it 
is  evidently  much  interpolated. 


^  Usher  de  Brit.  Eccles. 
primord.  p.  11 77= p.  544. 

y  [The  sole  authority  for 
this  statement  is  Mat.  West- 
min.  (in  an.  897.),  who  has 
carelessly  transcribed  from 
Florentius  Wigom.  or  the  Sax- 
on Chronicle.  By  comparing 
these  writers^  in  the  year  897, 
the  reader  will  easily  see  the 
origin  of  the  error.  There 
was  no  bishop  of  Winchester 
of  the  name  of  Berthulf.] 


318  The  ChuYch  History  of  Britain.         book  ii. 

A.D.ooi.  inroads  many  miles  into  the  continent  thereof.    In- 
21  AJireai.  g(^JJ^^^^^  ^hat  Winchester  lay  void  six,  and  Sherbom 

seven  years ;  such  the  pagan  fury,  that  none  durst 
offer  to  undertake  those  places. 
The  wofui       46.  True  it  is,  the  English  oftentimes  in  battle  got 
21^^.    the  advantage  of  them ;  when  the  pagan  Danes  being 
'"^-         conquered,  had  but  one  way  to  shift  for  themselves, 
namely,  to  counterfeit  themselves  Christians,  and  em- 
brace baptism :  but  no  sooner  had  they  got  power 
again  into  their  hands,  but  that  they  turning  apostates 
were  ten  times  more  cruel  than  ever  before.     Thus 
successively  was   the   land  affected  with   sickness, 
recovery,  and  relapses ;  the  people's  condition  being 
so  much  the  more  disconsolate,  because  promising  a 
continuance  of  happiness  to  themselves  upon  their 
victories,  they  were  on  their  overthrows  remanded  to 
-  .the  same,  if  not  a  worse  condition. 
The  com.       47.  It  is  Strange  to  observe  the  alternations  of 
temper  of   succcss  between  the  English  and  Danes,  how  exactly 
fo^and     *^^y  too\i  their  turns ;  God  using  them  to  hold  up 
king  Ed-    Q^e  another,  whilst  he  justly  beat  both.     Meantime 
commendable  the  temper  of  late  king  Alfred  and 
present  king  Edward ;  it  being  true  of  each  of  them. 

Si  modo  victus  erat,  ad  crastina  bella  parabat ; 
Si  modo  victor  erat,  ad  crastina  bella  timebatx. 

If  that  it  happ't  that  conquered  was  he, 
Next  day  to  fight  he  quickly  did  prepare ; 

But  if  he  chanc'd  the  conqueror  to  be, 
Next  day  to  fight  he  wisely  did  beware. 

But  these  things  we  leave  to  the  historians  of  the 
state  to  prosecute,  and  confine  ourselves  only  to  mat- 
ters of  ecclesiastical  cognizance. 

y  [These  verses  are  part  of  Wharton's  Ang.  Sacr.  I.  208. 
a  longer  poem.  See  Hunting-  Both  copies  vary  slightly  from 
don,  f.  202,  and  Rudborne,  in     the  lines  in  the  text.] 


THE  TENTH  CENTURY. 


JACOBO    LANGHAM,    ARMIGERO,    AMPLISSIMI 
SENATORIS  LONDINENSIS  PRIMOGENITO". 
Decimam  hanc  Centuriam  tifn  dedicandam   curavi,  quod 
numerus  denarius  semper  aliguid  mig»stum  sonet.     Sic 
in  Papicolumm  glolndU,  quibua  prectilas  suaa  numerant, 
decimiis  [ill  decurio)  aliis  magnitudine  pretatat. 
At  dices,  cenluria  here  inter  ecclesiaxticos  audit  infelix^cttm 
sua  tantum  obscttritate  sil  iliuslris.     Quid  tihi  igitur, 
yelicitsimo  virv,  cui  leetum  itigeniunt,  lauta  kttreditas, 
ciim  infelici  seculo  f 
Verbo  expediam.   Volui  nomen  tuum  hiatorice  mere  kicprtr- 
iendi,  ut  instar  phosphori,  lectores  in  kac  tenebrosa  ivtate 
oberrantes  splendoris  sui  radiis  dirigat. 
Percttrras,  quteso,  insequenics  paginas  nihil  sdentia;  ali- 
quid  voluptatis  tWt  allaturas.    Qtto  cum  iiemo  sit  in  ipsis 
elegantiarum  apicibus  Latinior,  probe  scio,  te  perguam 
suaviter    riaurum,    cum    Diploma    Edvardinum,    nimia 
barborie  scatena,  perlegeris. 

_T  this  time  there  was  a  great  dearth  of  a.  d.  904. 

1  bishops  in  the  land,  which  lasted  forjj^^ 

I  seven  years,  (as  long  as  the  famine  in  j.^^,, ' ' 

"gypt,)  during  which  time  there  wa8!|"*5*"*^ 

>  bishop  in  all  the  west  parts  of  Eng-  for  want  of 

land.     Pope  Formosus  was  foully  offended  hereat, 

»  [Arms.    This  coat  is  erro-  ants,  of  which  county  he  was 

ntoiuly  giren  as  three  horses,  high-sheritf  in  1664.     He  wag 

heads  cou[)ed,  bridled,  and  bit-  thrice  marritid,  his  first  wife 

ted,  two  and  one.     The  arms,  being  Mary,  daughter  of  sir 

as  borne  by  James  Langham,  Edward  Alston,  his  second  Eli. 

esq.   were,   argent   a   chevron  zabeth,  daughter  of  Fcrdinando 

sable,    between    three    bean'  Hastings,  earl  of  Huntingdon, 

hesde  coaped  of  the  second,  and    his  third,  who   survived 

niDzzled   or.     Crest,  a   bear's  him,    Penelope,    daughter    of 

head  erased,  sable.  This  James  John    Holies,    earl   of    Clare, 

(afterwards  sir  James)  Lang-  His  father,  sir  John  Langham, 

ham  was  the  second  baronet  of  was  an  alderman  and  sheriff  of 

that  &niily,  and  ancestor  to  its  London  18th  Car.  I.  (1643.), 

present  representative.  He  was  and  was  created  a  baronet  7U1 

aeated  at  Coteibroolc,  North-  June,  1660.  B.] 


SaO  The  Church  History  book 

A.D.904.  and  thereupon,  cum  magna  iracundia  et  devotUme\ 
!Lioril  ''  with  much  passion  and  piety,"  by  his  curse  and 
excommunication,  interdicted  king,  kingdom,  and  all 
the  subjects  therein.  We  cannot  but  gaze  at  the 
novelty  of  this  act,  (as  we  conceive  a  leading  case  in 
this  kind,)  whilst  the  skilful  in  the  canon  law  can 
give  an  account  of  the  equity  of  the  pope's  proceed- 
ings, why  all  should  suffer  for  some,  the  guiltless 
with  the  guilty,  and  have  the  word  and  sacraments 
taken  from  them  for  the  want  of  bishops  in  other 
places :  otherwise,  the  punishment  seemeth  unjust  in 
the  rigid  justice  thereof,  and  (if  not  heavier)  larger 
than  the  offence,  and  beareth  no  proportion  with 
common  equity.  Christian  charity,  and  Grod's  pro- 
ceedings, who  saith.  The  soul  that  sinneth^  it  shall  die. 
The  cfaa-  2.  Notwithstanding,  this  excommunicating  of  king 
S^id^  Edward  by  the  pope  is  highly  urged  by  Par8ons^  to 
on  whom  prove  the  pope's  power  in  England  over  princes,  ac- 
most  im-  cordlng  to  his  constant  solecism  clean  through  the 
himself,  tenure  of  his  book,  to  reason  a  facto  ad  juSy  arguing 
from  the  pope's  barely  doing  it,  that  he  may  justly 
do  it.  We  deny  not  but  that  in  this  age  active  and 
ambitious  popes  mightily  improved  their  power 
upon  five  sorts  of  princes.  First,  on  such  as  were 
lazy  and  voluptuous ;  who,  on  condition  they  might 
enjoy  their  sports  and  delights  for  the  present,  cared 
not  for  their  posterity.  Secondly,  on  such  as  were 
openly  vicious,  and  so  obnoxious  to  censure;  who 
would  part  with  any  thing,  out  of  the  apprehension 
of  their  guiltiness.  Thirdly,  on  such  as  were  tender 
and  easy-natured ;  who  gave,  not  so  much  out  of 
bounty  to  give,  as  out  of  bashftdness  to  deny  the 

^  Archiv.  Cant,   in  Regist.     kins,  as  below.] 
Priorat.  Eccles.  Cant.  f.  3^  b.         ^  In  his  answer  to  the  lord 
[Quoted  in  Spelman  and  Wil-     Coke's  Report,  c.  6.  p.  136. 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  821 

pope's  importunity.  Fourthly,  on  those  of  a  timorous  a.  d.  904. 
spirit ;  who  were  affrighted  with  their  own  fancies  of  iniorfs.  * 
the  pope's  terribleness,  and  being  captivated  unto 
him  by  their  own  fear,  they  ransomed  themselves  at 
what  price  he  pleased.  Lastly,  on  pious  princes ; 
whose  blind  zeal  and  misled  devotion  thought  no- 
thing too  precious  for  him :  in  which  form  we  rank 
this  Edward  the  elder,  then  king  of  England.  And 
it  is  worth  our  observing,  that  in  point  of  power  and 
profit,  what  the  popes  once  get,  they  ever  hold,  being 
as  good  at  keeping  as  catching ;  so  that  what  one  got 
by  encroaching,  his  successor  prescribed  that  encroach- 
ment for  a  title,  which  whether  it  will  hold  good  in 
matter  of  right,  it  is  not  for  an  historian  to  dispute. 

S.  But  to  return  to  our  story.  We  are  glad  to  The  pope 
see  Malmsbury  so  merry,  who  calleth  this  passage  of  K^l^a*"^ 
the  pope's  interdicting  England,  yo(?wwrfww  memoratu^^  ahsohred 
"  pleasant  to  be  reported,"  because  it  ended  so  well. 
For  Plegmund  archbishop  of  Canterbury  posted  to 
Rome,  bringing  with  him  honorijica  munera^  (such 
ushers  will  make  one  way  through  the  thickest 
crowd  to  the  pope's  presence,)  informing  his  holiness 
that  Edward  king  of  England,  in  a  late-summoned 
synod,  had  founded  some  new,  and  supplied  all  old 
vacant  bishoprics.  Pacified  herewith,  the  pope 
turned  his  curse  into  a  blessing,  and  ratified  their 
elections.  The  worst  is,  a  learned  pen  tells  me,  that 
in  this  story  there  is  an  inextricable  error  in  point  of 
chronology^,  which  will  not  suffer  pope  Formosus 
and  this  king  Edward  the  elder  to  meet  together®. 

«•  [De  Gestis  Regum,  f.  26.]  Saxon  Chronicle  nor  Florence 

^  Spelman's    Concil.   I.    p.  of  Worcester  notice  this  inter- 

389=[Wilkin8,  I.  201.]  diet,  nor  the  mission  of  Pleg- 

«  [Because  Formosus  died  in  muud.^ 

the    year    896.     Neither    the 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  Y 


and  new 
erected 


322  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

• 

A.D.904.  And  Baxonius  makes  the  mistake  worse  by  endea- 
inioril!!*  vouring  to  mend  it.  I  have  so  much  wariness  as 
not  to  enter  into  that  labyrinth,  out  of  which  I  can- 
not return ;  but  leave  the  doubt  to  the  pope's  datary 
to  clear,  proper  to  him,  as  versed  in  such  matters. 
The  same  pen  informs  me®,  that  the  sole  way  to  re- 
concile the  diflference  is,  to  read  pope  Leo  the  Fifth 
instead  of  pope  Formosus :  which  for  quietness  I  am 
content  to  do,  the  rather  because  such  a  roaring 
curse  best  beseems  the  mouth  of  a  lion. 
Vacant  bi-  4.  Hear  now  the  names  of  the  seven  bishops  which 
tuppii^,  Plegmund  consecrated  in  one  day:  a  great  day's 
work,  and  a  good  one,  if  all  were  fit  for  the  function. 
Frithestan  bishop  of  Winchester,  a  learned  and  holy 
man,  Werstan  of  Sherbom,  Cenulf  of  Dorchester, 
Beomege  of  Selsey,  jEthelm  of  Wells,  Eadulf  of 
Crediton  in  Devon,  and  jSLthelstan  in  Cornwall  of  St. 
Petrock's^  These  three  last  western  bishoprics  were 
in  this  council  newly  erected.  But  St.  Petrock's  had 
never  long  any  settled  seat,  being  much  in  motion, 
translated  firom  Bodmin  in  Cornwall  (upon  the 
wasting  of  it  by  the  Danes)  to  St.  German's  in  the 
same  county,  and  afterwards  united  to  Crediton  in 
Devonshire.  This  bishopric  was  founded  principally 
for  the  reduction  of  the  rebellious  Cornish  to  the 
Romish  rites;  who  as  they  used  the  language,  so 
they  imitated  the  lives  and  doctrine  of  the  ancient 
Britons,  neither  hitherto  nor  long  after  submitting 
themselves  to  the  see  apostolic. 

A.D.906.      5.  A  synod  was  called  at  Intingfordfi^,  where  Ed- 
King  Ed- 

c  Ibidem.  S  [The  locality  of  this  place 

f  [See  Malmsb.  f.  141.  Flor.  is  now  unknown.     But  proba- 

Wigorn.   et  Diceto   in  Abbr.  bly    it   was    within    or    near 

Chron.  an.  909.]  Huntingdonshire.] 


CEMT.  X.  of  Britain.  328 

ward  the  Elder,  and  Guthnin  king  of  the  Danes,  in  a.  d.  906. 
that  part  of  England  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  geni<^  ' 


East-Angles,  only  confirmed  the  same  ecclesiastical  ^^rdina 
constitutions  which  Alured,  Edward's  father,  with  ^^2^**^ 
the  said  Guthrun,  had  made  before**.      Here  the  *»»  ^ati»«''» 

oonstitu* 

curious  palates  of  our  age  will  complain  of  crambe^^mB. 
that  two  kings,  with  their  clergy,  should  meet  to- 
gether only  actum  agere,  to  do  what  was  done  to 
their  hands.  But  whilst  some  count  all  councils  idle 
which  do  not  add  or  alter,  others  will  commend 
their  discretion  who  can  discern  what  is  well  ordered 
already,  approve  their  policy  in  enjoining  such  things 
unto  others,  and  principally  praise  their  piety  for 
practising  them  in  themselves.  And  whosoever 
looks  abroad  into  the  world  with  a  judicious  eye, 
will  soon  see  that  there  is  not  so  much  need  of  new 
laws,  (the  multitude  whereof  rather  cumbers  men's 
memories  than  quickens  their  practice),  as  an  absolute 
necessity  to  enforce  old  laws,  with  a  new  and 
vigorous  execution  of  them. 

6.  And  now  king  Edward,  remembering  the  pious  A.D.915. 
example  of  his  father  Alfred  in  founding  of  Oxford,  u^ewity 
began  to  repair  and  restore  the  university  of  Cam-J]^^'^ 
bridge.    For  the  Danes,  who  made  all  the  sea-coasts  Edward, 
of  England  their  haunt,  and  kept  the  kingdom  of 
the  East-Angles  for  their  home,  had  banished  all 
learning  from  that  place;  Apollo's  harp  being  si- 
lenced by  Mars  his  drum:  till  this  king's  bounty 
brought  learning  back  again  thither,  as  by  his  fol- 
lowing charter  may  appear. 

In  nomine  D.  Jesu  Christi.    Ego  Edwardus,  Dei 

gratia,   rex  Anglorum,  divino  compulsus  amore. 


cc 


h  Lambard    in     his    Saxon     Spelman»  ib.  p.  390.  [Wilkins, 
Laws,  [p.  38.  ed.  1644]  and     I.  202.] 

Y  2 


324  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

^•^•9»5:  "  praecepto  Joannis,  apostolicse  sedis  episcopi,  ac 
ILo^^'  Pleigmundi  Cantuar.  archiepisc.  consilio,  omnium 
^^  sacerdotum  et  principum  meae  dominationis,  uni- 
"  versa  et  singula  privilegia,  doctoribus  et  scholaribus 
"  Cantabrigiffi,  nee  non  servientibus  eorundem,  (uti 
"  ab  dim  viguit  indesinenter  mater  philosophise  et 
"  reperitur  in  prsesenti  fons  clerimonise,)  a  me  data, 
"  sen  ab  antecessoribus  meis  quomodo  libet  concessa, 
"  stabili  jure  grata  et  rata  decemo  durare,  quamdiu 
"  vertigo  poli  circa  terras  atque  aequora  sethera  syde- 
"  rum  justo  moderamine  volvet.  Datum  in  Grante- 
"  cestria,  anno  ab  incamatione  D.  915,  venerabili 
"  fratri  Frithstano,  civitatis  scholarium  Cantabrig. 
"  cancellario,  et  doctori  per  suum,  &c/" 

The  credit  of  this  charter  is  questioned  by  some, 
because  of  the  barbarous  style  thereof;  as  if  a  uni- 
versity were  disgraced  with  honourable  privileges 
granted  unto  it  in  base  Latin.  But  know,  that  age 
was  so  poor  in  learning,  it  could  not  go  to  the  cost 
of  good  language.  Who  can  look  to  find  a  fair  face 
in  tlie  hottest  parts  of  Ethiopia  ?  Those  times  were 
ignorant :  and  as  it  is  observed  of  the  coimtry-people 
bom  at  the  village  of  Carlton  in  Leicestershire,  that 
they  have  all  (proceeding  from  some  secret  cause 
in  their  soil  or  water)  a  strange  uncouth  wharling  in 
their  speech  ^,  so  it  was  proper  to  the  persons  writing 
in  this  age  to  have  a  harsh,  unpleasant,  grating 
style,  (and  so  much  the  sourer  to  critical  ears,  the 

*  Charta  extat  in  MS.  codice  for  and  chancellor  were  not  at 

qui  Cantabrigio!   est  in   Aula  that  time  used  in  the  sense  here 

Clarensi,ejusdem  meminitTho.  attributed   to   them.       Exam. 

Rudburn,  nee  non  Joh.  Ros.  Hist.  p.  43.     See  The  Appeal, 

sus,  [p.  96.  ed.  Hearne^  1716.  &c.  part  11.  p.  19,  and  sir  H. 

Dr.  Heylyn  objects  to  the  au-  Spelman  in  his  Glossary.] 
thenticity  of  this  charter,  upon         ^  Camden's  Brit,  in  Leices- 

the  ground  that  the  words  doc^  tershire,  p.  517. 


C£NT.  X. 


of  Britain, 


335 


more  it  is  sweetened  with  an  affected  rhythm,)  a.  0.915. 
though  a  blemish,  yet  a  badge  of  their  genuine  deeds  ^^"^ 
which  were  passed  in  those  times  ^ 

7.  Hear  also  what  John  Rosse,  an  excellent  anti-  The  testi- 
quary,  furnished  by  king  Edward  the  Fourth  withj^^^ 
privacy  and  pension  to  collect  the  monuments  of ^^'^^^ 
this  land,  allegeth  to  this  purpose.    Who  being  bred  "^^^^  ^ 
in  Oxford,  and  having  written  a  book  in  coniiitation  Oambndge. 
of  those  which  deduce  the  foundation  of  this  univer- 
sity from  Cantaber,  may  be  presumed  will   allow 
Cambridge  no  more  than  what  in  right  is  due  unto 
her™.  He  speaking  of  king  Edward  the  elder,  out  of 
an  ancient  table  and  chronicle  of  Hyde-abbey  by 
Winchester,  which   himself  by  the  favour  of  the 
abbot  perused,  reporteth  of  the  restoration  of  decayed 
Cambridge  at  this  time,  in  manner  as  foUoweth. 


Propterea  ad  clerimoniam 
atigmentandantt  stent  pater 
suns  Oxoniam,  sic  ipse  ab 
aniiquo  cum  oBteris  studiis 
generalibus  suspensam,  de- 
solatam,  et  destructam  Can^ 
tabrigiam,  iterum  ad  pri- 
mam  gloriam  erexit ;  necnon 
ibi  aulas  studentium,  et  doc- 
torum  magistrorumque  ca- 
thedras  et  sedilia,  ut  dilec- 
iissimus  cleri  nutritor,  ama- 
tor  et  defensor,  suis  sumpti- 
bus  erigi  et  fabricari  pra- 
cepit.  Ab  bxonia  namque 
universitate,     quam     pater 


'*  Therefore  for  the  augnienta- 
**  tion  of  clerklike  learnings  as 
**  his  father  had  done  to  Oxford^ 
'*  so  he  again  raised  up  Cambridge 
"  to  her  first  glory,  which  for  a 
"  long  time,  with  other  general 
"  schools,  had  been  suspended^ 
'*  desolate^  and  destroyed :  as  also» 
like  a  most  loving  nourisher  of 
the  clergy,  he  commanded  that 
"  halls  for  students^  chairs  and 
"  seats  of  doctors  and  masters, 
"  should  there  be  erected^  and 
"  built  on  his  own  proper  charges: 
'*  for  he  called  from  Oxford  uni. 
*'  versity»  which  his  noble  father 


(« 


tt 


1  [This  barbarous  and  gro- 
tesque style  was  introduced 
into  our  charters  at  the  time  of 
king  Alfred,  and  im|)orted  from 
Byzantium,  according  to  the 
opinion  of  J.  M.  Kcmble^  esq. 


Traces  of  it  however  may  be 

seen  at  an  earlier  period.    8ce 

Malmsb.    Vita  Aldhelmi,  p.  9, 

10,  &c.] 

•n  Bale,  Cent.  viii.  §.  53. 

y3 


The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.915.  ^«t<'  nobilis  rex  lAlfredtui]  ''the  king  had  erected,  maatera 
15  Edyardi  erexerai,  magUtros  artiutn  "  of  those  arts  which  we  call  li- 
quas  liherales  vocamus,  pa^  "  beral,  together  with  doctors  in 

riterque  in  sacra  theologia  *'  holy  divinity,  and  invited  them 

doctores  advocavit,ibiquead  '*  there    formally    to    read    and 

legendum  formaliter^  et  do^  "  teach." 

cendum  invitavit^. 

Cambridge  8.  Have  we  here  Cambridge  presented  in  a  three- 
n'a^iU.  fold  condition.  First,  what  she  had  been  long  before 
Ud  estate,  j^j^g  Edward's  time ;  fairly  flourishing  with  learning. 
Secondly,  in  what  case  he  found  her ;  desolate  and 
decayed.  Then  the  cup  of  Cambridge  was  at  the 
bottom,  her  breasts  dry,  and  her  sun  in  an  eclipse. 
She  was,  saith  Rosse,  suspended,  not  by  the  power 
of  any  pope's  keys,  as  the  word  may  import,  but  by 
the  force  of  pagan  swords,  who  here  interrupted  the 
exercise  of  acts  and  public  lectures;  as  in  Spain, 
Germany,  and  other  foreign  parts,  places  appointed 
for  learning,  had  shared  in  the  like  calamity.  Thirdly, 
in  what  condition  Edward  left  her ;  under  whom,  as 
under  the  father  of  the  act,  Cambridge  itself  did 
then  commence  and  take  a  new  degree.  Happy  this 
Edward,  who  like  a  wealthy  landlord,  had  two  nur- 
series of  choice  fruit ;  so  that  if  the  one  by  any  sad 
accident  chanced  to  fail,  he  could  supply  it  from  the 
other  without  being  beholden  to  his  neighbours. 
This  was  the  love  betwixt  the  two  sisters;  what 
either  had,  neither  could  want,  and  Oxford,  which 
lent  now,  borrowed  another  time,  as  in  due  place 
shall  appear.  If  the  same  author"  elsewhere  calleth 
this  king  Edward  founder  of  Cambridge,  it  is  by  an 


^  [.Foh.  Rossus,  Hist.  Regum  passage  which  he  saw  in  the 

Angliae,   p.  q6.    ed.    Hearne.  Chronicle  at  Hyde.] 

This  is  merely  a  verbal  quo-  ^  In  his  Catalogue  of  the 

tation  from  Rudburn  by  John  Earls  of  Warwick.     (Unpub- 

Ross.     He  does  not  quote  the  lished.) 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain. 


827 


easy  and  obvious  error,  because  a  total  repairer  doth  A.U915. 
amount  to  a  partial  founder.     Nor  doth  Cambridge  ^ons. 
regret  thereat;   seeing  grateful  expressions,  which 
had  rather  transgress  in  the  excess  than  the  defect, 
may  in  courtesy  call  their  mender  their  maker. 

9.  -ffithelstan  his   son   succeeded   king   Edward, 
being  much  devoted  to  St.  John  of  Beverley ;  on  a.  i>.  M4. 
whose  church  he  bestowed  a  freed-stool,  with  large  gtani. 
privileges  belonging  thereunto.    Many  councils  were^.^^^" 
kept   in  this  king's   reign,  at  Exeter,   Feversham,  J^^^^ 
Thunderfield,  and  London,  (all  of  them  of  uncertain  at  Graadea. 
date.)     But  one  held  at  Greatlea  is  of  greatest  ac- 
count for  the  laws  therein  enacted ;  the  principal  a.  d.  928. 
here  ensuing®. 

i.  "  That  the  king's  officers  should  truly  pay  tithes 
**  out  of  his  demesnes,  as  well  of  his  quick  cattle,  as 
"  dead  commodities. 

ii.  "  That  cyricsceat  (that  is,  firstfruits  of  seeds)  be 
"  duly  paid  to  God  in  his  church  p. 


o  [Brompton,  p.  838.  Wil- 
kins'  ConciL  I.  205.  I  can  find 
notice  of  no  other  councils 
during  this  reign  except  this 
one.] 

P  [The  word  is  nothing 
more  than  the  Saxon  cyric^ 
aetata  church-scot.  Though 
some  writers  translate  it,  as 
though  sceat  was  a  corruption 
for  scBd^  giving  it  the  same 
sense  with  our  author.  See 
Spelman*8  Gloss,  upon  this 
word  ;  where  the  arguments 
for  this  latter  opinion  do  not 
appear  conclusive. 

These  dues  were  probably 
omitted  in  the  troubles  which 
happened  shortly  after  by  the 
cruelty  and   barbarity  of  the 


Danes,  and  were  restored  by 
Canute  upon  his  return  from 
his  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  A 
passage  in  this  king's  letter, 
which' he  addressed  upon  this 
occasion  to  his  English  sub- 
jects, gives  a  very  clear  account 
of  them.  '*Nunc  igitur  prse. 
dpio  omnesmeos  episcopos  et 

regni  praipositos quatenus 

faciatis  ut  antequam  ego  An- 
*'  gliam  veniam  omnia  debita 
"  quae  Deo  secundum  legem  an-- 
tiquam  (that  is»  the  laws  of 
Athelstan)  debemus,  sint  per- 
'^  soluta.  Scilicet  eleemosinse 
'*  pro  aratris,.  et  decimae  ani. 
*^  mab'um  ipsius  anni  procrea- 
**  torum,  et  denarii  quos  Romae 
"  ad  S.  Petrum  debemus,  sive 

Y  4 


tA 


Ct. 


Ct 


«• 


<t 


828 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.038. 

$AUii 
itani. 


t 


u 


iii.  ^^  That  the  king's  officers  maintam  one  poor 
body  in  the  king's  villages ;  and  in  case  none  be 
"  found  therein,  fetch  him  from  other  places." 

(Christ  saith^  The  poor  you  have  always  with  you.  The  church 
in  general  is  well  stocked  with  them,  though  some  parti- 
cular parish  may  want  such  as  are  in  want.  If  any  would 
know  the  bill  of  fare  allowed  these  poor  people^  It  was 
monthly  a  measure  of  meaU  vna  pema,  a  gammon  of  bacon, 
a  ram  worth  a  groat^  four  cheeses,  and  thirty  pence  on 
Easter  Wednesday  to  buy  them  clothes.) 

iv.  "  That  moniers  wilfully  corrupting  the  coin, 
**  and  found  guilty,  have  their  hands  cut  off,  and 
"  nailed  to  the  mint-house." 

(Every  borough  was  allowed  one  mint  therein :  but  besides 
these;  Hastings  one,  Chichester  one^  Shaftsbury  two, 
Wareham  two,  Exeter  two,  Hampton  two,  Lewes  two, 
Rochester  three  [two  for  the  king  and  one  for  the  bishop], 
Winchester  six,  Canterbury  seven,  (viz.  for  the  king  four, 
for  the  archbishop  two,  for  the  abbot  one),  London 
eight.  Most  of  these  places  were  anciently  in  the  West- 
Saxon  kingdom  :  to  whom  the  English  monarchs  were 
most  favourable  in  doubling  their  privilege  of  coinage, 
but  single  in  other  places  of  greater  capacity.) 

V.  **  That  such  who  were  tried  by  ordeal,  should 
"  ceremoniously  be  prepared  thereunto  with  the 
"  solemn  manner  of  managing  that  trial." 


"  ex  urbibus  sive  ex  villis,  et 
**  median te  Augusto  decimse 
"  frugum,  et  in  festivitate  S. 
'*  Martini  primitie  seminum 
"  ad  ecclesiam  sub  cujus  par- 
**  rochia  quisque  deget,  quae 
"  Anglice  Ciricsceatt  nominan. 
'*  tur."  Flor.  Wigorn.  a.  1031. 
See  sir  H.  Ellis  Introd.  to 
Domesday,  I.  300. 

It  should  be  observed  that 
Fuller  has  followed  Bromp- 
ton's    Latin     copy    of    these 


canons,  and  not  the  Saxon. 
The  Latin  copy  is  more  full  than 
the  Saxon,  and  varies  consider- 
ably in  other  points:  thus  in 
the  third  canon  of  the  Saxon 
version  it  is  merely,  "and 
**  clothing  for  twelve  months, 
*'  every  year,"  no  stipulation  of 
^od.  being  paid  on  the  third 
day  of  Easter,  as  in  the  Latin 
copies:  and  the  drenching  of 
witches  in  the  eighth  is  omit- 
ted in  the  Saxon  version.] 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  889 

vi.  "That  no  buying  or  selling  be  on  the  Lord's  a.d.9«8. 
"  day."  ^J^ 

(This  took  not  full  effect  for  many  years  after ;  for  Henry 
the  First  granted  to  BatteLabbey  a  market  to  be  kept  on 
that  day^  lately  (at  the  motion  of  Anthony  marquis  Mon- 
tacute)  by  act  of  parliament  removed  to  another  day  <1.) 

vii.  "  That  one  convicted  of  perjury  shall  be  trusted 
**  no  more  on  his  oath,  nor  be  buried  in  holy  earth, 
"  except  restored  by  the  bishop  on  his  penance." 

viii.  "  That  witches,  confessing  themselves  to  have 
**  killed  any,  be  put  to  death." 

(Such  as  were  suspected,  and  denied  the  fisict^  might  be 
tried  by  ordeal ;  which  was  done  either  by  fire,  whereof 
hereafter,  or  by  water.  Of  the  latter,  mergatur  una  ulna 
et  dimidia  in  fune,  which  I  thus  understand  ;  Let  the 
party  be  tied  to  a  rope,  and  drenched  an  ell  and  a  half 
above  his  own  height.  And  this  is  the  first  footstep  we 
find  of  swimming  of  witches  ;  for  which  no  law,  save 
custom,  at  this  day :  and  that  whether  just  in  itself,  and 
satisfactory,  (as  a  means  proportionable  for  the  discovery 
of  the  truth,)  is  not  my  work  to  determine.) 

Whosoever  desires  to  have  more  exact  information 
of  this  council,  may  repair  to  sir  Henry  Spelman, 
where  he  may  receive  plentiful  satis&ction''. 

10.  Only  I  must  not  omit  one  passage  in  this  i>igmtiei 
council,  acquainting  us  with  the  heraldry  of  thatuDongit 
age,  and  the  distances  and  degrees  of  persons,  col- 
lected from  their  weers  or  weer-gilds,  that  is,  taxes 
and  valuations;  it  being  truly  to  be  said  in  that 

age* 

Quantum  quisque  sua  nummorum  servat  in  area, 
Tantum  habet  et  fidei 

Every  one's  testimony  in  law-cases  in  courts  was 
credited  according  to  his  wealth. 

(1  Camden's  Brit,  in  Sussex^         ^  In  his  Concil.  1. 396.  et  se- 
[p.  226.]  quentibus.  [Wilkins,  I.  205.3 


380  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.928.  i.  Ceorles,  whence  our  northern  word  carles,  uid 
ttani.  common  word  churles^  being  country  clowns,  whose 
weer-gild  was  two  hundred  shillings,  or  ten  pounds ; 
the  same  with  villanes,  who  held  land  in  villanage  of 
others.  These,  if  by  blessing  on  their  industry  they 
rose  so  high  as  to  have  five  hides  of  land  of  their 
own,  with  a  place  in  the  king's  court,  and  some 
other  privileges,  now  hardly  to  be  understood,  were 
advanced  to  be  thanes. 

ii.  The  weergild,  or  value  of  a  thane,  was  six 
times  as  much  as  a  churle  or  a  villane,  namely,  twelve 
times  a  hundred  shillings,  therefore  termed  a  twelve 
hind-man ;  whose  oath  in  law  was  equivalent  to  six 
oaths  of  churles  or  villanes ;  as  a  shilling  passing  in 
pajmient  countervaileth  six  twopences.  Note,  that 
if  a  masseer  or  merchant  pass  the  great  sea  thrice, 
(understand  the  Mediterranean,  not  the  narrow  seas 
betwixt  us  and  France,)  and  not  in  the  notion  of  a 
servant,  but  on  his  own  account,  he  then  was  digni- 
fied with  the  reputation  of  a  thane.  These  thanes 
were  of  two  sorts :  meset-thanes,  priests  qualified  to 
say  mass;  and  worrould-thanes,  that  is,  secular  or 
temporal  thanes. 

iii.  Of  the  first,  if  a  scholar  made  such  proficiency 
in  his  studies  that  he  took  holy  orders,  he  was  reve- 
rently respected,  and  (though  not  valued  as  a  wor- 
rould-thane  in  rates  and  taxes)  amends  were  to  be 
made  for  any  wrongs  done  unto  him  equal  to  a 
thane ;  and  in  case  he  should  be  killed,  the  penalty 
thereof  was  the  higher,  the  more  orders  the  person 
had  taken.  Observe  by  the  way,  so  far  as  we  can 
understand  the  Saxon  laws,  that  manslaughter  was 
not  then  punished  with  death,  but  might  be  re- 
deemed by  the  proportionable  payment  of  a  sum  of 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain. 


331 


money,  according  to  the  quality  of  the  person  slain;  A.D.028. 
part  thereof  payable  to  the  king,  part  to  his  kindred,  ^. 
part  to  the  country  thereabouts  •. 

But  the  further  prosecution  hereof,  where  the 
footsteps  are  almost  outworn  with  time,  we  leave  to 
more  expert  antiquaries  ;  who  will  tell  you,  that 
alderman  in  that  age  was  equal  to  our  modem  earl, 
who  with  bishops  were  of  the  same  valuation :  also 
that  comes  in  that  age  sounded  as  much  as  duke  in 
ours,  archbishops  going  along  with  them  in  all  con- 
siderable equipage. 

11.  Now  began  St.  Dunstan*  to  appear  in  court,  A.D.933. 
bom  at  Glassenbury  of  noble  parentage,  (as  almost  his  fim 
what  saint  in  this  age  was  not  honourably  extracted?)  ^^^it'^ 
nephew  both  to  Elphegus  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  *^®  ^'^^^^ 
jEthelm  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  yea  kinsman  re- 
mote to  king  jEthelstan  himself:    and  being  thus 
highly  related,  he  could   not  miss   of  preferment. 


s  [On  ibis  subject  seeBromp- 
ton*8  Chronicle^  p.  845.  ed. 
Twysden.] 

t  QThis  account  of  St.  Dun- 
8tan  is  taken  principally  from  bi- 
shop Parker's  Antiq.  Eccl.  Brit, 
p.  1 19  sq.  See  also  a  life  of 
St.  Dunstan  written  by  Osbern 
a  monk  of  Canterbury^  pub- 
lished in  Wharton's  Ang.  Sacra, 
II.  p.  88^  and  another  by  Ead- 
mer,  monk  and  prior  of  Canter, 
bury,  the  friend  and  biographer 
of  St.  Anselm^  ibid.  p.  211. 

Osbern  flourished  in  the 
eleventh  century.  But  his 
account  of  St.  Dunstan  was 
derived  principally  from  a 
Saxon  version  of  a  Latin  life  of 
Dunstan,  written  probably  but 
very   shortly    after   Dunstan's 


death,  which  escaped  the  con- 
flagration in  1070,  in  which 
many  of  the  records  of  the 
church  of  Canterbury  were  con- 
sumed. (Osb.  vit.  Dunst.  p.  89.) 
It  is  stuffed  with  the  most  im- 
probable and  gross  falsehoods, 
but  yet  is  curious  in  many 
particulars,  as  the  composition 
of  one  who  had  conversed  with 
St.Dunstan,  and  who  had  visited 
the  scenes  of  which  he  speaks. 
Even  at  an  earlier  period 
than  this  a  life  of  St.  Dunstan 
was  written  by  Adalardus,  a 
monk  of  Bath,  and  Bridferth, 
a  monk  of  Ramsey ;  the  latter 
of  which  has  been  published  in 
the  Acta  SS.  19  Maii,  tom.  IV. 

P-  345] 


88S 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.933.  His   eminencies  were  painting  and  graving,  (two 
gtani.    '  qualities  disposing  him  to  be  very  useful  for  saint- 
worshipping,  either  for  pictures  or  images,)  an  excel- 
lent musician,  (preaching  in  those  days  could  not  be 
heard  for  singing  in  churches,)  and  an  admirable 
worker  in  brass  and  iron^.     These  accomplishments 
commended  him  at  court  to  be  acceptable  to  com- 
pany;  and  for  some  time  he  continued  with  the 
king  in  great  reputation. 
A.  p.  935.      12.  But  it  is  given  to  that  bowle  which  lies  next 
thenoe  on   to  the  mark,  to  have  most  take  aim  to  remove  it. 
JJJJ^;^®"  ®  Eminency  occasions   envy,  which   made  Dunstan's 
enemies  endeavour  to  depress  him.     He  is  accused 
to  the  king  for  a  magician,  and  upon  that  account 
banished  the  court^.     It  was  brought  as  evidence 


V  [Osbern,  ib.  p.  93 .  It  seems 
likely  that  Dunstan  excelled 
his  contemporaries  not  only  in 
those  arts  and  sciences  which 
were  more  usually  cultivated 
in  his  time,  such  as  music  and 
paintings  but  likewise  in  the 
natural  sciences^  wUch  were 
probably  very  little  known. 
See  Osbern,  p.  93.  That  he 
should  be  an  excellent  worker 
in  gold,  silver,  brass,  and  iron, 
they  who  have  admired  the  ex- 
quisite productions  of  our  fore, 
fathers  will  not  wonder.  Modern 
times  have  produced  nothing  in 
architecture  or  the  ornamental 
arts  equal  to  the  taste  of  those 
days,  called  (vainly  enough) 
the  dark  ages ;  and  these  works 
were  under  the  direction  of  the 
ecclesiastics.  To  the  ecclesi- 
astics of  those  dark  ages  Eng. 
land  owes  most  of  what  is  ex. 
cellent  in  her  civil  institutions 


— whatever  is  noble  in  her 
buildings — the  preservation  of 
learning,  and  the  cultivation  of 
the  arts.] 

w  QOsbern,  p.  94, 95.  There 
is  some  difficulty  in  reconciling 
the  accounts  of  St.  Dunstan 
with  the  year  of  his  birth  as 
given  by  Osbern.  For  accord- 
ing to  this  writer  he  was  born 
in  the  first  year  of  king  iEtheL 
Stan,  that  is,  A.  D.  924.  But 
iBthelstan  died  when  Dunstan 
was  only  seventeen,  in  the  year 
941,  and  Athelmus  in  the  year 
928.  Consequently  this  ac- 
count of  St.  Dunstan's  appear- 
ance at  Athelstan's  court,  and 
the  subsequent  narrative  of  his 
banishment,  is  a  fiction,  or  Os- 
bern  is  incorrect  as  to  the  date 
of  St.  Dunstan's  birth.  Most 
strange  it  is  that  these  diffi- 
culties have  not  been  noticed 
by  Malmsbury.] 


CK  NT.  X,  of  Britain .  833 

against  him,  that  he  made  his  harp  not  only  to  have  a.  0.935. 
motion,  but  make  music  of  itself,  which  no  white  art  stani. 
could  perform. 

St.  Dunstan's  harp  fast  by  the  wall 

Upon  a  pin  did  hang-a ; 
The  harp  itself,  with  lie  and  all. 

Untouch*!  by  hand  did  twang-a. 

For  our  part,  let  Dunstan's  harp  hang  there  still,  on 
a  double  suspicion  twisted  together;  first,  whether 
this  story  thereof  were  true  or  false:  secondly,  if 
true,  whether  dgpie  by  magic  or  miracle.  Sure  I 
am,  as  good  a  harper,  and  a  better  saint  than  Dun- 
stan  was,  hath  no  such  miracle  reported  of  him,  even 
David  himself :  who  with  his  harp  praised  God, 
pleased  men,  frighted  devils*;  yet  took  pains  with 
his  own  light  hand  to  playy,  not  lazily  commanding 
music  by  miracle  to  be  made  on  his  instrument. 

13.  Banished  from  court,  Dimstan  returns  to  Glas-  A.D.937. 
senbury,  and  there  falls  a  puffing  and  blowing  in  his  unto  his 

11        * 

forge.  Here  he  made  himself  a  cell,  or  rather  a^^^", 
little-ease,  being  but  four  feet  long,  two  and  a  half '^"'T- 
broad,  (enough  to  cripple  his  joints  with  the  cramp, 
who  could  not  lie  along  therein,)  whilst  the  height 
thereof  was  according  to  the  stature  of  a  man^. 
Wisely  and  virtuously  he  would  not  confine  himself 
upwards,  that  the  scantness  of  the  earthly  dimensions 
in  his  cell  (breadth  and  length)  might  be  enlarged  in 
the  height  thereof,  and  liberty  left  for  the  ascending 
of  his  meditations.     But  it  matters  not  how  little 

X  I  Sam.  xvi.  23.  it  is  clear  that  the   saint  did 

y  Psalm  cxxxvii.  5.          ^  "  lie  along  therein."    The  cell 

2  [Osbern,  who  had  seen  it,  indeed  was  only  ^ve  feet  long, 

has  given  a  description  of  this  and  Dunstan  was  very  diminu- 

cell  in  his  Life  of  St.  Dunstan,  tive.] 

p.  96.     From  the  same  writer 


334  The  Church  History  book  it. 

A.D.937.  the  prison  be,  if  a  man,  with  Dunstan,  be  his  own 
Btani.  '  jailer,  to  go  in  and  out  at  pleasure.  Leave  we  him 
at  the  fiimace  in  smithery  work,  (excelling  Alexander 
the  coppersmith  therein,)  whilst  we  find  such  monks 
as  wrote  his  life  at  another  forge,  whence  they  coined 
many  impudent  miracles  pretended  done  by  Dunstan, 
and  this  among  the  rest. 
A.D.938.      14.  Dunstan  was  in  his  vocation  makinip  some 

Takes  a 

devUby  irou  triukcts,  when  a  Proteus-devil  appeared  unto 
"«-  him,  changing  into  shapes,  but  fixing  himself  at  last 
into  the  form  of  a  fair  woman  ^  S^gange,  that  Satan 
(so  subtile  in  making  his  temptations  most  taking) 
should  prefer  this  form ;  belike  shrewdly  guessing  at 
Dunstan's  temper,  that  a  fiiir  woman  might  work 
upon  him,  and  Vulcan  might  love  a  Venus.  Dun- 
stan perceiving  it,  plucked  his  tongs  glowiag  hot  out 
of  the  fire,  and  with  them  kept  him  (or  her  shall  I 
say  ?)  there  a  long  time  by  the  nose  roaring  and  bel- 
lowing, till  at  last  he  brake  lose,  by  what  accident  it 
is  not  told  unto  us. 
This  false  15.  I  havc  better  employment  than  to  spend  pre- 
™nvassed.  cious  time  in  confiiting  such  follies;  but  give  me 
leave  to  admire  at  these  new  arms  against  Satan. 
Take  the  shield  offaith^  (saith  the  apostle,)  wherewith 
ye  may  quench  all  the  fiery  darts  of  the  wicked^. 
Dunstan  found  a  new  way  by  himself  with  fiery  tongs 
to  do  the  deed.  But  let  us  a  little  examine  this 
miracle.  The  Devil  himself  we  know  is  a  spirit,  and 
so  impatible  of  material  fire.  Now  if  it  were  a  real 
body  he  assumed,  the  snake  could  slip  off  his  skin  at 
pleasure,  and  not  be  tied  to  it,  much  less  tormente<l 
with  it.     Besides,  did  Dunstan  willingly  or  unwill- 

»  [Osbern,  p.  96.]  *>  Eph.  vi.  16. 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain. 


335 


ingly  let  the  Devil  go?  If  willingly,  mercy  to  so  a. 0.938, 
malicious  an  enemy  (incapable  of  being  amended)  stani. 
was  craelty  to  himself:  if  unwillingly,  was  it  Dun- 
Stan's  lire  or  his  feith  that  failed  him,  that  he  could 
hold  out  against  him  no  longer  ?  But  away  with  all 
suspicions  and  queries :  none  need  to  doubt  of  the 
truth  thereof,  finding  it  in  a  sign  painted  in  Fleet- 
street  near  Temple-bar. 

16.  During  Dunstan's  abode  in  his  cell,  he  had  iojEiigivR 
his  great  comfort  and  contentment  the  company  of  a  boimtifui* 
good  lady,  iElfgiva  by  name,  living  fast  by^.     No^"®"^* 
preacher  but  Dunstan  would  please  her,  being  so  ra- 
vished with  his  society,  that  she  would  needs  build  a 
little  cell  for  herself  hard  by  him.     In  process  of 
time  this  lady  died,  and  by  her  last  will  left  Christ 
to  be  the  heir,  and  Dunstan  the  executor  of  her 
estate.     Enabled  with  the  accession  thereof,  joined 
to  his  paternal  possessions,  which  were  very  great, 
and  now  fallen  into  his  hands,  Dunstan  erected  the 
abbey  of  Glassenbury,  and  became  himself  first  abbot 
thereof;  a  title  till  his  time  unknoum  in  England^. 


c  [Osbern,  p.  97.  n.  That 
practice  which  caused  such  a 
scandal  in  the  early  church 
was  but  too  frequent  at  this 
time  in  England.  William  of 
Malmsbury  mentions  a  similar 
instance  in  the  life  of  Aldhelm, 
p.  13.  See  also  Wharton's 
note  in  the  Anglia  Sacra^  II. 

P-  97] 

^  [Osbern,   p.  100.    In   his 

Appeal  of  Injured  Innocence, 

Fuller  says,  '^I  request  such 

"  as  have  my  Church-History 

'*  to  delete  these  words ;  for  I 

"  profess  I  know  not  by  what 

'*  casualty   these  words   crept 


"  into  my  book,   contrary   to 
"  my  intent." 

This  is  an  instance  in  which 
second  thoughts  are  not  best. 
Nor  would  Fuller  have  made 
this  observation^  had  he  refer- 
red to  the  sources  from  which 
he  probably  derived  the  his- 
tory of  St.  Dunstan.  The  pas- 
sage irom  which  he  gathered 
his  information  occurs  in  Os- 
bem's  life  of  that  saint,  and  is 
as  follows  :  **  Ea  tempestate 
"  (that  is^  the  time  here  no- 
*'  ticed  by  Fuller,)  Glastonia 
''  regalibus  stipendiis  addicta, 
'^  monastic®  religionis  penitus 


886 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.939.  He  built  also  and  endowed  many  other  monasteries, 

l^^'"^'  filling  them  with  Benedictine  monks,  who  began 

now  to  swarm  in  England,  more  tHan  maggots  in  a 

hot  May,  so  incredible  was  their  increase. 

A.D.940.      17.  After  the  death  of  king  ^thelstan,  Dunstan 

Recalled  to  n,  .1  .  /.i.-n^  « 

omirt,  and  was  recalled  to  court  m  the  reign  of  king  fSdmund, 
i^enoe.  iEthelstan's  brother,  and  flourished  for  a  time  in 
great  favour*.  But  who  would  build  on  the  brittle 
bottom  of  princes'  love  ?  Soon  after  he  falls  into  the 
king's  disfavour ;  the  old  crime,  of  being  a  magician 
(and  a  wanton  with  women  to  boot)  being  laid  to 
his  charge.  Surely  Dunstan  by  looking  on  his  own 
furnace  might  learn  thence  there  was  no  smoke  but 
some  fire:  either  he  was  dishonest  or  undiscieet, 
which  gave  the  groundwork  to  their  general  sus- 
picion. Hereupon  he  is  rebanished  the  court,  and 
returned  to  his  desired  cell  at  Glassenbury  ;   but 


**  ignara.  Nondum  enim  in 
'*  Anglia  communis  ratio  vitae 
*'  colebatur ;  non  usus  dese- 
**  rendi  proprias  voluntatea  ho- 
*'  minibus  aifectabatur.  Abbaiis 
"  nomen  vix  quispiam  audierat, 
'*  Conveutus  monachorum  non 
"  satis  quisquam  viderat."Angl. 
Sacr.  II.  91.  Bridferth  also  in 
his  life  of  St.  Dunstan  styles 
him,  primus  Abbas  Anglictt 
nationis.  lb.  p.  101.  n. 

Those  religious  houses  which 
Dunstan  and  Edgar  turned 
into  monastic  institutions  were 
originally  convents  for  the  se- 
cular or  married  clergy,  similar 
to  the  collegiate  churches  of 
the  present  day,  and  restricted 
pretty  much  by  the  same  rules. 
The  monastic  life,  though  at 
this  time  not  altogether  un. 
known »wa8  unusual  in  England. 


For  as  the  same  writer  in- 
forms us,  sometimes  indivi- 
duals, sometimes  a  small  com- 
pany, who  embraced  the  reso- 
lution of  leading  solitary  lives, 
quitted  their  country,  and  spent 
their  lives  in  seclusion,  when- 
ever  an  opportunity  offered  it- 
self. This  custom  prevailed  to  a 
great  extent  in  Ireland ;  many 
of  the  most  learned  and  reli- 
gious men  of  that  nation  left 
their  country,  and  settled  at 
Glastonbury,  a  place  suitable 
to  such  a  design,  as  secluded 
from  the  busy  hum  of  men, 
and  consecrated  by  the  evange- 
lical labours  of  their  renowned 
saint,  St.  Patrick.] 

c  [See  Flor,  Wigom.,  and 
the  Saxon  Chron.  in  an.  940, 
and  Malmsb.  f.  29.] 


c  ENT .  X.  of  Britain .  387 

within  three  days  was  solemnly  brought  back  again  A.D.941. 
to  court,  if  the  ensuing  story  may  be  believed*^.  *""" 

18.  King  Edmund  was  in  an  eager  pursuit  of  a  King  Ed- 
buck,  on  the  top  of  a  steep  rock,  whence  no  descent  mimcuiouf 
but  destruction^.     Down  falls  the  deer,  and  dogs  *''*"''*'™^' 
after  him,  and  are  dashed  to  pieces.     The  king  fol- 
lows in  fiiU  speed  on  an  unruly  horse,  whom  he 

could  not  rein,  and  is  on  the  brink  of  the  precipice : 
yet  his  prayers  prove  swifter  than  his  horse,  he  but 
ran,  whilst  they  did  fly  to  heaven.  He  is  sensible  of 
his  sin  in  banishing  Dunstan,  confesseth  it  with 
sorrow,  vows  amendment,  promiseth  to  restore  and 
prefer  him.  Instantly  the  horse  stops  in  his  ftiU 
career,  and  his  rider  is  wonderfully  preserved. 

19.  Thus  far  a  strong  feith  may  believe  of  the  Fie  for 
story :  but  it  must  be  a  wild  one  which  gives  credit  lyingmonk. 
to  the  remainder.    Cervm  et  canes  reviviscunt^^  saith 

the  impudent  monk,  "the  deer  and  dogs  revive 
"  again."  I  remember  not  in  scripture  that  God 
ever  revived  a  brute  beast;  partly  because  such 
mean  subjects  are  beneath  the  majesty  of  a  miracle, 
and  partly  because  (as  the  apostle  saith)  brute  beasts 
are  made  to  be  taken  and  destroyed^.  Well  then 
might  the  monk  have  knocked  off  when  he  had  done 
well,  in  saving  the  man  and  horse,  and  might  have 
left  the  dogs  and  deer  to  have  remained  dead  on  the 
place;  the  deer  especially,  were  it  but  to  make  venison 
pasties,  to  feast  the  courtiers  at  the  solemnizing  of 
their  lord  and  master's  so  miraculous  deliverance. 

e  [Yet  Dunstan    subscribed  K  Roff.  Histor.  Matt.  West. 

a  charter,  confirmed   by  king  [an.   940.]  J.  Capgrave,  [Le- 

i^thelbtan,  in   the   year    940.  gcnd.  f.  90.  b.]    Osbi'inus,  [p. 

Twysden  x.  Script,  p.  2220.]  100.] 

^  [Osbern,  p.  100.]  h  2  Pet.  ii.  12. 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  Z 


388  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.946.  20.  Dunstan  returning  to  court,  was  in  higher 
I  Edredi.  favour  than  ever  before*.  Nor  was  his  interest  any 
^^  a  whit  abated  by  the  untimely  death  of  king  Edmund, 
^j^^;^  (slain  by  one  Leof  a  thief,)  seemg  his  brother 
Edred,  succeeding  to  the  crown,  continued  and  in- 
creased his  kindness  to  him.  Under  him  Dunstan  was 
the  do-all  at  court,  being  the  king's  treasurer,  chan- 
cellor, councillor,  confessor,  all  things.  Bishoprics  were 
bountifully  proffered  him,  pick  and  choose  where  he 
please;  but  none  were  honoured  with  his  accept- 
ance. Whether  because  he  accounted  himself  too 
high  for  the  place,  and  would  not  stoop  to  the  em- 
ployment, or  because  he  esteemed  the  place  too 
high  for  him,  unable  conscientiously  to  discharge 
it  in  the  midst  of  so  many  avocations.  Mean- 
time monasteries  were  everjrwhere  erected,  (king 
Edred  devoutly  resigning  all  his  treasure  to  Dun- 
stan's  disposal,)  secular  priests  being  thrust  out  of 
their  convents,  and  monks  substituted  in  their 
rooms. 
A.D.955.      21.  But  after  Edred's  death  the  case  was  altered 

I  £dwii« 

But  kin^  with  Duustau  falling  into  disgrace  with  king  Edwy 
profosed'  his  succcssorJ.  This  king  on  his  coronation  day  was 
^'^^^y-  said  to  be  incestuously  embracing  both  mother  and 
daughter,  when  Dunstan  boldly  coming  into  his  bed- 
chamber, after  bitter  reproofs,  stoutly  fetched  him 
thence,  and  brought  him  forth  into  the  company  of 
his  noblemen.  An  heroic  act,  if  true,  done  with  a 
John  Baptist  spirit:  and  no  wonder  if  Herod  and 
Herodias,  I  mean  this  incestuous  king  and  his  con- 


*  [Flor.  Wigorn.  in  an.  946.         J  [Flor.  in  anno.     Malm.  f. 
Malms.  De  Gestis  Reg.  f.  30.     30.] 
Osbern,  p.  102.] 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain^ 


339 


cubineSy  were  highly  offended  with  Dunstan  for  the  a.  d.  §55. 

1.  I  Edwii. 

same*.  

22.  But  good  men  and  grave  authors  give  no  be- Who, 
lief  herein,  conceiving  king  Edwy  (how  bad  soever  wronged  by 
charactered  by  the  monks  his  malicious  enemies)  to  wm  a  worl 
have  been  a  worthy  prince.     In  witness  whereof  *^y  p""*- 
they  produce   the    words   of   Henry   Huntingdon, 
a    learned    man,   but   no    monk,   thus    describing 
him: 

^  [This  rudeness  of  St.  Dun- 
Stan,  although  mentioned  by 
Malmsbury^  upon  Osbern's  au- 
thority,  was  probably  the  in- 
vention of  a  later  age^  since  it 
has  not  been  noticed  either  by 
the  Saxon  Chronicle,  Ethel- 
werd,  Ingulph,  or  Florence  of 
Worcester.  The  offence  of 
£dwy  rather  consisted  in  a 
contempt  of  his  nobility,  and 
in  deserting  their  society  for 
that  of  his  wife,  even  on  the 
day  of  his  coronation.  His 
specific  crime  is  not  very  intel- 
ligibly expressed  either  in  Os- 
bem  or  Malmsbury,  the  latter 
charging  the  king,  proxime 
cogfuUam  invadens  uxorein  ejus 
forma  deperibat,  sapientum  con- 
siUafostidiens,  This  is  so  in- 
terpreted by  later  writers,  as 
if  Edwy  had  been  gtiilty  of 
adultery  with  the  wife  of  one 
of  his  relations.  Later  chro- 
niclers,  as  might  be  expected, 
have  added  to  the  tale,  but 
hardly  any  two  are  consistent 
with  each  other.  The  real 
reason  for  Ed^^'s  ill  repute 
among  the  monkish  writers, 
was,  as  Fuller  has  justly  ob- 
served,  his  favour  to  the  secu- 
lar clergy,  and  his  oppositipn 


{( 


«( 


to  Dunstan,  their  violent  and 
unscrupulous  advocate.  Hear 
Malmsbury's  complaints. 

*'  Miserrimis  satellitibus  sub- 
''  nixus,  omnes  in  tota  Anglia 
''  monastici  ordinis  homines 
*'  prius  nudatos  facultatum 
'*  auxilio,  post  etiam  deporta- 
*'  tos  exilio  calamitatibus  in- 
"  dignis  affecit.  Ipsum  Dun. 
"  stanum  nionachorum  princi- 

pem  in  Flandnam  propellit. 

£a  tempestate  facies  mona- 
'*  chorum  foeda  et  miserabilis 
"  erat.  Nam  et  Malmsburiense 
''  coenobium  plusquam  ducen- 
'*  tis  septuaginta  annis  a  mo> 
••  nachis  inhabitatum,  clerico- 
"  rum  stabulum  fecit."  De 
Gest.  f.  30.  See  also  Osbern, 
105. 

To  the  passage  from  Henry 
of  Huntingdon  in  favour  of 
Edwy,  mentioned  in  the  text, 
may  be  added  another  from 
Ethehverd,  living  at  the  time, 
who  speaks  of  him  as  generally 
beloved  (per  regnum  aman- 
dus).  Some  ingenious  re- 
marks upon  the  subject  will 
be  found  in  Wharton's  notes 
to  Osbern's  life  of  Dunstan, 
published  in  the  Angl.  Sacr. 
II.  105,  106.] 

z  2 


340  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.955.      ^^i    ^on    illaudabiliter  "  Edwy  was  not  andeserving 

1  Edwii.     regni  infulam  tenuil\  "  of  praise  in  managing  the  soep- 

••  tre  of  this  land." 

Et  rursus :  And  again  : 

Edfvi  rex,  anno  regni  sui  "  King  Edwy  in  the  fifth  year 

quinio,    cum    in    principio  **  of  his  reign,  when  his  kingdom 

regnum     ejus    decentissime  *'  began  at  first  most  decently  to 

jioreret,  prosper  a   et   iata^  ''  flourish,  had  his  prosperous  and 

hunda  exordia  mors  irnma^  "  pleasant  beginnings  broken  off 

tura  perrupit^.  "  with  untimely  death." 

This  testimony  considered,  makes  many  men  think 
better  of  king   Edwy,  and  worse   of  Dunstan,  as 
guilty   of  some   uncivil   intrusion  into   the  king's 
chamber,  for  which  he  justly  incurred  his  royal  dis- 
pleasure. 
A.  D.  ^56.      23.  Hereupon  Dunstan  is  banished  by  king  Eldwy, 
ethDun.    not  as  before  from  England  to  England,  from  the 
dieth        court  to  his  cell  at  Glassenbury,  but  is  utterly  ex- 
J^„       pelled  the  kingdom,  and  flieth  into  Flanders**.  Where 
with  grief,  jjjg  friends  say  that  his  fame  prepared  his  welcome, 
and  the  governor  of  Gaunt  most  solemnly  enter- 
tained him.     Meantime  all  the  monks  in  England 
of  Dunstan's  plantation  were  rooted  up,  and  secular 
priests  set  in  their  places.     But  soon  after  happened 
many  commotions  in  England,  especially  in  Mercia 
and  Northumberland.     The  monks  which  write  the 
story  of  these  rebellions  conceive  it  unfit  to  impart 
to  posterity  the  cause  thereof,  which  makes  wise 
men  to  suspect  that  Dunstan,  (who  could  blow  coals 
elsewhere  as  well  as  in  his  furnace,)  though  at  dis- 
tance, virtually  (or  rather  viciously  present)  had  a 

1  Hist.  f.  204.  n  [Osbern,  p.  106.] 

«»  [Ibid.     See   also    Ethel-         «  [Flor.  Wigorn,  a.  957.] 
werd,  f.  483.] 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain. 


341 


finffer,  yea,  a  hand  therein.  Heart-broken  with  these  a.  d.  959. 

_  1  EdgarL 

rebellions,  King  Edwy  died  in  the  flower  of  his  age®. 

24.   Edgar  succeeds  him,   and   recalls   Dunstan  Dmwtan 

recalled  by 


o  QThe  reign  of  king  Edwy 
the  Beautiful^  as  he  was  called 
(see  Ethelwerd^  f.  483.),  is 
narrated  with  so  much  partial- 
ity by  the  chroniclers,  who  ge- 
nerally foUow  Florence  of 
Worcester  >*ath  much  servility, 
that  it  is  very  difficult  to  ar- 
rive  at  any  distinct  under- 
standing of  this  king's  cha- 
racter and  conduct.  The  ear- 
liest and  most  respectable  an- 
nalists, such  as  Florence  and 
the  Saxon  Chron.,  do  not  men- 
tion the  affair  with  Dunstan 
at  all.  The  former  merely 
says,  "  quoniam  in  commisso 
"  regimine  insipienter  cgit  a 
'*  Mercensibus    et    Northim- 

brensibus  contemptus  relin. 

quitur    et    suns     germanus 

Clito  Eadgarus  ab  eis  rex 
**  eligitur."  The  meaning  of 
this  term  "  insipienter"  is  well 
explained  by  William  of  Malms- 
bury,  f.  30.  '*  Ea  tempestate 
'*  facies  Monachorum  foeda  et 
"  miserabilis  erat.  Nam  et 
*'  Malmsburiense  ccenobium 
"  plusquam  ducentis  septua- 
**  ginta  annis  a  monachis  inha- 
*'  bitatum  clericorum  stahulum 
"  fedt."  And  a  little  below 
he  plainly  intimates  that  this 
severe  treatment  of  the  monks 
was   the   occasion   of  Edwy's 

misfortunes "  luit  ille  poe- 

*•  nas  ausus  temerarii,"  &c. 
(Of.  De  Pontif.  V.  365.  Hist. 
Ramesien.  in  Gale,  I.  393.) — 
Edwy  succeeded  to  the  king, 
dom  955  ;  drove  Dunstan  into 
banishment   the    next   year — 


<• 


<< 


€t 


the  year  after,  957,  the  Mer- 
cians and  Northumbrians  re- 
volt— and  he  died  early  in  959. 
His  brother  Edgar,  being  only 
fourteen,  was  chosen  king  by 
the  Mercians  in  957,  and  Dun- 
stan was  immediately  recalled^ 
and  appointed  the  same  year 
to  the  see  of  Worcester.  But 
the  Northumbrians  had  in  the 
previous  reigns  been  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  revolt,  and  there- 
fore their  rebellion  is  no  proof 
of  Edwy*s  bad  conduct.  His 
brother  Edgar,  though  guilty 
of  some  of  the  worst  of  vices, 
idolatry,  debauchery,  and  cru- 
elty, (see  Malmsbury,  f.  33,  and 
particularly  the  Saxon  Chron .  a. 
957.)  is  extolled  to  an  excessive 
degree  by  the  same  writers.  The 
reason  is  plain, — **  abjectis  ex 
'*  coenobiis  clericorum  neniis 
'^  ad  laudem  Creatoris  summi 
'*  monachorum  et  sanctimonia- 
"  Hum  catervas,  et  plusquam 
''  40  monasteria  cum  eis  con- 
*•  stitui  jussit."  Flor.  an.  959. 
There  are  some  very  judicious 
observations  upon  this  subject, 
and  this  king's  reign,  in  Carte's 
Hist.  I.  324.  All  the  monk- 
ish writers,  when  mentioning 
this  dispute  of  Dunstan  with 
the  king,  take  occasion  to  ob- 
serve that  their  own  monastery 
was  spoiled  by  the  king ;  when 
it  is  doubtful  whether  more 
than  two  existed  at  that  time 
in  England,  one  at  Glasten- 
bury,  the  other  at  Abingdon. 
See  Wharton's  A.  S.  H.  105, 
and  Parker's  Antiq.  p.  121.] 

z  3 


342  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

L.  D.  959.  home,  receiving  him  with  all  possible  affection^ 
^^"'  Yea  now  Dunstan's  stomach  was  come  down,  and 
I2?tak^'he  could  digest  a  bishopric,  which  his  abstemioos- 
^ric  °^^  formerly  refused.  And  one  bishopric  drew 
down  another,  Worcester  and  London  p,  not  success- 
ively, but  both  abreast,  went  down  his  conscience. 
Yea,  never  age  afforded  more  pluralist  bishops.  In 
this  king's  reign  Leofwine  held  Lincoln  and  Lei- 
cester *i;  Oswald  (a  great  monk-monger,  of  whom 
hereafter)  held  York  and  Worcester ;  and  Ealdulf', 
his  successor  in  both  churches,  did  the  like,  par- 
doned, yea  praised  for  the  same :  though  Wulstan 
(because  no  favourer  of  monks)  is  reproved  for  the 
like  plurality.  Thus  two  men,  though  doing  the 
same  thing,  do  not  the  same  thing.  Bigamy  of 
bishoprics  goes  by  favour ;  and  it  is  condenmable  in 
one,  what  is  commendable  in  another.  Odo  Severus, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  being  ceremoniously  to 
consecrate  Dunstan  bishop  of  Worcester,  used  all 
the  formalities  fashionable  at  the  consecration  of  an 
archbishop*:  and  being  reproved  for  the  same,  he 
answered  for  himself,  that  he  foresaw  that  Dunstan 
instantly  after  his  death  would  be  archbishop  of 
Canterbury.  And  therefore  (a  compendious  way  to 
spare  pains)  he  only  by  a  provident  prolepsis  ante- 
dated his  consecration.  Surely,  whosoever  had  seen 
the  decrepit  age  of  Odo,  the  affection  of  king  Edgar 
to  Dunstan,  the  affection   of  Dunstan  to   dignity, 

o    [Flor.    Wigorn.    in     an.  ter.  Osbern,  p.  1 10.] 

INIalin.  f.  30.  Osbern.  p.  107.]  q    Parker's    Antiq.    Britan. 

P    [The    first   in    957,  the  p.  124. 

other  in  958.     See  Flor.  Wi-  r  [Sax.  Chron.  a.  992.] 

gorn.  iin.  957.  Osbern,  p.  108.  »  [Osbern,  p.  107.]    Antiq. 

In  the  same  ^vay  he  afterwards  Britan.  ibidem, 
held  Canterbury  and  Roches- 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain, 


S43 


needed  no  extraordinary  prophetical  spirit  to  presage  a.  d.  959. 
that  (on  the  supposition  of  Dunstan's  surviving  him)  ^^^. 
he  should  succeed  him  in  the  archbishopric  of  Can- 
terbury. 

25.  Yea  king  Edgar  was  so  wholly  Dunstanized,  Oswald'* 
that  he  gave  over  his  soul,  body,  and  estate  to  be  secular 
ordered  by  him  and  two  more,  (then  the  triumvirate '*"***** 
who  ruled  England,)  namely,  iEthelwold  bishop  of 
Winchester*,  and  Oswald  bishop  of  Worcester.  This 
Oswald  was  the  man  who  procured  by  the  king's  au- 
thority the  ejection  of  all  secular  priests  out  of  Wor- 
cester, and  the  placing  of  monks  in  their  roomer 
which  act  was  called  Oswald's  law  in  that  age.  They 


*  [Eadmer.  vit.  Dunst.  p. 
219.] 

^  [As  ^thelwold,  another 
of  the  bishops,  a  pupil  of  Dun- 
Stan,  and  promoted  by  his  in. 
terests^  expelled  by  the  same 
means  the  regular  clergy  out 
of  the  diocese  of  Winton.  He 
succeeded  Brihthelm  963  ;  his 
compeer  Oswald  was  promoted 
to  Worcester  960.  See  Florent. 
Wigom.  sub  annis.  The  same 
writer  tells  us  that  iEthelwold 
was  the  most  active  in  urging 
the  king  to  this  conduct. — 
"  Cujus  ezimius  erat  consilia- 
"  rius,  ad  hoc  maxime  provo- 
**  cavit." — This  ia  confirmed 
by  the  Saxon  Chron.,  who 
dates  his  expulsion  of  the 
clergy  in  the  second  year  after 
his  consecration.  Not  only  did 
this  prelate  build  and  endow 
houses  for  monks  in  his  dio- 
ct'se,  but  he  also  obtained  from 
king  Edgar  a  grant  of  such  as 
had  been  ruined  and  devastated 
by  the  Danes,  which  he  re- 
paired and  endowed :    among 


the  rest  Ely  and  Peterborough. 
The  confirmation  of  the  char- 
ter of  Peterborough,  and  its 
endowments  by  king  Edgar^ 
may  be  seen  in  the  Saxon 
Chron.  sub  a.  963. 

Bishop  Burnet^  in  his  His- 
tory of  the  Reform.  I.  43,  has 
quoted  an  Inspeximus  of  king 
Edgar's  (Rot.  Patent.  2.  Hen. 
Vni.  par.  1.),  erecting  the 
priory  and  convent  of  Wor- 
cester, which  bears  date  a.  964. 
on  St.  Innocent's  day.  It 
rehearses  that  he  did  with  the 
consent  of  his  princes  and  gen- 
try confirm  and  establish  that 
priory ;  that  he  had  erected 
forty-seven  monasteries,  which 
he  intended  to  increase  to  fifty, 
the  number  of  jubilee;  and 
that  the  former  incumbents 
should  be  for  ever  excluded, 
inasmuch  as  they  had  prefer, 
red,  to  the  prejudice  of  their 
order  and  the  ecclesiastical  be- 
nefice, to  adhere  to  their  wives 
instead  of  serving  God  chastely 
nnd  canonical! y.l 

z  4 


344 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.  D.  959.  might,  if  it  pleased  them,  have  styled  it  Edgai^s  law, 
2  jiKigan.  ^^^  legislative  power  being  then  more  in  the  king 
than  in  the  bishop.  This  Oswald's  law  afterwards 
enlarged  itself  over  all  England,  secular  priests  being 
thrown  out,  and  monks  every  where  fixed  in  their 
rooms;  till  king  Henry  the  Eighth  his  law  outed 
Oswald's  law,  and  ejected  those  drones  out  of  their 
habitations. 
Dunstan's  26.  Kinff  Edfi^ar  violated  the  chastity  of  a  nun  at 
ofTkig"*'^  Wilton  w.  Dunstan  getting  notice  thereof,  refused 
*'^'*^'  at  the  king's  request  to  give  him  his  hand,  because 
he  had  defiled  a  daughter  of  God,  as  he  termed  her. 
Edgar  hereby  made  sensible  of  his  sin,  with  sorrow 
confessed  it ;  and  Dunstan  (now  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury^) enjoined  him  with  seven  years'  penance 
for  the  same.  Monks  endeavour  to  enforce  a 
mock  parallel  betwixt  David  and  Edgar,  Nathan 
and  Dunstan,  herein.  Sure  I  am,  on  David's  pro- 
fession of  his  repentance,  Nathan  presently  pro- 
nounced pardon ;  The  Lord  also  hath  put  away  thy  sin^ 
thou  shah  not  diey;  consigning  him  to  be  punished 
by  God  the  principal,  (using  an  undutiful  son, 
treacherous  servants,  and  rebellious  subjects  to  be 
the  instruments  thereof,)  but  imposing  no  voluntary 
penance,  that  David  should  by  will-worship  under- 
take on  himself*.     All  that  I  will  add  is  this;  If 


w  [Osbern,  p.  iii.  Malms, 
f.  33.  Eadm.  ib.  p.  218.  Par- 
ker's Antiq.  Brit.  p.  i  24.] 

^  [Brithelm,  who  succeeded 
Alfsy  in  the  see  of  Winton, 
a.  958,  was  the  next  year,  on 
the  death  of  Odo,  elected  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  :  but 
being  thought  unfit  for  it,  was 
ordered  by  the  king  to  resign  in 


favour  of  Dunstan.  Dunstan 
was  at  this  time  the  king's  tu- 
tor. See  Flor.  Wig.  a.  959.] 

y  2  Sam.  xii.  13, 

*  [One  part  of  the  penance 
inflicted  on  the  king  by  Dun- 
stan is  very  remarkable.  He 
was  to  transcribe  the  holy  scrip- 
tures, and  order  them  to  be 
kept  throughout  his  kingdom. 


CENT.  X.  o/Britavi.  345 

Dunstan  did   septenary  penance  to  expiate   every  a.  d.  969. 
mortal  sin  (to  use  their  own  terms)  he  committed. 


he  must  have  been  a  Methuselah,  extremely  aged, 
before  the  day  of  his  death. 

27.  More  commendable  was  Dunstan's  carriage  And  car- 
towards  an  English  count,  who  lived  incestuously  ![l!i^  an 
with  his  own  kinswoman*.     Dunstan   admonished  JJJJ^^** 
him  once,  twice,  thrice  ;  nothing  prevailed :  where- 
upon he  proceeded  to  excommunicate  him.     The 
count  slighted  his  excommunication,  conceiving  his 

head  too  high  for  church-censures  to  reach  it.  King 
Edgar  (falsely  informed)  desires  Dunstan  to  absolve 
him,  and  is  denied.  Yea  the  pope  sends  to  him  to 
the  same  purpose,  and  Dunstan  persists  in  his  re- 
fusal**. At  last  the  count,  conquered  with  Dunstan's 
constancy,  and  the  sense  of  his  own  sin,  came  into  a 
national  council  at  Canterbury,  where  Dunstan  sat 
president,  (active  therein  to  substitute  monks  in  the 
places  of  secular  priests,)  on  his  bare  feet,  with  a 
bundle  of  rods,  tendering  himself  to  Dunstan's  chas- 
tisement. This  wrought  on  Dunstan's  mild  nature, 
scarce  refraining  from  tears ;  who  presently  absolved 
him. 

28.  Three  things  herein  are  remarkable  :  first,  Obwnrm- 
that  bribes  in  the  court  of  Rome  may  purchase  a  on. 
male&ctor  to  be  innocent ;  secondly,  that  the  pope 
himself  is  not  so  infallible,  but  that  his  key  may 
miss  the  lock,  and  he  be  mistaken  in  matter  of  ab- 
solution ;  thirdly,  that  men  ought  not  so  with  blind 
obedience  to  obey  his  pretended  holiness,  but  that  if 

*'  Sanctas  conscriheret  scriptu-  *  [Eadxner,  ib.  p.  215.] 

•*  ras,  per  omnesjines  imperii  ^  Osbern.  in  vita  Dunstani. 

"  sui  populis  custodiendas  tnan^  [No   such   passage    occurs  in 

**  darel"  Osbern,  p.  1 1 1 .]  thijj  author.] 


346  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  969.  (with  Dunstan  here)  they  see  just  cause  to  the  con- 
il^:!!!!!ltmry,  it  is  no  mortal  sin  to  disobey  his  commandB. 
Edgar's  ca-     9Q.  The  apprenticeship  of  Edgar's  penance  long 
by  uslere  since  expired,  he  flourished  in  all  monarchical  lustre : 
"^^'      sole  founder  of  many,  co-founder  of  more,  bene&ctor 
to  most  abbeys  in  England.     And  as  he  gave  new 
cases  to  most  monasteries,  (repairing  their  outward 
buildings,)  so  he  gave  new  linings  to  all,  substituting 
monks  instead  of  the  secular  priests,  whom  he  ex- 
pelled^.    Many  ecclesiastical  canons  were  by  him 
ordained,  which  at  large  are  presented  in  sir  Hemy 
Spelman,  and  which  I  have  neither  list  nor  leisure 
to  recount  in  this  my  history.     Our  women  have  a 
proverb ;  "  It  is  a  sad  burden  to  carry  a  dead  man's 
'^  child:"  and  surely  an  historian  hath  no  heart  to 
take  much  pains  (which  herein  are  pains  indeed)  to 
exemplify  dead  canons,  dead  and  buried  long  rince, 
as  most  relating  to  monkery ;  this  age,  wherein  we 
live,  being  little  fond  of  antiquity,  to  know  those 
things  which  were  antiquated  so  many  years  since. 
Edgar  a         30.  Now  though  tho  dovotiou  of  king  Edgar  may 
umphant    be  coudemnod  to  be  biassed  to  superstition,  yet  be- 
^^'        cause  the  sincerity  of  his  heart  sought  to  advance 
God's  honour,  according  to  the  light  in  those  dark 
days,  he  appears  one  of  the  most  puissant  princes 
that  ever  England  enjoyed,  both  in  church  and  com- 
monwealth. I  have  read  in  a  most  fair  and  authentic 
gilded  manuscript^,  wherein  he  styleth  himself  God's 
vicar  in  England,  for  the  ordering  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters :  a  title  which  at  this  day  the  pope  will  hardly 
vouchsafe  to  any  Christian  princes.     His  reign  was 

^  [He  gave  orders  for  more     Flor.  Wigom.  p.  159.] 
than    forty  monasteries  to   be         ^  Extant  in  the  precious  Ii- 
built  for  the  use  of  the  uionks.     brary  of  sir  Thomas  Cotton. 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  847 

blessed  with  peace  and  prosperity,  both  by  land  and  A.D.969. 

sea;   insomuch  that  in  a  royal  frolic   eight  petty 

kings  rowed  him  over  the  river  Dee  near  to  Chester, 
namely,  five  princes  of  Wales,  whereof  Hoel-Dha 
was  the  principal,  Kened  king  of  Scotland,  Malcolm 
king  of  Cimiberland,  and  Mac-ens,  a  great  sea-robber, 
who  may  pass  for  the  prince  of  pirates". 

81.  This  Hoel-Dha,  contemporary  with  king  Edgar^  a.  D-.970. 
was  he  that  held  a  national  council  for  all  Wales  at  council  in 
a  place  called  Ty-guin,  or  the  Whitehouse,  because 
built  of  white  hurdles,  to  make  it  more  beautiful, 
regulated  after  this  manner.  Out  of  every  hundred 
in  Wales  he  chose  six  laymen,  with  whom  he  joined 
all  the  eminent  ecclesiastical  persons  (accounted  an 
hundred  and  forty)  in  his  dominions.  Out  of  those 
he  chose  eleven  laymen  and  one  clergyman,  (but 
such  a  one  as  who  alone  by  himself  might  pass  vir- 
tually for  eleven,)  Blangoridus  by  name,  to  enact 
what  laws  they  pleased,  which  after  the  impression 
of  royal  assent  upon  them,  should  be  observed  by 
that  nation.  One  might  suspect  this  council,  thus 
overpowered  with  laics  therein,  which  pinch  on  the 
priests'  side ;  whereas  we  find  the  canons  therein 
wholly  made  in  favour  of  the  clergy :  enacting  this 
among  the  rest,  that  the  presence  of  a  priest  and  a 
judge  constitute  a  legal  court,  as  the  two  persons 
only  in  the  quorum  thereof. 

32.  But  methinks  the  laws  therein  enacted  (which  The  meny 
a  learned  antiquary  presents  us  at  large?)  fall  far  therein. 

^  [Flor.    Wigorn.    a.    973.  of  Durham   he   died   in  951. 

Malm.  f.  31.    "Maccus  pluri-  See  also  Wharton's  A.  S.  IL 

**  marum   rex   insularum/'   as  p.  xxxii.] 
Florence  describes  him ;  that  is,         K  Spelman*8  Concil.  I.  411. 

king  of  Man  and  the  Hebrides.]  [Wilkins,  I.  208,  and  IV.  769. 

^  [Yet  according  to  Simeon  sq.] 


S48  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.970.  short  of  the  gravity  of  a  council,  except  any  will  ex- 
i3i!Kigan.  ^^^^  .^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  thereof ;  what  we  count  light 

and  trivial,  might  be  esteemed  serious  and  solid  in 
those  days.  Besides,  the  laws  discover  in  them  a 
conceited  affectation  of  the  number  of  three.  In 
three  cases  a  wife  may  legally  leave  her  husband : 
first,  if  he  hath  a  leprosy;  secondly,  if  he  hath  a 
stinking  breath ;  thirdly,  and  if  he  be  imable  to  give 
her  due  benevolence.  In  three  cases  it  was  lawful 
for  a  man  to  kiss  his  neighbour's  wife :  first,  at  a 
banquet ;  secondly,  at  the  Welsh  play  called  Guare- 
raffau;  and  thirdly,  when  he  comes  from  a  far 
journey,  by  way  of  salutation.  If  a  man  and  his 
wife  were  to  part  asunder,  they  were  to  divide  their 
goods  betwixt  them  so,  that  she  was  to  have  the 
sheep,  he  the  hogs,  she  the  milk  and  milk-vessels, 
with  all  the  dishes  save  one,  he  all  the  beer  and  bar- 
rels, with  the  axe,  saw,  &c. 
A.D.971.      33.  But  how  silly  soever  these  canons  seem  to  our 

Confirmed  1  *  a*  ,^  a-\  •       t        /•  \ 

by  the  modem  critics,  they  were  then  conceived  of  such 
^^'  weight  and  worth,  that  king  Hoel-Dha  with  his 
archbishop  of  St.  David's,  the  bishops  of  Bangor, 
Landaff,  and  St.  Asaph,  are  said  to  have  taken  a 
journey  to  Rome,  and  procured  the  pope's  confirma- 
tion to  them.  Nor  find  I  ought  else  of  this  synod, 
save  that  the  close  thereof  presents  us  with  a  list  of 
seven  episcopal  seats  then  in  Wales:  1.  St. David's, 
2.  Ismael,  3.  Degeman,  4.  Ussylld,  5.  Teilaw,  6.  Theu- 
lydawg,  7.  Genau^^.  I  am  not  Welshman  enough  to 
point  at  these  places,  and  to  shew  you  where  they  be 
at  this  day,  which  we  leave  to  some  skilfiil  antiquary 
of  their  own  nation.     Only  we  find  that  whereas  the 

P  Query  whether  Bangor^  Landa(f>  and  St,  Asaph  be  not 
comprised  under  these. 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  849 

churches  were  burdened  with  some  payments  out  of  a.  d.  971. 
them,  two  of  the  bishops'  sees  (Ussylld  and  Genau) 


were  freed  fix)m  the  same.  And  this  satisfiujtory 
reason  is  rendered  of  their  exemption,  quia  tei^ris 
carenU  because  they  had  no  lands  belonging  unto 
them. 

84.  King  Edgar  was  peaceably  gathered  to   his  A.D.97S. 
fethers**,  leaving  his  crown  to  Edward  his  son,  and  atWinchw- 
his  son  (because  under  age)  to  the  tuition  of  Dun-  min^ious 
Stan.     In  this  king's  reign  three  councils  were  sue-  ^^**  ^  '** 
cessively  called,  to  determine  the  differences  between 
monks  and  secular  priests*.     The  first  was  at  Win- 
chester, where  the  priests  being  outed  of  their  con- 
vents, earnestly  pressed  for  restitution,  and  sought  by 
arguments  to  clear  their  innocence,  and  prove  their 
title  to  their  ancient  possessions.  The  council  seemed 
somewhat  inclinable  to   favour  unto  them;   when 
presently  a  voice,  as  coming  from  a  crucifix  behind 
Dunstan,  is  reported  to  be  heard,  saying, 

Absit  hoc  ut  JiaU  ahsit  *'  God  forbid  it  should  be  done, 
hoc  utjiai ;  Judicaslis  bene^  **  God  forbid  it  should  be  done  ; 
mutareiis  non  hene^.  "  ye   have  judged   it   well,   and 

"  should  change  it  ill." 

Whether  these  words  were  spoken  in  Latin  or 
English,  authors  leave  us  unresolved.  Monks  equal 
this  (for  the  truth  thereof)  to  the  stiU  small  voice  to 
Elijah^,  whilst  others  suspect  some  forgery  ;  the 
rather,  because  it  is  reported  to  come  as  from  a 
crucifix  :  they  fear  some  secret  falsehood  in  the 
fountain,  because  visible  superstition  was  the  cistern 

^  [Flor.  in  an.    Osbern,  p.  from  Rudborn's  Hist.  Winto- 

112.  Malm.  f.  33.  b.]  niens.     in    Wharton's    Angl. 

i   [See    Wilkins'   Cone.    I.  Sacr.  I.  217.] 

263.]  1  I  Kings  xix.  12. 

^  [Parker  De  Antiq.  p.  126. 


350  The  Church  History  booi  ii. 

A.  D.  977.  thereof.    However,  this  voice  proved  for  the  present 
Martyris.    the  casting  voico  to  the  secular  priests,  who  thereby 

were  overborne  in  their  cause,  and  so  was  the  council 

dissolved. 
Secular  35.  Yet  Still  the  secular  priests  did  struggle,  re- 

priests 

strive  still,  fusing  to  be  finally  concluded  with  this  transient 
airy  oracle.  To  the  law  and  to  the  testimony ;  if  they 
speak  not  according  to  this  word,  SfcJ^  They  had  no 
warrant  to  rely  on  such  a  vocal  decision,  from  which 
they  appealed  to  the  scripture  itself.  A  second 
council  is  called  at  Kyrtlynge,  (now  Katlage  in 
Cambridgeshire,  the  barony  of  the  right  honourable 
the  lord  North,)  but  nothing  to  purpose  effected 
therem^  Dunstan,  say  the  monks,  still  answered 
his  name,  that  is,  dun,  a  rocky  mountain,  and  stain, 
a  stone  P,  (but  whether  a  precious  stone,  or  a  rock  of 
offence,  let  others  decide,)  persisting  unmovable  in 
his  resolution ;  nor  was  any  thing  performed  in  this 
council,  but  that  by  the  authority  thereof  people 
were  sent  on  pilgrimage  to  St.  Mary  at  Abingdon. 
A  porten.  86.  The  Same  year  a  third  council  was  called,  at 
cii  at*^n.  Cain  in  Wiltshire^.  Hither  repaired  priests  and 
monks,  with  their  full  forces,  to  try  the  last  con- 
clusion in  the  controversy  betwixt  them.  The 
former,  next  the  equity  of  the  cause,  relied  most  on 
the  ability  of  their  champion,  one  Beomelm,  a  Scot- 
tish bishop,  who  with  no  less  eloquence  than  strength, 
with  scripture  and  reason  defended  their  cause. 
When  behold,  on  a  sudden  the  beams  brake  in  the 
room  where  they  were  assembled,  and  most  of  the 

^  Isa.  viii.  20.  P  "  [Dunstanus  quod  petrae 

«»  [Flor.  Wig.  a.  977.  Malm.  •*  firmitatem   sonat."    Osbern, 

f.  33.     Gibson   thinks  it   the  p.  Qi-     Compare  also  p.  103.] 
same  as  Kyrtlington    in    Ox-         <l  [Flor.  Wig.  1.  1.  See  Wil- 

fordshire.]  kins^  ibid.] 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  85 1 

secular  priests  were   slain,  and   buried   under  the  a.  D.  977. 
ruins  thereof.     All  were  af&ighted,  many  maimed ;  Manyris. 
only  the  place  whereon  Dunstan  sat  either  (as  some 
say)  remained  firm,  or  fell  in  such  sort,  that  the 
timber  (the  sword  to  kill  others)  proved  the  shield 
to  preserve  him  from  danger. 

37-  Some  behold  this  story  as  a  notable  untruth :  Several 

oensiiret  on 

others  suspect  the  Devil  therein,  not  for  a  liar,  but  a  this  sad 
murderer,  and  this  massacre  procured  by  compact 
with  him :  a  third  sort  conceived  that  Dunstan,  who 
had  so  much  of  a  smith,  had  here  something  of  a 
carpenter  in  him,  and  some  device  used  by  him 
about  pinning  and  propping  of  the  room.  It  renders 
it  the  more  suspicious,  because  he  dissuaded  king 
Edward  from  being  present  there,  pretending  his 
want  of  age;  though  he  was  present  in  the  last 
council,  and  surely  he  was  never  the  younger  for 
living  some  months  since  the  same  assembly.  If 
truly  performed,  Dunstan  appears  happier  herein 
than  Samson  himself,  who  could  not  so  sever  his 
foes,  but  both  must  die  together.  Sure  I  am,  no 
ingenuous  papist  nowadays  will  make  any  uncha- 
ritable inference  from  such  an  accident:  especially 
since  the  fell  of  Black  friars,  1623,  enough  to  make 
all  good  men  turn  the  censuring  of  others  into  an 
humble  silence,  and  pious  adoring  of  Divine  provi- 
dence. 

38.  But  the  monks  made  great  advantage  of  this  SecuUn 
accident,  conceiving  that  heaven  had  confirmed  their  monks  aS. 
cause,  as  lately  by  word  at  Winchester,  so  now  by  ''*°**^ 
work  in  this  council   at  Cain.     Hereupon   secular 
priests  are  every  where  outed,  and  monks  substi- 
tuted in  their  room.     Indeed  these  latter  in  civil  re- 
spect were  beheld  as  more  beneficial  to  their  con- 


352  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D. 977.  vents;  because  secular  priests  did  marryy  and  at 
MaityriB.  their  deaths  did  condere  testamenta^  ^^rnake  their 
"  wills,"  and  bequeathed  their  goods  to  their  wives 
and  children ;  whilst  monks,  having  no  issue  (which 
they  durst  own),  made  their  monastery  heir  of  all 
they  had.  It  was  also  objected  against  the  priests, 
that  by  their  looseness  and  laziness,  left  at  large  in 
their  lives,  they  had  caused  the  general  declination 
of  piety  at  this  time ;  whilst  it  was  presumed  of  the 
monks,  that  by  the  strict  rules  of  observance  to 
which  they  were  tied,  they  would  repair  the  ruins  of 
religion  in  all  places. 
Priests  39.  It  appears  not  what  provision  was  made  for 

dealt  with,  thcse  pricsts  wheu  ejected ;  and  they  seem  to  have 
had  hard  measure  to  be  dispossessed  of  their  civil 
right.  Except  any  will  say  it  was  no  injury  to  them 
to  lose  their  places  so  soon,  but  a  great  fitvour  that 
they  enjoyed  them  so  long,  living  hitherto  on  the 
free  bounty  of  their  founders,  and  now  at  the  full 
dispose  of  the  church  and  state.  Little  can  be  said 
in  excuse  of  the  priests,  and  less  in  commendation  of 
the  monks;  who  though  they  swept  clean  at  the 
first,  as  new  besoms,  yet  afterwards  left  more  dust 
behind  them  of  their  own  bringing  in  than  their 
predecessors  had  done.  Thus  the  hive  of  the  church 
was  no  whit  bettered  by  putting  out  drones  and 
placing  wasps  in  their  room.  Yea,  whereas  formerly 
corruptions  came  into  the  church  at  the  wicket,  now 
the  broad  gates  were  opened  for  their  entrance; 
monkery  making  the  way  for  ignorance  and  super- 
stition to  overspread  the  whole  worlds 

«■  The  eifects  of  Dunstan's  they  were  completely  expelled 
severity  to  the  secular  clergy  from  such  cities  as  Worcester, 
were  probably  very  great,  since     Winchester,  and  the  like — not 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  S5S 

40.  Another  humour  of  the  former  age  (to  make  a.  d.  977. 
one  digression  for  all)  still  continued  and  increased,  Maityns. 
venting  itself  in  the  fair   foundations  and  stately  The  prodi. 
structures  of  so  many  monasteries*.     So  that  one ^^y^]^***^*" 
beholding  thdr  neatness,  beine:  corrivals  with  some  *'"^^**"f 

o  o  '  o  and  endow- 

towns  in  receipt  and  extent,  would  admire  that  they  m  «<■  «»»- 
could  be  so  neat;  and  considering  their  neatness, 
must  wonder  they  could  be  so  great;  and  lastly, 
accounting  their  number,  will  make  all  three  the 
object  of  his  amazement.  Especially,  seeing  many 
of  these  were  founded  in  the  Saxon  heptarchy,  when 
seven  kings  put  together  did  spell  but  one  in  effect. 
So  that  it  may  seem  a  miracle  what  invisible  Indies 
those  petty  princes  were  masters  of,  building  such 
structures  which  impoverish  posterity  to  repair  them. 
For  although  some  of  these  monasteries  were  the 
fruit  of  many  ages,  long  in  ripening,  at  several  times, 
by  sundry  persons,  all  whose  parcels  and  additions 
met  at  last  in  some  toleraWe  uniformity ;  yet  most  of 
them  were  begun  and  finished,  absolute  and  entire, 
by  one  founder  alone.  And  although  we  allow  that 
in  those  days  artificers  were  procured,  and  materials 
purchased  at  easy  rates,  yet  there  being  then  scarce- 
ness of  coin,  (as  a  little  money  would  then  buy  much 
ware,  so  much  ware  must  first  in  exchange  be  given 
to  provide  that  little  money,)  all  things  being  audited 
proportionably,  the  wonder  still  remains  as  great  as 
before.  But  here  we  see  with  what  eagerness  those 
designs  are  undertaken  and  pursued  which  proceed 
from  blind  zeal :  every  finger  being  more  than  an 

always  by  open,  frequently  by  red  the  latteralternative.'*  Ma- 
underhand  means.  The  clergy  *•  gis  vitam  mollem  elegissent," 
of  Winchester,  when  they  had  says  Malmsbury.^'tunctotain- 
the  option  of  conforming  to  the  *'  sula  incertis  vagabantur  sedi- 
rulesof  the  monastic  institution,  "  bus."  De  Gestis  Reg.  f  .  3 1 .  b.] 
or  deserting  their  cures^  prefer-         «  [Malmsb.  f .  31.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  A  a 


854  The  Church  History  book  il 

A.  D.  977.  hand  to  build,  when  they  thought  merit  was  annexed 
Martyris.  to  their  perfonnancos.  Oh !  with  what  might  and 
main  did  they  mount  their  walls  both  day  and  night; 
erroneously  conceiving  that  their  souls  were  advan- 
taged to  heaven,  when  taking  the  rise  from  the  top 
of  a  steeple  of  their  own  erection*. 
Caution  to  41.  But  it  will  uot  be  amiss  to  mind  our  forgetfiil 
^'  "*^  age,  that,  seeing  devotion  (now  better  informed),  long 
sithence  hath  desisted  to  express  itself  in  such 
pompous  buildings,  she  must  find  some  other  me^is 
and  manner  to  evidence  and  declare  her  sincerity. 
Except  any  will  say  that  there  is  less  heart  required 
where  more  light  is  granted ;  and  that  our  practice 
of  piety  should  be  diminished,  because  our  know- 
ledge thereof  is  increased.  God,  no  doubt,  doth 
justly  expect  that  religion  should  testify  her  thank- 
fulness to  him  by  some  eminent  way  and  works :  and 
where  the  fountain  of  piety  is  fiill,  it  will  find  itself 
a  vent  to  flow  in,  though  not  through  the  former 
channels  of  superstition. 
A.  D.  978.  42.  King  Edward  went  to  give  his  mother-in-law 
ward  mur.  ^.t  Corfe-castlo  a  respectable  visit,  when  by  her  con- 
^^^1^**' trivance  he  was  barbarously  murdered,  so  to  pave 
the  way  for  her  son  jEthelred  his  succession  to  the 
crown.  But  king  Edward,  by  losing  his  life,  got  the 
title  of  a  martyr,  so  constantly  called  in  our  chroni- 
cles. Take  the  term  in  a  large  acception,  otherwise 
restrictively  it  signifies  such  an  one  as  suffers  for  the 
testimony  of  the  truth.  But,  seeing  this  Edward 
was  cruelly  murdered,  and  is  said  after  death  to  work 
miracles,  let  him,  by  the  courtesy  of  the  church,  pass 

s  [This  is  certainly  not  true  terested  in  cloaking  the  scanti- 

as  applied  to  the  age  when  mo-  ness  of  its  zeal  under  such  mis- 

nasteries  were  erected.  Though  representations, 
modern  selfishness  may  feel  in- 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain, 


355 


for  a  martyr,  not  knowing  any  act  or  order  to  the  a.d.  978. 
contrary,  to  deny  such  a  title  unto  him^  Mwt^ 


t  [On  the  death  of  Edgar 
there  was  a  contention  among 
the  nobles  about  a  successor; 
some  supporting  the  claims  of 
-^thelred,  and  others  those  of 
Edward,  but  by  the  power  of 
Dunstan  it  was  determined  in 
favour  of  the  latter  (Flor.  Wi- 
gom.  a.  975.)  Immediately 
on  the  death  of  his  father^ 
through  the  influence  of  his 
mother-in-law  and  some  of  the 
nobles,  the  regular  clergy  were 
recalled  ;  this  produced  two 
parties  in  the  state,  thus  de- 
scribed by  Ingulf  :  "  Cujus 
"  [Edwardi]  ssuicta  simplici- 
'*  tate  et  innocentia  tarn  abusa 
'*  est  factio  tyrannorum,  per 
"  reginse  favorem  et  potentiam 
**  prsecipue  roborata,  quod  per 
'^  Merciam  monachis  de  qui- 
*'  busdam  monasteriis  ejectis 
*'  clerici  sunt  inducti,  qui  sta- 
"  tim  monasteriorum  maneria 
''  ducibus  terrae  distribuebant, 
'*  ut  sic  in  suas  partes  obligati 
*'  eos  contra  monachos  defen- 
'*  sarent.  Tunc  de  monasterio 
*'  Eveshamensi  monachis  ex- 
pulsis  clerici  fuerunt  intro- 
ducti,  terrteque  tyranni  de 
terris  ecclesise  prsemiati  sunt. 
•*  Quibus  regina  novercali  ne- 
''  quitia  stans  cum  clericis  in 
•*  regis  opprobrium  favebat, 
**  cum  monachis  autem  rex  et 
*'  sancti  episcopi  persistebant, 
*'  sed  tyranni  fulti  reginae  fa- 
vore  et  potentia  super  mo- 
nachos triumphabant.  Mul- 
*'  tus  inde  tumultus  in  omni 
*'  angolo  Angliae  f actus  est." 
f.  506.  See  Flor.  a.  975.  After 
a  brief  reign  of  four  years  this 


€t 


€€ 


tt 


4t 


<€ 


king  came  to  an  untimely  end, 
hunting  near  Corfe-castle,  as 
the  monkish  writers  did  not 
scruple  to  affirm,  by  the  hands 
of  his  step-mother.  But  the 
Saxon  annalist,  who  was  either 
contemporary  with  the  fact,  or 
transcribed  his  narrative  from 
one  who  was,  mentions  nothing 
of  his  mother's  participation  in 
the  crime ;  and  Hen.  of  Hunt- 
ingdon, whose  testimony  is 
valuable  as  an  unprejudiced 
writer,  speaks  thus  of  his 
death :  *'  occisus  est  proditione 
'*  gentis  suae." And  then  in- 
troduces the  subsequent  tale,  as 
a  dubious  report :  "  dicitur  au- 
"  tem  quod  noverca  ejus  mater, 
"  &c."  Hist.f.  204.  But  though 
Flor.  of  Wigorn.  and  Ingulf  at- 
tribute his  death  to  the  instiga- 
tion of  Alfleda,  they  give  not 
the  slightest  foundation  for 
supposing  that  ^thelred  *^puer 
**  decern  annorum"  (Ingulf  1. 1.) 
could  at  all  participate  in  it. 
The  progress  of  falsehood,  in 
this  instance,  may  be  traced 
with  some  instruction,  as  to 
the  credit  of  the  monkish 
writers.  Ingulf  says  that  Dun- 
stan, upon  consecrating  iEtheU 
red,  addressed  him  after  the 
ceremony  thus;  *'quia  ascen- 
**  disti  ad  thronum  tuum  per 
mortem  fratris  tui,  quem  oc- 
cidit  mater  tua  ;"-which  ver- 
sion of  the  tale  Malmsbury, 
who  wrote  but  very  few  years 
after,  thus  enlarges  on  ;  **  quia, 
*•  inquit,  per  mortem  fratris  tui 
'*  aspirasti  ad  regnum  audi 
*'  verbum," — ^and  speaks  after- 
wards and  before  of  his  sharing 

A  a  2 


<< 


t( 


356 


The  Church  Htstory 


BOOK  11. 


A.D.  978. 

oognom.the  him  in  the  throne^ 


noBticated 
unsuooess- 
ful. 


43.  JEthehred,  Edward's  half-brother,   succeeded 

One  with  whom  Dmistan  had 

— II—  a  quarrel  from  his  cradle,  because,  when  an  infant, 

rwi^rog-  "  he  left  more  water  in  the  font  than  he  found  there 
at  his  baptizing.  Happy  Dunstan  himself,  if  guilty 
of  no  greater  fault,  which  could  be  no  sin  (nor  pro- 
perly a  slovenness)  in  an  infant,  if  he  did  as  an 
in&nt !  Yet  from  such  his  addition,  Dunstan  prog- 
nosticated an  inundation  of  Danes  would  ensue  in 
this  island:  which  accordingly  came  to  pass.  But 
Ethelred  is  more  to  be  condenmed  for  the  blood  he 
shed  when  a  man;  it  being  vehemently  suspected 
that  he  was  accessory  with  his  mother  to  the  mur- 
dering of  his  brother  Edward. 

44.  But  Dunstan  survived  not  to  see  his  prediction 
corpse  take  effect,  for  he  was  happily  prevented  by  death, 
daimed  by  and  buriod  ou  the  south  side  of  the  high  altar  in  the 
of  oi^T-  church  of  Canterbury :  where  his  tomb  was  famous 
bury.        for  some  time,  till  Thomas  Becket  eclipsed  the  same; 

seeing  saints,  like  new  besoms,  sweep  clean  at  the 
first,  and  afterwards  are  clean  swept  out,  by  newer 
saints  which  succeed  them.  Yea,  Dunstan's  grave 
grew  so  obscure  at  Canterbury,  that  the  monks  of 
Glassenbury  taking  heart  thereat,  and  advantaged  by 
John  Capgrave's  report,  that  anno  1012  Dunstan's 
corpse  were  translated  thither,  pretended  his  burial, 
and  built  him  a  shrine  in  their  convent^.     Men  and 


A.D.  987. 

DtinBtan*s 


in^  and  conniving  at,  the  crime : 
which  in  a  boy  of  scarce  ten 
years  of  age  is  so  ridiculous, 
and  so  perverse  a  corruption 
of  his  authorities,  that  no  one 
but  a  monk,  anxious  to  bkcken 
the  supporters  of  the  married 
clergy,  would  ever  have  ima- 
ging.] 


V  [Flor.  Wigom.  a.  978. 
Will,  of  Malmsbury,  f.  34.  b.] 

w  [The  monks  of  Glaston- 
bury laid  claim  to  the  body  of 
St.  Dunstan  three  centuries 
before  Capgrave  wrote.  About 
fifty  years  after  the  death  of 
Dunstan  they  pretended  that 
some  of  their  body  had  been 


CXNT.  X. 


of  Britain* 


867 


money  met  at  Glassenbury  on  this  mistake ;  and  a.  d.  987. 
their  convent  got  more  by  this  eight  foot  length  of  redi. 
ground,  (the  supposed  tomb  of  Dunstan,)  than  eight  " 

hundred  acres  of  the  best  land  they  possessed  else- 
where. Whereupon  William  Warham,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  to  try  the  truth,  and  to  prevent  fur- 
ther fraud  herein,  caused  a  solemn  search  to  be  made 
in  the  cathedral  of  Canterbury  after  Dunstan's  corpse, 
in  the  place  tradition  reported  him  to  be  interred. 

45.  Four  of  the  friars,  fittest  for  the  work,  to  wit,  a  night 

hue-and- 


deputed  to  take  charge  6f 
Canterbury^  which  had  been 
deserted  on  the  murder  of 
St.  ^phegus  by  the  Danes. 
They  pretended  that  in  this  in- 
terval the  body  of  Dunstan  was 
removed  to  Glastonbury,  and 
an  abbot  of  that  monastery 
substituted  in  his  room.  On 
this  occasion  Eadmer^  a  monk 
of  Canterbury^  who  had  wit- 
nessed the  translation  of  Dun- 
Stan's  body  to  the  new  church 
at  Canterbury^  undertaken  by 
the  order  of  archbishop  Lan- 
franc^  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
monks  of  Glastonbury,  ex- 
plaining these  circumstances^ 
and  shewing  the  impossibility  of 
such  a  theft  having  ever  been 
committed.  Referring  to  the 
exhumation  of  Dunstan's  body, 
with  all  its  appropriate  orna- 
ments, which  he  had  himself 
witnessed,  he  asks.  How  was  it 
possible  for  the  monks  to  pro- 
cure a  body  habited  like  the 
corpse  of  the  archbishop ;  with 
its  mitre>  pall,  pins,  and  shoes 
{infulatum,  palliatum,  spinda- 
latum,  et  sandaliis  caldatum)  ? 
Especially  the  pall>  which  could 
only  be  procured  from  Rome, 


and  was  never  granted  to  any 
abbot  of  Glastonbury.  Besides 
that  the  corpse  was  buried  in 
the  middle  of  the  quire,  close 
to  the  steps  of  the  high  altar, 
in  a  leaden  coffin  at  a  very 
great  depth,  as  was  formerly 
the  custom  with  the  Angli. 
He  then  addresses  them  with 
these  remarkable  words: ''  Ossa 
*^  itaque  quibus  onerastis  itmu 
**  ginem  nostri  Redemptoris,  ne 
**  ipse  nobis  indignetur,  nostra 
*'  consilio  auferetis.  Satis  enim 
*'  habet  in  se  unde  honoretur^ 
'^  nee  opus  est  ut  sanctiias  ei 
^*  aut  ex  ossibus  moriuorum  aut 
"^  aliunde  cumulatur"  p.  2^26. 
(See  this  letter  in  Wharton's 
Ang.  Sac.  II.  333.)< 

Notwithstanding,  the  monks 
of  Glastonbury,  as  it  appears^ 
would  not  forego  their  claims. 
For  as  late  as  Uie  year  1 508  a 
scrutiny  was  made  for  the  body 
of  St.  Dunstan  by  order  of 
William  Warham,  then  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  The 
result  was  such  as  is  here  de- 
tailed by  Fuller.  The  papers 
relative  to  this  search  are  also 
printed  by  Wharton,  ib.  p. 
227—233.] 

Aa3 


368 


The  Church  History 


BOOKU. 


redi. 

cry  made 
after  his 
corpse. 


A.D.087.  of  stronfifer  bodies  than  brams,  undertook  to  make 
this  scrutiny,  anno  1508,  the  22nd  of  April.     Great 
caution  was  used  that  all  should  be  done  semotis 
ImciSy  "  no  laymen  being  present,**  whether  because 
their  eyes  were  too  profime  to  behold  so  holy  sn 
object,  or  too  prying  to  discover  the  default^  if  the 
search  succeeded  not.     In  the  night  they  so  plied 
their  work,  that  ere  morning  they  discovered  Dun- 
stan's  coffin,  and  rested  the  day  following  from  more 
digging ;  as  well  they  might,  having  taken  so  much 
pains,   and    gained   so   much    profit  by   their  en- 
deavours. 
Discovered,     46.  Next  night  they  on  afresh;  and,  with  main 
manner  of  forco,  plucked  up  the  poudcrous  coffin   upon  the 
na^S^  pavement.     A  coffin  built  (as  one  may  say)  three 
^*  stories  high :  the  outermost  of  wood  (but  also  made 

iron  with  the  multitude  of  nails  therein);  within 
that  another  of  plain  lead ;  within  that  a  third  of 
wrought  lead,  wherein  the  bones  of  Dunstan  lay  in 
his  pontifical  vests,  with  this  inscription  in  a  plate, 
Hie  requiescit  sancttis  DuiistantLS  archiepiscopus^. 
Some  lumps  of  flesh  were  found,  which  were  said  to 


»  Archiva  Eccles.  Cant,  ex- 
emplified by  my  good  friend 
Mr.  Will.  Somner,  in  his  De- 
script,  of  Cant,  in  Appendice 
Script.  12.  [ed.  1640.  The 
monks  who  were  employed  in 
the  search,  after  labouring  all 
night,  found  a  leaden  chest,  in 
which  the  relics  were  depo- 
sited. This  chest  was  inserted 
in  the  stonework  of  the  vault : 
^vithin  it  was  another  coffin  of 
wood,  covered  within  and  with- 
out ^vith  lead,  and  thickly 
studded  with  cramps  or  nails. 
The  whole  was  so  firmly  fast- 


ened with  ironwork,  that  they 
were  compelled  to  defer  their 
labours  till  the  following  night, 
and  procure  additional  assist- 
ance for  the  completion  of 
their  task.  Within  the  cases 
or  coffins  already  described 
they  found  another  shell,  cu- 
riously  wrought  of  lead  (astu 
quadam  pulcherrime  pUcata), 
within  which  was  another  al- 
most consumed  and  worn  away, 
and  was  supposed  to  have  been 
the  coffin  in  which  St.  Dun- 
stan was  originally  buried.  See 
Ang.  Sac.  II.  327.] 


CSKT.  X.  of  Britain.  859 

smell  very  sweet  (the  relics  perchance  of  some  spices  A.D.987. 
which  embalmed  him),  and  all  done  in  the  presence  ^f.**^" 
of  many  worthy  witnesses :  amongst  whom,  Cuthbert 
Tunstal  was  one,  then  the  archbishop's  chancellor, 
afterward,  bishop  of  Durham.  Hereupon  the  arch- 
bishop sent  his  mandate  to  the  abbot  and  convent 
of  Glassenbury,  henceforward  to  desist  from  any 
jactitation  of  Dimstan's  corpse,  and  abusing  people 
with  such  pretences.  A  fault  most  frequent  in  that 
convent,  challenging  almost  the  monopoly  of  all 
English  saints,  witness  that  impudent  lie  of  the 
rhythming  monk,  writing  thus  of  Glassenbury ; 

Hie  tumulus  sanctus,  hie  scala  poli  celebratur ; 
Vix  luit  infemi  pcenas  hie  qui  tumulatur. 

But,  who  is  rather  to  be  believed  ?  St.  Peter,  that 
saith.  Hie  righteous  shall  scarcely  be  saved^:  or  this 
monk,  affirming  that,  "  Whoso  is  buried  at  Glassen- 
**  bury  shall  scarcely  be  damned." 

47.  After  the  death  of  Dunstan,  their  patron,  the  a.  d.  988. 

T*|-|ngf«  and 

monks  (not  much  befriended  by  king  ^thelred)  were  monks  ai- 
cast  out  of  the  convent  of  Canterbury,  or  rather  cast  ^^^ 
out  themselves  by  their  misdemeanours.  Man  in 
honour  hath  no  understanding ^  Sfc*  They  waxed  so 
wanton  with  possessing  the  places  of  secular  priests, 
that  a  monk  himself  of  Canterbury  confesseth,  Mo- 
nachi  propter  eorum  insolentiam  sedibus  pulsi^  et  cle- 
rid  introdu€ti\  "  Monks  for  their  insolency  were 
•*  driven  out  of  their  seats,  and  secular  clerks  brought 
"  into  their  room."  Thus  was  it  often,  in  dock,  out 
nettle,  as  they  could  strengthen  their  parties.  For 
Siricius,  the  next  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  endea- 

y  I  Pet.  iv.  18.  Brit.    p.   35.      [Compare   the 

*  Psal.  xlix.  20.  printed  Chronicle  of  Thorn,  p. 

•  Wil.  Thorn  cited  by  Ant.     1781.  ed.  Twysden.] 

A  a  4 


360 


7Vi«  Church  History 


BOOK  n. 


A.  D.  989.  voured  the  reexpulsion  of  the  priests ;  which  by  SX- 

redi.         fncus  his  successor  was  effected. 

The  Danes      *8-  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^  Doncs  revenged  the  quarrel 

E*"iimd     ^^  ^^  secular  priests ;  and  by  a  firm  ejection  outed 

the  monks  before  they  were  well  warm  in  their 

nests.  Their  fury  fell  more  on  convents  than  castles : 

whether,  because  the  former  were  in  that  age  more 

numerous,   (castles  afterwards  were    increased   by 

William  the  Conqueror,)  or  because  their  prey  and 

plunder  was  presumed  the  richest  and  easiest  to  be 

gotten ;  or  because  the  Danes,  then  generally  pagans, 

principally  spited  places  of  religion.     A  relapse  is 

far  more  dangerous  than  a  simple  disease,  as  here  it 

proved  in  the  Danes.     England  for  these  last  sixty 

years  had  been  cured  of,  and  cleared  from  their 

cruelty,  which  now  returned  more  terrible  than  ever 

before. 

A.  D.  990.      49.  These  Danes  were  also  advantaged  by  the  un- 

diness  of    activcncss  of  king  jEthelred,  therefore  sumamed  the 

J^^^^i^  Unready^  in  our  chronicles.     The  clock  of  his  con- 


^  [There  seems  but  very  lit- 
tle reason  for  fixing  this  epi- 
thet upon  iEthelred  ;  since  the 
misfortunes  of  his  reign  ought 
rather  to  be  attributed  to  a 
train  of  causes  laid  by  his  pre- 
decessors, of  which  he  expe- 
rienced the  unhappy  effects, 
than  to  any  mismanagement  of 
his  own.  The  government  of 
the  couuties  by  dukes  had  now 
become  hereditary^  in  imitation 
of  the  great  vassals  of  the 
crown  in  the  French  empire; 
the  civil  and  the  military 
powers  were  united  in  the  same 
person.  Alfred  and  his  imme- 
diate successoFs  foreseeing  the 


inconveniences  which  must  in- 
evitably follow  fVom  such  a 
union,  had  wisely  entrusted  the 
civil  judicature  and  command 
of  the  military  forces  in  the 
different  counties  to  distinct 
persons :  but  the  distractions 
of  the  kingdom,  and  weakness 
of  some  persons,  had  caused 
the  neglect  of  this  wise  pro. 
vision.  Another  great  cause  of 
the  inefficiency  of  his  counsels 
was,  the  intermarriage  of  the 
nobles  with  the  Danes,  and  the 
employment  of  officers  of  Dan- 
ish extraction  in  the  army; 
who  making  common  cause 
with  the  enemy,  frustrated  by 


CENT.  X. 


of  Britain. 


861 


sultations  and  executions  was  always  set  some  hours  a-d.mo. 
too  late,  vainly  striving  with  much  industry  to  re-r«dt 
dress,  what  a  little  providence  might  seasonably  have  Jli^^Sr&e" 
prevented.     Now  when  this  unready  king  met  with  ^^*°*' 
the  Danes,  his  over-ready  enemies,  no  wonder  if 
lamentable  was  the  event  thereof.    The  best  thing  I 
find  recorded  of  this  king  jEthelred  is,  that  in  his 
days  began  the  trial  of  causes  by  a  jury  of  twelve 
men,  to  be  chosen  out  of  the  vicinage,  of  like  qua- 
lity, as  near  as  may  be  suited  to  the  persons  con- 
cerned therein.   Hereby  men  have  most  fair  play  for 
their  lives:  and  let  it  be  the  desires  of  all  honest 
hearts,  that  whilst  we  pluck  off  the  badges  of  all 
Norman  slavery,  we  part  not  with  the  livery  of  our 
old  Saxon  liberty. 

50.  In  this  sad  condition  king  j^thelred  hearkened  A.D.991. 
to  the  persuasions  of  Siric  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  peace 
and  with  ten  thousand  pounds  purchased  a  present  JS^^ei. 
peace  with  the  Danes  *^.     Indeed  it  was  conformable 
to  the  calling  of  a  churchman  to  procure  peace. 


treachery  any  snccessful  move- 
ments which  might  he  made 
against  them,  both  by  perplex- 
ing the  king's  councils,  and 
betraying  his  intentions.  The 
consequence  of  all  this  was, 
that  JEthelred  knew  not  whom 
to  trust.  See  Flor.  Wigom.  a. 

99273*.  99S-9»  >oo7>,  1009- 
An  incidental  remark  in  Wil- 
liam of  Malmsbury  justifies 
this  statement.  "  Veruntamen 
**  multa  mihi  cogitanti  mirum 
"  videtur  cur  homo,  ut  a  ma- 
**  joribus  accepimus^  neque 
"  multum  fatuus  neque  muL 
**  tum  ignavus,  in  tam  tristi 
*'  pallore  tot  calamitatum  vitam 


"  consumpserit.  Cujus  rei 
**  causam  si  quis  me  interrc^t, 
*'  non  facile  respondeam  nisi 
"  ducum  defectionem  ex  su- 
^'  perbia  regis  prodeuntem." 
Malms,  f.  35. 

The  same  writer  has  touch- 
ingly  described  the  conduct  of 
the  English,  when  the  king 
commanded  a  general  massacre 
of  the  Danes :  '*fuit  videre  mi' 
*'  seriam,  dum  quisque  charis' 
"  simos  haspiles,  quos  etiam 
**  arctissima-  necessiludo  duL 
"  ciores  effecerat,  cogereiur 
"  prodere  et  amplexus  gladio 
"  deturbare"  Malms,  ib.] 

c  [Malmsb.  f.  35.] 


862  The  Ckitrch  History  book  u. 

A.D.991.  having  not  only  scripture  precepts  therein,  seek  peace 
redi.  ufid  pwTSue  it\  but  also  precedents  for  the  same, 
when  gracious  Hezekiah  with  a  present  pacified 
Sennacherib  to  desist  from  invading  him^  How- 
ever, this  archbishop  generally  suffered  in  his  repu- 
tation, condemned  of  all  for  counselling  of  what  was, 
first,  dishonourable ;  that  an  entire  nation,  being  at 
home  in  their  own  land,  should  purchase  a  peace 
from  foreigners,  fewer  in  number,  and  fetching  their 
recruits  and  warlike  provisions  from  a  fiM*  country: 
let  them  be  paid  in  due  coin,  not  silver,  but  steel. 
Secondly,  unprofitable;  if  once  the  Danes  got  but 
the  trick  to  make  the  English  bleed  money  to  buy 
peace,  they  would  never  leave  them  till  they  had 
sucked  out  their  heart-blood,  and  exhausted  the 
whole  treasure  of  the  land. 
Multitudes  51.  Indeed  one  may  safely  affirm,  that  the  multi- 
teries  tude  of  monasteries  invited  the  invasion,  and  fiacili- 
SJJ^  int  tated  the  conquest  of  the  Danes  over  England,  and 
that  in  a  double  respect ;  first,  because  not  only  the 
fruit  of  the  king's  exchequer  (I  mean  ready  money) 
was  spent  by  this  king  his  predecessors  in  founding 
of  monasteries,  but  also  the  root  thereof,  his  demesne 
lands,  plucked  up  and  parted  with  to  endow  the 
same ;  whereby  the  sinews  of  war  were  wanting,  to 
make  effectual  opposition  against  foreign  enemies. 
Secondly,  because  England  had  at  this  time  more 
flesh  or  fat  than  bones,  wherein  the  strength  of  a 
body  consists,  mo  monks  than  military  men.  For 
instance,  Holy-Island  near  Northumberland  is  suffi- 
ciently known,  for  the  position  thereof,  an  advan- 
tageous landing-place,  especially  in  relation  to  Den- 

^  Psalm  xxxiv.  14.  «  a  Kings  xviii.  14. 


VBsion. 


CENT.  X.  of  Britain.  868 

mark^.  This  place  was  presently  forsaken  of  the  a.d.  904. 
fearfhl  monks,  frighted  with  the  Danes  their  ap-redL 
proach ;  and  Aldhunus,  the  bishop  thereof,  removed 
his  cathedral  and  convent  to  Durham,  an  inland 
place  of  more  safety.  Now,  had  there  been  a  castle 
in  the  place  of  this  monastery,  to  secure  the  same 
with  fighters  instead  of  feeders,  men  of  arms  instead 
of  men  of  bellies  therein,  probably  they  might  have 
stopped  the  Danish  invasion  at  the  first  inlet  thereof. 
England  then  as  much  wanting  martial  men,  as  since 
it  hath  surfeited  with  too  many  of  them^. 

52.  The  Danes,  having  received  and  spent  their  a.  d.  ^5. 
money,  invaded  England  afresh,  according  to  all  wise^^^ 
men's  expectation.  It  is  as  easy  for  armed  might  to  jSimH!'* 
pick  a  quarrel,  as  it  is  hard  for  naked  innocence  to 
make  resistance.  The  deluge  of  their  cruelty  over- 
ran the  realm  ^;  whose  sword  made  no  more  dif- 
ference betwixt  the  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions  of 
people,  than  the  fire  which  they  cast  on  houses 
made  distinction  in  the  timber  thereof,  whether  it 
was  elm,  oak,  or  ash ;  the  fierceness  of  the  one  kill- 
ing, the  fury  of  the  other  consuming  all  it  met  with. 
Indeed  in  some  small  skirmishes  the  English  got  the 
better,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  There  is  a  place  in 
Hertfordshire  called  Danes-end,  where  the  inhabit- 
ants by  tradition  report  (uncertain  of  the  exact  date 
thereof)  that  a  fatal  blow  in  a  battle  was  given  to 
the  Danes  thereabouts.  But  alas!  the  Danes-end 
was  but  Danes-beginning;  they  quickly  recovered 

f  [Florent.  Wig.  a.  994.]  which  England  consisted,  they 

E  Viz.  in  the  wars  between  overran   sixteen.    Malmsb.   f. 

York  and  Lancaster.  35.] 
^  [Of  the  thirty-two  pagi  of 


864  The  Church  History  of  Britain.        book  ii. 

A.D.  905.  themselves  as  many,  and  mighty  in  the  field,  and  it 

^     '   seemed  an  endless  end   to  endeavour  their  utter 

extirpation.       Thus   this   century   sets   with    little 

mirth,  and  the  next  is  likely  to  arise  with  more 

mourning. 


THE  ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


BALDWINO  HAMEY,  MEDICINiE  DOCTORI  LITE- 
RATISSIMO,  MECCENATI  SUO  DIGNISSIMO* 

Congueruntur  nostraies  novissimo  hoc  decennio^  novam  re* 
rum  fadem  induiy  nee  mutata  solum,  sed  et  inversa  esse 
omnia.  Hiyus  indicia  plurima  prqferunt,  trisHa  safie 
ac  dolenda,  dominos  nimirum  servis  postpositos,  dum  alii 
e  servis  domini  repente  prodierint, 

Aty  ad  metamorphosin  hatic  prcbandam,  argumentum  sup- 
petit  mihi  ipsi  Icetum  et  memoratu  jucundum,  SoletU 
enim  cegroti,  si  quando  medicum  adeant,  manus  qfferre 
plenaSy  referre  vacuas.  At  ipse  e  contra  te  scepe  acccssi 
et  (Bger  et  inops,  decessi  integer  et  bene  nummatus.  Quo- 
ties  enim  opus  hoc  nostrum  radicitus  exaruisset,  si  non 
imbre  munificentiee  tucejiiisset  irrigatum  t 

HIS  century  beffan  (as  children  gene-A-D.  looa. 
rally  are  bom)  with  crying ;  partly  for  redi. 
a  massacre  made  by  the  English  on  the  Murder  of 
Danes,  but  chiefly  for  the  cruelty  com-  in  a  diulSi. 
mitted  by  the  Danes  on  the  English^. 
Concerning  the  former,  certain  Danes  fled  into  a 


A  [Arms :  gules,  a  fesse  or^ 
in  chief  a  roebuck  courant 
of  the  second,  in  base  three 
mullets  argent^  two  and  one. — 
By  St.  George's  visitation  of 
London  1633,  it  appears  that 
two  physicians  of  the  name  o^ 
Baldwin  Hamey,  father  and  son, 
were  then  living  in  London,  the 
elder  married  to  Sarah,  sister 
of  James  Oeils,  the  younger  to 
Anne,  daughter  of  Francis  de 
Petain  of  Kooen  in  Normandy. 
The  coat  as  above  blazoned  is 
assigned  to  the  £unily.  B. 

Baldwin  Hamey  the  toD,  the 
subject  of  the  demcation ,  wn  • 


doctor  of  phvsic  in  Ley  den  in 
Holland,  and  was  incorporated 
at  Oxford  in  the  year  1629.  In 
the  year  following  he  was  ad- 
mitted candidate  of  the  college 
of  physicians  at  London,  after, 
wards,  fellow,  censor,  anatomy 
reader,  elector,  register  and 
consiliarius  of  the  college.  lie 
died  on  the  14th  <if  May  1676, 
aged  76,  and  was  liiiried  in  the 
middle  aisle  <}f  the  church  of 
Chelsea,  8t*  Luke, near  London. 
See  Wood's  Fasti,  L  148.] 

^^[Malmslmrj    De    OeHis 
lUg.  f .  39.  bj 


866  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  ion.  church  at  Oxford ^  hopmg  the  sanctity  thereof  (ac- 
^^'   cording  to  the  devout  principles  of  that  age)  would 
secure  them:  and  probably  such  pity  might  have 
inclined  them  to  Christianity.  Whereas  by  conmiand 
from  king  jEthelred,  they  were  all  burned  in  the 
place  *^;  whose  blood  remained  not  long  unrevenged. 
Canterbury  The  Danish  fury  fell  (if  not  first)  fiercest  on  the  city 
phage  kiu."  of  Canterbury,  with  fire  and  sword,  destroying  eight 
^j^f^®    thousand  people   therein:   and   such   authors   who 
quadruple  that  number,  surely  take  in  not  only  the 
vicinage,  but  all  Kent  to  make  up  their  account. 
-Mphegus  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  commonly 
called  Alphage,  was  then  slain,  and  since  sainted ;  a 
church   nigh   Cripplegate  in  London  being  conse- 
crated to  his  memory. 
Believe  2.  A  mouk  of  Canterbury  reports,  that  the  abbey 

UstT  ^^^  of  St.  Augustine  was  saved  on  this  occasion ;  a  Danish 
soldier  stealing  the  pall  from  the  tomb  of  St.  Au- 
gustine, it  stuck  so  close  under  his  arm-pits,  that  it 
could  not  be  parted  from  his  skin  until  he  had  pub- 
licly made  confession  of  his  fault :  vltio  raptorem  ra- 
puit,  saith  the  author^.  And  hereupon  the  Danes  of 
invaders  turned  defenders  of  that  monastery.  But 
others  conceive,  if  it  found  extraordinary  favour,  their 
money  (not  this  miracle)  procured  it*.  Sure  I  am, 
when  Achan  stole  the  Babylonish  garment,  he  was 
left  at  large  to  discovery  by  lot,  and  no  miracle 
A.D.  lo 1 2.  detected  him^.  Next  year  a  nameless  bishop  of 
London  was  sacrificed  to  their  fury,  used  worse  than 
the  task-masters   of    Israel,   (on   whose  back   the 


^  [St.  Frides widens.  Malmsb.  ^  Thorn  in  his  Description 

ib.]  of  Canterbury,  [Col.  178a.] 

c  [Flor.  Wigorn.   a.   loii.  «  See  Will.  Somner  in  his 

Hoveden.f.  247.  Matth.West.  Antiqu.  of  Canterb.  [p.  56.] 

an.  Ton.]  'Joshua  vii.  18. 


CEHT.  XI.  of  Britain.  867 

number  of  bricks  wanting  were    only  scored    in  a.  d.  1019. 
blowsfi^,)  being  killed  outright  for  want  of  present  ^'^^ 
pay  of  the  tribute  promised  unto  them**. 

8.  Cambridge  and  Oxford  both  of  them  deeply  More  cm. 
tasted  of  this  bitter  cup  at  the  same  time.     True  it  tS^*  valour 
is,  some  two  years  since,  when  the  rest  of  the  East-^^^J^j^^ 
Angles  cowardly  fled  away,  homines  comitatus  Caw-"»«^ 
tabrigi(B  viriliter  obstiterunU  unde  Anglis  regnantHms 
laus   Cantabrigiensis  provincice  splendide  florebat'^. 
Hence  it  is  that  I  have  read  (though  unable  at  the 
instant  to  produce  my  author)  that  Cambridgeshire 
men  claim  an  ancient  (now  antiquated)  privilege,  to 
lead  the  van  in  all  battles^.    But  valour  at  last  little 
befriended  them,  the  Danes  burning  Cambridge  to 
ashes,  and  harassing  the  country  round  about. 

4.  Here   the  state-historians  inform  the  readerA.D.  1016. 
of  intestine   wars   betwixt   Edmund   Ironside,   (soii^^kh^" 
called  for  his  hardy  enduring  all  troubles,)  king  of*'  ®"^* 
England,  defender,  and  Canutus  the  Dane,  invader 
of  this  land ;  till  at  last,  after  a  personal  duel  fought, 
the   land  was  equally  divided  betwixt   them  I     A 
division  wherewith  both  seemed,  neither  were  weU 
pleased  ;    seeing  the  least  whole   head   cannot  be 
fitted  with  the  biggest  half  crown ;  all  or  none  was 
their  desire.     Canutus  at  last  with  his  silver  hand  Edmund 


Ironside 


Z  Exod.  v.  1 4.  kingdom  Edmund  had  Wessex^ 

^  Hen.  Hunt.  [f.  207.]  Rog.  East-anglia^    Essex^     all    the 

Hoved.  [f.  248.     In  this  reign  countries  on  the  south  of  the 

the  Danesreceived  first  1 0,000/,  Thames,    together    with    the 

then    24,000/.,  then   30,000/.  city  of  London.     Canute  was 

See  Malm.  f.  35.  b.]  satisfied    with    the     northern 

^   Chronicon   Jo.   Bromton,  parts,  thereby  tacitly  acknow- 

p.    887.     [Flor.    Wigorn.    a.  ledging  his  rival's  superiority^ 

10 10.]  Wessex  having  been  for  a  long 

^  [There  seems  no  authority  time  considered  the  regal  por- 

for  this  assertion.     See  "  The  tion  of  the  island,  and  the  seat 

**  Appeal,"  &c.  p.  ii.  p.  20.]  of  the  reigning  monarch.     See 

1  [In   the  division  of   the  Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  298^  18.^ 


368 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.10I6.  was  too  hard  for  the  other  his  iron  side ;  who  by  his 
I  Canuti.    prQjniged  bribes  prevailed  with  one  Edric  to  kill 
^'^^^      this  his  corrival  ;    which  being  performed,  he  was 
•!«»•        fairly  advanced  with  a  halter".     It  would  spoil  the 
trade  of  all  traitors,  if  such  coin  only  were  current 
in  paying  their  rewards. 
Canutus         5.  Cauutus,  or  Knot  the  Dane,  (from  whom  a  bird 
18  cm  ty.  .^  l^ncolnshire  is  so  called,  whereveith  his  palate 
was  much  pleased  ^)  bathed  himself  in  English  blood, 
whom  at  this  distance  of  time  we  may  safely  term  a 
tyrant,  so  many  murders  and  massacres  were  by  him 
committed.     For  his  religion,  as  yet  he  was  a  mon- 
grel betwixt  a  pagan  and  a  Christian ;  though  at  last 
the  latter  prevailed,  especially  after  his  pilgrimage 
Converted  to  Romc.     In  his  passagc  thither  he  went  through 
•"-•-"^ France;  where  underBtanding  that  the  people  paid 
deep  taxes,  he  disbursed  so  much  of  his  own  money 
in  their  behalf,  that  he  brought  their  taxes  to  be 


na  Others  say  he  was  be- 
headed, [Matt.  West.  a.  to  17. 
Florence  and  the  Saxon  Chro- 
nicle^ an.  1016^  speak  of  his 
death  as  a  natural  occurrence. 
Ingulph^  f.  507,  b.,  iEthelred  of 
Kievaulx,  p.  365,  Radulfus 
de  Diceto,  p.  466,  and  others, 
describe  it  as  owing  to  the 
treachery  of  Edric  ;  where- 
as, according  to  Malmsbury, 
the  mode  of  it  was  uncer- 
tain :  *'  ambiguum  quo  casu 
"  extinctus."  f.  40,  b.  Bromp- 
ton,  p.  906,  mentions  two  re- 
ports similar  to  those  already 
stated,  but  asserts  that  the  lat- 
ter was  considered  the  more 
probable.  These  writers  also 
state  that  Edric  was  put  to 
death  immediately  after  the 
murder ;  but  the  Saxon  Chro- 
nicle, and  Florence  of  Wor- 


cester, and  Malmsbury,  place 
it  a  year  later.  Edric  was 
slain  in  the  palace,  and  bis 
body  cast  over  the  city  walls, 
remaining  unburied  in  com- 
pliance  with  Canute's  order, 
who  had  dreaded  his  power 
and  his  treachery.  Malmsbury 
says  he  was  first  strangled, 
then  thrown  out  of  the  palace 
windows  into  the  Thames,  f. 
41.  Yet  according  to  an  early 
and  contemporary  author,  Ca- 
nute commanded  Eric  to  cut 
off  Edric ;  who  at  once  struck 
off  his  head  with  a  battle-axe. 
Encom.  Emmae.  p.  171.  The 
discrepancies  of  the  different 
chroniclers  are  noted  by  Rud- 
bourn,  in  the  Ang.  Sac.  I. 
231.1 

^  Draiton*8  Poly-olbion,  p. 
1 12. 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


S69 


abated  to  one  half®;  an  act  of  pity  in  a  prince  without  a.d.  1031. 
precedent  done  to  foreigners.     It  is  vain  for  the^^^ — ^^ 
English  to  wish  the  like  courtesy  from  the  king  of 
France;  partly  because  England  lies  not  in  their 
way  to  Rome,  partly  because  they  are  fuller  of  com- 
pliments than  courtesy. 

6.   Coming  to   Rome   Canutus   turned    convert,  He  goeth 
changing  his  condition  with  the  climate,  shewing 
there  many  expressions  of  devotion.     Much  he  gave 
to  the  pope,  and  something  he  gained  from  him; 
namely,  an  inmiunity  for  archbishops,  from  their  ex- 


**  RaduJph.  de  Diceto,  col. 
468.  Johannes  Bromton,  col. 
912.  [Fuller  has  certainly 
misunderstood  the  charity  of 
Canute,  which  did  not  consist 
in  redeeming  the  taxes  of  the 
French  nation,  but  in  buying 
up  and  lessening  the  tolls 
which  were  exacted  from  pil- 
grims passing  from  England 
through  France  in  their  way 
to  Rome.  This  will  be  seen 
by  referring  to  the  letter  of 
Canute  himself,  published  in 
Ingulph  and  Flor.  of  Wor- 
cester,  and  Malmsbury,  a.  1 03 1 . 
From  these  authors  the  other 
chroniclers  have  derived  their 
accounts.  In  this  letter  Ca- 
nute says ;  *'  Locutus  sum  igi- 
'*  tur  cum  ipso  imperatore 
"  [Conrado]  et  domino  papa 
**  et  principibus  qui  ibi  erant 
"  de  necessitatibus  totius  po- 
"  puli  universi  regni  mei  tam 
^*  Anglorum  quam  Danoruni, 
''  uteis  concederetur  lex  sequior 
*'  et  pax  securior  in  via  Romam 
*'  adeundi,  et  ne  tot  clausuris 
**  per  viam  arctentur  et  prop- 
"  ter  thelon  injustum  fatigen- 

FULLEE,  VOL.  I. 


**  tur  ;  annuitque  postulatis 
"  imperator  et  Robertus  rex 
'*  [sc.  Francoruni]  qui  maxime 
'*  ipsarum  clausurarum  domi- 
'*  natur.  Cunctique  principes 
"  edictis  firmaverunt  ut  homi- 
*'  nes mei,  tam  mercatores  quam 
"  alii,  orandi  causa  viatores, 
**  absque  omni  angaria  clausu- 
**  rarum  et  theloneariorum  fir- 
"  ma  pace  et  justa  lege  securi 
"  Romam  eant  et  redeant." 

At  the  request  of  OfFa 
king  of  Mercia,  Charlemagne 
permitted  pilgrims  to  pass 
through  France  to  Rome 
without  paying  toll  and  cus- 
tom (Malmsb.  f.  1 7.)  For  some 
very  striking  passages  in  the 
history  of  Canute,  and  the  fer- 
vour of  his  devotion^  see  the 
remarks  of  an  eyewitness  in 
the  Encomium  Emmee,  p.  173. 
His  character,  which  united  in 
itself  all  the  virtues  and  vices 
of  the  barbarian^  is  also  well 
drawn  by  Saxo  Grammaticus 
in  his  Hist.  Dan.  p.  192  sq., 
with  the  notes  of  Stephanius. 
ed.  1644.  fol.] 

Bb 


870 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.  loai.cessiye  charges  about  their  pall,  and  some  other 
favours  he  obtained  for  his   subjects?.     After  his 


15  Canuti. 


improved  in  return  iuto  his  own  country  he   laid   out  all  the 
devotion,    r^jnainder  of  his  days  in  acts  of  charity,  in  founding 
or  enriching  of  religious  houses,  and  two  especially, 
St,  Bonnet's  in  the  Holm  in  Norfolk,  and  Hyde- 
abbey  near  Winchester. 
A.D.  1035.     7.  To  this  latter  he  gave  a  cross  so  costly  for  the 
moSnmosa  metal,  and  curious  for  the  making,  that  one  year's 
forrichnoa.  revcuues  of  his  crown  was  expended  on  the  same*J. 
But  the  cross  of  this  cross  was,  that  about  the  reign 
of  king  Henry  the  Sixth  "^  it  was  burnt  down,  with 
the  whole  monastery,  in  a  fire  which  was  very  sus- 
picious to  have  been  kindled  by  intentional  malice  ^ 
This  Canutus  towards  the  latter  end  of  his  reign 
never  wore  a  crown,  resigning  up  the  same  to  the 
image  of  our  Saviour :  he  was  also  famous  for  a  par- 
ticular  act  of  hiunility  done  by  him  on  this  oc- 
casion. 

8.  A  parasite  (and  sooner  will  an  hot  May  want 
flies  than  a  king's  court  such  flatterers)  sought  to 
puff  up  king  Canutus  with  an  opinion  of  his  puis- 
sance ;  as  if,  because  England  and  Norway,  there- 
fore iEolus  and  Neptune  must  obey  him.  In  con- 
futing of  whose  falsehood,  Canutus  commanded  his 
chair  of  state  to  be  set  on  the  seashore,  nigh  South- 


King  Ca. 

nutus  his 
humility. 


Commands 
the  sea. 


p  [These  favours  are  those 
mentioned  in  the  previous 
note.] 

q  Camden  s  Britan.  in  Hant- 
shire,  [p.  192.] 

^  [Perhaps  an  oversight  for 
Henry  I.  This  cross  and  mo. 
nastery  were  burnt  in  the  civil 
wars  which  raged  during  Ste- 
phen's   reign,   in    1141,  when 


Henry  of  Blois,  the  bishop  of 
Winchester,  set  lire  to  that 
city.  See  a  description  of  this 
costly  offering,  and  the  burn- 
ing of  the  city,  in  John  of 
Worcester's  Continuation  of 
Florence  of  Worcester,  p.  543. 
Will.  Malmsbur.  f.  107,  b.] 
s  Idem  ibidem. 


CENT.  XI .  of  Britain.  871 

ampton,  and  settled  himself  thereon.     Then  he  im-A.D.  1035. 
periously  commanded  the  waves  (as  a  fence  which '- 


walled  that  land  belonging  unto  him)  to  observe 
their  due  distance,  not  presuming  to  approach  him. 
The  surly  waves  were  so  far  from  obeying  him,  they  But  in  vain. 
heard  him  not;  who  listened  only  to  the  procla- 
mation of  a  higher  monarch,  Hither  shalt  thou  come^ 
and  no  further^;  and  made  bold  to  give  the  king's 
feet  so  coarse  a  kiss,  as  wetted  him  up  to  the 
knees  ^. 

9.  On  this  accident  king  Canutus  made  an  excel-  His  sermon 
lent  sermon :  first,  adoring  the  infinite  power  of  God, 

sole  commander  of  the  winds  and  waves ;  secondly, 
confessing  the  frailty  of  all  flesh,  unable  to  stop  the 
least  drop  of  the  sea ;  thirdly,  confuting  the  profane- 
ness  of  flatterers,  fixing  an  infinite  power  in  a  finite 
creature.     As  for  the  laws  made  by  king  Canutus,  His  laws 

-11   ^^y  omit- 

we   have   purposely  omitted  them:    not   so   much  ted. 
because    many,   large,   and   ordinarily   extant,   but 
chiefly  because  most  of  civil  concernment  ^. 

10.  Two  of  his  sons  succeeded  him,  more  known  Harold 
by  their  handsome  surnames,  than  any  other  desert,  succeeded 
First  his  base  son,  (taking  advantage  of  his  brother's  ^°^  ^^^^ 
absence,)  called  from  his  swiftness  Harold  Harefoot  J^Haroidi 

''  Uarefoot. 

belike ;  another  Asahel  in  nimbleness^  but  hare's- 
heart  had  better  befitted  his  nature,  so  cowardly  his 
disposition.     Then  his  legitimate  son,  called  Hardy- a.  d.  1040. 

I  Hardv 

Canute,  more  truly  bloody  Canute,  eminent  for  his  canuti. 
cruelty y^.     With  him  expired  the  Danish  royal  line  J!'^^^^^^^^^^ 

t  Job  xxxviii.  1 1 .  and    was   buried    at   Winton. 

V  Hen.  Huntingdon,  [p.  209.  Flor.  Wigom.  in  an.] 

Radulf  de  Diceto,  col.  469.]  *  2  Sam.  ii.  18. 

^  [He   died   at   Shaftsbury  y   [William   of  Malmsbury 

on  Wednesday  Nov.  12^  1035^  mentions  a  report  that  Harold 

B  b  2 


87« 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.  io4o.in  England,  leaving  no  issue  behind  him,  and  open- 
Canuti/  ing  an  opportunity  for  the  banished  son  of  king 
"  jEthelred  to  recover  the  crown,  whose  ensuing  reign 
is  richly  worth  our  description.  Meantime  it  is 
worth  our  observing,  in  how  few  years  the  Danish 
greatness  shrank  to  nothing;  and  from  formidable, 
became  inconsiderable,  yea  contemptible.  Indeed 
Canutus  was  one  of  extraordinary  worth,  and  the 
wheel  once  moved  will  for  a  time  turn  of  itself. 
Had  Harold  his  son  (by  what  way  it  skilled  not) 
been  one  of  a  tolerable  disposition,  he  might  have 
traded  in  reputation,  on  the  stock  of  his  fathei^s 


was  the  son  of  Canute  by 
iElfgiva,  daughter  of  count  El- 
felmus.  (De  Gestis,  f.  42,  b. 
Flor.  Wigorn.  a.  1035.)  And 
although  this  Harold  is  fre- 
quently branded  with  the  stig- 
ma of  illegitimacy  by  our  chro- 
niclers, he  was  in  all  probabi- 
lity illegitimate  in  no  other 
sense,  than  as  having  been 
born  previous  to  Canute's  pos- 
session of  the  English  crown ; 
and  consequently  was  not  con- 
sidered as  the  rightful  heir,  no 
uncommon  thing  in  those  days. 
These  facts  seem  distinctly 
traceable  in  the  varying  state- 
ments of  the  monkish  writers. 
"  Haroldum  filium  i^lfgiva; 
"  sed  diffamatum  fictum  filium 
"  regis  Cnuti."  Ingulph.  p.  61. 
When  Emma  was  married  to 
Canute,  she  stipulated  that 
none  other  than  her  own  chil- 
dren should  succeed :  "  Dice- 
**  batur  enim  ab  alia  quadam 
"  rex  filios  habuisse :"  savs  her 
courtly  panegyrist.  Encom. 
Emm«e,  p.  172.  Yet  in  the 
Chron.  of  Mailros  (a.  1035.)  ^^ 


is  stated  that  Canate  appointed 
Harold  to  succeed  him  in  Eng- 
land. Harold  took  the  north- 
ern  parts  of  the  island,  being 
supported  in  his  claims  by  most 
of  the  Danes,  and  by  the  Lon- 
doners, who  had  almost  degene- 
rated into  barbarism  from  their 
familiarity  with  the  Danes. 
(Malmsb.  f.  42,  b.)  -fflfgiva 
was  to  reside  at  Winchester, 
and  govern  the  southern  parts 
of  the  island  in  the  right  of 
her  son  Hardy-Canute.  But 
in  the  year  1037,  his  brother 
still  lingering  in  Denmark, 
Harold,  partly  by  his  own  ac- 
tivity, partly  by  the  influence 
of  the  treasures  which  he  had 
seized  at  Winchester  on  the 
death  of  his  father,  caused 
himself  to  be  proclaimed  sole 
king  of  England,  and  banished 
iElfgiva.  He  dying  at  Oxford 
in  J  040,  the  English  nobles 
sent  a  deputation  to  his  bro- 
ther Hardy-Canute,  who  suc- 
ceeded him.  See  the  Sax. 
Chron.  and  Flor.  Wigorn.  a. 
1035 — 1040.  Malmsb.  f.  43.] 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


878 


memory.  But  being  so  very  mean,  (considerable  a.  d.  1040. 
only  in  cruelty,)  his  father's  worth  did  him  the  dis-canuti.^ 
advantage  to  render  his  unworthiness  the  more  con- 
spicuous.  Besides,  when  Hardy-Canute  his  brother 
succeeded  him,  and  though  better  bom,  shewed 
himself  no  better  bred  in  his  inhuman  carriage ;  it 
caused  not  only  a  nauseation  in  the  people  of  Eng- 
land of  Danish  kings,  but  also  an  appetite,  yea  a 
longing  after  their  true  and  due  sovereign. 

11.  Edward  the  Confessor,  youngest  son  of  kingA.D.  104a. 
^thelred,  (his  elder  brethren  being  slain,  and  their  Confesaoiu. 
children  fled  away,)  came  to  be  king  of  England '.  the  Con- 
I  understand  not  the  ceremony  which  I  read  was^^^ 
used  to  this  Edward,  whilst  as  yet,  saith  a  monkish  <>^*'»«**^<*' 
author,  properly  enough  in  his  own  language*,  he 
was  "  contained  in  the  weak  cloisters  of  his  mother's 
**  womb ;"    at  which  time  the   peers   of  the   land 
sware  allegiance  unto  him  or  her  (the  sex  as  yet 
being  unknown)  before  he  was  bom.     Indeed  I  find 
that  Varanes  his  child  was  crowned  king  whilst  yet  in 
his  mother's  body,  applicata  ad  uterum  corona^.   But 
what  solemnity  soever  was  done  to  this  Hans-en- 
Kelder,  it  did  not  afterwards  embolden  him  to  the 
anticipation  of  the  crown,  attending  till  it  descended 
upon  him^. 


s  [He  was  consecrated  at 
Windiester  April  3, 1043.  Flor. 
Wigom.,  Sax.  Chron.  in  an.] 

»  Father  Hierome  Porter  in 
the  Flowers  of  the  Lives  of  the 
Saints,  p.  2. 

h  Agathias  [De  Imp.  Justi. 
niaui,  lib.  iv.  p.  135-  ed.  Paris 
1660.] 

^  [From  this  period  to  the 


estabUshment  of  William  the 
Conqueror  our  history  is  in. 
volved  in  much  obscurity  and 
confusion  :  how  to  discover  the 
truth  between  the  conflicting 
statements  of  the  Norman  and 
Saxon  writers,  seems  next  to  a 
hopeless  task. 

Thus  much  however  seems 
clear;  that  king  Edward  was 

Bb  3 


of  Britain. 


376 


m 


^ 


<^ 


^s,  he  caused  some  few  of  the  best  to  be  a.d.  104 

«  .  ^«  -I  I  Edvardi 

^e  rest,  as  captious  and  unnecessary,  confeswm 

Hence,  say  some,  they  were  called 
aws,  as  calculated  for  the   common 
»  ]>rivate  person's  advantage. 
iS  admirable  how  the  Danes  in  this  king's  No  hortiic 
were   vanished   away.      They  who   formerly  p^hi*^ 
did  scarce  be  numbered  in  England,  they  were  so  ^'^^^• 
many,  could  now  scarce  be  numbered  they  were  so 
few,  and   those   living   quietly  with   their  English 
neighbours.     As  for  foreign  invading  Danes  in  this 
king's  reign,  as  I  cannot  see  them,  so  I  will  not  seek 
them,  glad  of  their  room  and  riddance.    Indeed  once 
I  meet  with  an  assay  of  them  in  a  navy  bound  to  in- 
fest England :  but  their  king  being  casually  drowned 
as  he  entered  his  own  fleet,  put  an  end  to  their 
hopes,  and  our  fears  for  that  design. 

14.  Emma,  king  Edward's  mother,  being  suspected  a.  d.  104 
too  familiar  with  iElfwine  bishop  of  Winchester,  ner  of  or- 
under  the  colour  of  devotion,  put  herself  to  be  tried  ^^  ^^  ^' 


ority ;  so  at  least  we  may  in- 
fer from  the  terms  upon  which 
the  quarrel  was  compromised. 
For  all  the  Normans  were 
banished,  the  queen  was  re- 
stored, and  Godwin  and  his 
family  taken  into  favour.  The 
next  year  Godwin  died  ;  in 
what  way,  may  be  best  nar. 
rated  in  the  words  of  Florence : 
•*  Godwino  comiti,  more  so- 
"  lito,  regi  ad  mensam  asse- 
"  denti  suprema  evenit  cala- 
"  mitas.  Gravi  etenim  morbo 
'*  ex  im proviso  percussus  mu- 

tus  in  ipsa  sede  declinavit. 

Quod  filii  ejus  comes  Haral- 
*'  dus,  Tosti  et  Gyrth  videntes, 
*'  ilium  in  regis  cameram  por- 


•« 


«< 


'*  tabant,  sperantes  eum  post 
'*  modicum  de  infirmitate  con- 
"  valescere.  Sed  ille  expers 
"  virium,  quinta  post  haec  fena 
''  miserabili  cruciatu  vita  de- 
"  cessit  et  in  veteri  monasterio 
"  8epultusest."an.  1054.  Such 
is  the  good  plain-sense  account 
of  Florence ;  which  almost  all 
subsequent  writers,  particularly 
the  Normans,  distorted  into 
the  marvellous.  Indeed  Flo- 
rence^  assisted  by  the  Saxon 
Chronicle  and  Ingulph,  seems 
to  be  almost  the  only  writer  we 
can  follow  with  safety  in  this 
perplexed  period  of  our  his- 
tory.] 

B  b  4 


876  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  jo46.b7  ordeal ;  whereof  this  the  manner^.  Nine  plough- 
ConrenoriB.  sharos  glowing  hot  were  laid  on  the  ground,  one  foot 
distant  from  another ;  the  party  suspected  was  to  be 
brought  blindfolded,  and  barefooted  to  pass  over 
them ;  if  he  chanced  to  step  in  the  intervals,  or  on 
the  hot  iron  unhurt,  he  was  pronounced  innocent, 
otherwise  condemned  tor  an  offender.  An  unjust 
law,  wherein  the  triers  had  no  precept,  the  tried  no 
promise.  Must  innocence  be  ruined  as  often  as 
malice  would  wrong  it,  if  miracle  would  not  rescue 
it  ?  This  was  not  a  way  to  try  man,  but  tempt  God : 
as  just  a  trying  by  fire,  as  that  of  our  modem  witches 
by  water.  This  trial  queen  Emma  admirably  under- 
went, not  sensible  of  the  ploughshares  till  past 
them,  saying  to  such  as  led  her,  **  OU !  when  shall  I 
"  come  to  the  place  of  my  purgation  ?** 
Queen  15,  By  what  powcr  this  was  performed,  I  will  not 

mirAcuiout  disputc,  finding  amongst  the  heathens  a  city  Feronia, 
purgttion.  j^gjj|.y  jjiiieg   fi-QHj   Rome,  under  mount  Soracte, 

where  the  inhabitants,  possessed  with  a  spirit  of  a 
deity  therein  worshipped,  usually  walked  upon  burn- 
ing coals  without  any  harm®.  Only  I  wonder,  that 
bishop  ^fwine  (equally  suspected,  and  equally  inno- 
cent with  Emma)  should  not  proffer  himself  to  the  like 
trial.  But,  perchance,  the  prudent  prelate  remem- 
bered that  such  barbarous  customs,  though  kept  up 
amongst  the  common  people,  were  forbidden  by  the 
ancient  canons,  as  also  by  the  letter  of  pope  Stephen 


«'  [[Archbishop  Parker  s  An-  in  the  Saxon  Chron.,  Florence 

tiq.  p.  145.     See  also  Godwin  of  Worcester,  or  Ingulph.] 
De  Praesul.  p.  56,  who  justly         ^  Strab.  Geog.  lib.  v.  [p.  346. 

discredits    the    whole     story,  ed.  Amsterd.  1707.]  et  Plin. 

which  is  evidently  of  modern  Nat.  Hist.  vii.  2. 
growth,  and  is  found  neither 


CBNT.  XI.  of  Britain,  STI 

the  Fifth',  which  about  the  year  eight  hundred  eighty  a. d.  1046. 
and  seven  he  wrote  to  Humbert  bishop  of  Mentz :  ConfeMons. 
and  now  Emma,  who  went  willingly  on  this  sad 
errand,  did  the  business  for  them  both,  and  cleared 
their  credits.  The  church  of  Winchester  got  well 
hereby,  viz.  nine  manors,  which  queen  Emma  be- 
stowed thereon,  in  commemoration  of  her  deli- 
verance. 

16.  King  Edward  the  Confessor  was  married  to  a  wife  no 

_  -  wife 

the  devout  lady  Edith ;  his  wife  in  mind,  but  not  in 
body ;  in  consent,  not  act ;  being  only  (as  my  author 
saith)  an  Abishag  to  the  king  ^.  Strange !  that  two 
persons,  if  loving  each  other  in  the  prime  of  their 
years,  should  light  on  so  happy  a  temper,  as  mutually 
to  warm,  not  to  heat  one  another ;  which  the  wise 
men  in  our  age  will  account  difficult,  and  the  wanton 
impossible.  Such  will  say,  if  this  was  true,  that 
king  Edward  passed  a«  great  a  trial  as  queen  Emma 
his  mother ;  and  that  his  ordeal  was  as  hard  as  hers 
was  painful. 

17.  Was  it  not  pity  but  the  world  should  have  Yet,  was 
mo  of  the  breed  of  them,  who  were  so  godly  acaiue? 
couple?  Let  baseness  be  barren,  and  cruelty  child- 
less ;  pious  persons  deserve  a  double  portion  in  that 
charter  of  fruitfulness,  Multiply  and  increa^e^.   Yea, 

the  English  crown  now  wanting  an  heir,  and,  for 
default  thereof  likely  to  fall  to  foreigners,  might  (I 
will  not  say  have  tempted,  but)  have  moved  king 
Edward  to  the  knowledge  of  his  wife.  But  whilst 
papists  cry  up  this  his  incredible  continency,  others 
easily  unwonder  the  same,  by  imputing  it  partly  to 


f  [See   Bale's    Acta    Ruin.         9  [Ailred  in  vita  Edwardi, 
Pontif.  p.  136.  ed.  1615.]  p.  378.]  *»  Gen.  i.  28. 


880 


The  Church  History 


BOOS  II. 


A.D.  xosi.usual  fkvour  from  such  a  prelate.  The  archbishop 
tooSmam.  retums,  Do  tibi  basium,  kissing  him  therewith.  An 
holy  kiss,  perchance,  as  given,  but  a  crafty  one  as 
taken :  for  Godwin  presently  posts  to  Boseham,  and 
takes  possession  thereof.  And  though  here  was 
neither  real  intention  in  him  who  passed  it  away, 
nor  valuable  consideration  to  him,  but  a  mere  cir- 
cumvention, yet  such  was  Godwin's  power,  and  the 
archbishop's  poorness  of  spirit,  that  he  quietly  en- 
joyed it.  Nor  have  I  ought  else  to  observe  either  of 
Berkley  or  Boseham,  but  that  both  these  rich  and 
ancient  manors,  earl  Godwin  his  brace  of  cheats,  and 
distant  an  hundred  miles  each  from  other,  are  now 
both  met  in  the  right  honourable  George  Berkley,  as 
heir  apparent  thereof,  the  paramount  Mecsenas  of 
my  studies :  whose  ancestors  as  they  were  long  since 
justly  possessed  of  them,  so  I  doubt  not  but  their 
posterity  will  long  comfortably  enjoy  them^. 

21.  The  monks  that  wrote  this  king  Edward's  life 
had  too  heavy  a  hand  in  over-spicing  it  with  mira- 
cles, which  hath  made  the  relation  too  hot  for  the 
mouth  of  any  moderate  beliefs.      A  poor  cripple 


A  miracle 
reported 
done  by 
king  Ed- 
ward. 


i  [Of  course  all  unfavourable 
rumours  respecting  Godwin^ 
proceeding  from  Norman  au- 
thority, must  be  received  with 
suspicion.  His  principal  fault 
was  apparently  too  great  na- 
tionality (it  might  not  be  unal- 
loyed \vith  ambition)  in  resisting 
Edward's  efforts  to  Normanise 
this  land,  and  throw  all  his 
influence  into  the  hands  of 
Norman  nobles.  See  particu- 
larly Malmsb.  f.  45,  b. 

But  where  Fuller  got  these 
tales  from    (which  are  a  dis- 


grace to  his  history)  I  cannot 
tell.  They  are  not  even  hinted 
at  by  any  of  the  early  writers ; 
not  even  by  the  Norman  chro- 
niclers, who  would  not  have 
failed  to  avail  themselves  of  so 
good  a  charge  against  Godwin. 

Not  to  say  that  the  fri- 
volous play  upon  the  word 
Bosham  is  absurd,  particularly 
when  at  that  time  the  word 
was  pronounced  and  written 
Bosen-ham.] 

J  [Fuller's  account  is  derived 
from  Ailredus  Abbas  Rievallis 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain, 


877 


the  Fifth  ^,  which  about  the  year  eight  hundred  eighty  a.  d.  1046. 
and  seven  he  wrote  to  Humbert  bishop  of  Mentz :  Confeworw. 
and  now  Emma,  who  went  willingly  on  this  sad 
errand,  did  the  business  for  them  both,  and  cleared 
their  credits.  The  church  of  Winchester  got  well 
hereby,  viz.  nine  manors,  which  queen  Emma  be- 
stowed thereon,  in  commemoration  of  her  deli- 
verance, 

16.  King  Edward  the  Confessor  was  married  to  a  wife  no 

—  wife 

the  devout  lady  Edith ;  his  wife  in  mind,  but  not  in 
body ;  in  consent,  not  act ;  being  only  (as  my  author 
saith)  an  Abishag  to  the  king «.  Strange !  that  two 
persons,  if  loving  each  other  in  the  prime  of  their 
jears^  should  light  on  so  happy  a  temper,  as  mutually 
to  warm,  not  to  heat  one  another ;  which  the  wise 
men  in  our  age  will  account  difficult,  and  the  wanton 
impossible.  Such  will  say,  if  this  was  true,  that 
Idng  Edward  passed  as  great  a  trial  as  queen  Emma 
Us  mother ;  and  that  his  ordeal  was  as  hard  as  hers 
ins  painful. 

17.  Was  it  not  pity  but  the  world  should  have  Yet,  was 
mo  of  the  breed  of  them,  who  were  so  godly  a  cause? 
Mi^lef  Let  baseness  be  barren,  and  cruelty  child- 

Ibb  ;  pious  persons  deserve  a  double  portion  in  that 
<rf  frnitfulness,  Multiply  and  increase^.  Yea, 
TCnglirih  crown  now  wanting  an  heir,  and,  for 
thereof  likely  to  fall  to  foreigners,  might  (I 
not  say  have  tempted,  but)  have  moved  king 
to  the  knowledge  of  his  wife.     But  whilst 
Cfy  up  this  his  incredible  continency,  others 
uiwonder  the  same,  by  imputing  it  partly  to 


tjBee  Bale*8    Acta    Rom 
p.  136.  ed.  1615.] 


S  [Ailred  in  vita  Edwardi> 
p.  378.]  h  Gen.  i.  28. 


378 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  II. 


A.D.io5i.hi8  impotence,  afflicted  with  an  infirmity,  partly  to 

^lonfi^soris.  tl^©  distaste  of  his  wife,  whom  he  married  only  for 

conveniency,  and  to  the  distrust  of  her  chastity,  on 

suspicion  whereof  he  confined  her  to  the  monastery 

of  Whorwell  (as  I  take  it)  in  Hampshire^. 

18.  But  grant  queen  Edith  a  chaste  woman,  as 
she  is  generally  believed;  daughter  she  was  to  a 
wicked  father,  earl  Godwin  by  name,  whence  the 
proverb, 

Sicut  spina  rosam,  genuit  Godwinus  Editham^. 
From  prickly  stock  as  springs  a  rose, 
So  Edith  from  earl  Godwin  grows. 

Little  ill  being  written  of  the  daughter,  and  no  good 


The  good 
daughter 
of  a  bad 
fiUher. 


(?  [Ingulph  (a.  1043.)  and 
other  chroniclers  very  gene>- 
rally  agree  in  commending  the 
beauty  and  accomplishment  of 
Edith.  Ingulph,  who  knew 
her  well,  gives  the  following 
story  of  the  queen's  notice  of 
him  when  a  boy :  ''  Vidi  ego 
*'  illam  multotiens,  cum  patrem 
'*  meum  in  regis  curia  moran- 
"  tern  adhuc  puer  inviserem, 
'^  et  sspius  mihi  de  scholis  ve- 
"  nienti  de  Uteris  ac  versu  meo 
*'  opponebat  cum  occurrerem, 
*'  et  libentissime  de  gramma- 
'*  tica  soliditate  ad  logicam  le- 
"  vitatem,  qua  callebat,  decli- 
''  nans,  cum  argumentorum 
'*  subtili  ligamine  me  conclu- 
^'  sisset,  semper  tribus  aut  qua- 
"  tuor  nummis  per  ancillulam 
'*  numeratis  ad  regium  penu 
*'  transmisit  et  refectum  dimi- 
*•  sit."  p.  62.  ed.  1684.  But 
the  testimony  of  William  of 
Malmsbury  is  very  remarkable, 
and  strongly  corroborates  the 
opinion  of  Fuller.  That  writer 
says,  f.  45  :  '^  Non  multo  post 


c< 


(C 


(( 


<t 


'*  Edgitham  filiam  Godwini 
"  rex  in  connubium  accepit, 
*'  feminam  in  cujus  pectore 
*'  omnium  liberalium  artium 
esset  gymnasium,  sed  parvum 
in  mundanis  rebus  ingenium ; 
**  quam  cum  videres,  si  litteras 
stuperes,  modestiam  certe 
animi  et  speciem  corporis 
**  desiderares.  Haec  et  vivo 
"  marito  et  mortuo  probri  sus- 
"  picione  non  caruit,  sed  mo- 
"  riens  tempore  regis  Willielmi 
"  jurejurando  astantibus  de 
**  perpetua  integritate  ultro  sa- 
"  tisfecit.  Nuptam  sibi  rex  hac 
*'  arte  tractabat  ut  nee  thoro 
**  amoverit  nee  virili  more  cog- 
*'  nosceret.  Quod  an  familise 
"  illius  odio,  quod  prudenter 
"  dissimulabat  pro  tempore,  an 
"  amore  castitatis  fecerit,  pro 
"  certo  compertum  non  habeo. 
'*  Illudceleberrimefertur,nun- 
**  quam  ilium  cujusquam  muli- 
"  eris  contubernio  pudicitiam 
*•  Isesisse." 
^  [Ingulph.  Hist.  Croyl.  a. 

1043O 


CENT.  XI .  of  Britain.  379 

of  the  fiither.  Indeed  king  Edward  was  father-in-law  a.d.  1051. 
ridden,  who  feared  earl  Godwin  rather  than  trusted  confewons. 
him,  as  who  with  a  long  train  of  his  power  could 
sweep  many  dependents  after  him.  Thus  Godwin, 
like  those  sands  near  Kent  which  bear  his  name, 
never  spared  what  he  could  spoil,  but  swallowed  all 
which  came  within  his  compass  to  devour.  Two  in- 
stances whereof,  because  both  belonging  to  church- 
matters,  we  will  relate. 

19.  He  cast  a  covetous  eye  on  the  fair  nunnery  of  Godwin's 
Berkley  in  Gloucestershire,  and  thus  contrived  it  forget  Berk- 
himself.     He  left  there  an  handsome  young  man,!,"^;.^- 
really  or  seemingly  sick,  for  their  charity  to  recover ; 

who  quickly  grows  well  and  wanton.  He  is  toying, 
tempting,  taking ;  such  fire  and  flax  quickly  make  a 
flame.  The  sisters  lose  their  chastity,  and,  without 
taking  wife  in  the  way,  are  ready  to  make  mothers. 
The  young  man,  if  sick,  returns  to  earl  Godwin  in 
health,  leaving  the  healthful  nuns  sick  behind  him. 
The  fame  hereof  fills  the  country,  flies  to  court,  is 
complained  of  by  earl  Godwin  to  the  king ;  officers 
are  sent  to  inquire,  they  return  it  to  be  true,  the 
nuns  are  turned  out,  their  house  and  lands  forfeited, 
both  bestowed  on  earl  Godwin ;  surprised  weakness 
being  put  out,  and  designing  wickedness  being  placed 
in  the  room  thereof.  Surely  king  Edward  knew  no- 
thing of  Godwin's  deceit  herein;  otherwise  it  was 
unjust  that  the  whores  should  be  punished,  and  the 
principal  pander  rewarded. 

20.  At  another  time  he  had  a  mind  to  the  rich  Another 
manor  of  Boseham  in  Sussex,  and  complimented  it  gain  the 
out   of  Robert   archbishop   of  Canterbury  in   this^J^j^a^. 
manner.     Coming  to  the  archbishop,  he  saith.  Da 

mihi  basium,  that  is,  "  Give  me  a  buss,**  or  a  kiss,  an 


S82  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.r}.  io6uthicke0?  This  church  many  years  before  had  been 
ConfeMoris.  dedicated  to,  and,  as  the  monks  say,  consecrated  by 
St.  Peter,  till  destroyed  by  the  Danes,  king  Edward 
raised  it  from  the  ruins,  endowing  it  with  large  pri- 
vileges and  rich  possessions^. 
A  ring  said     23.  Ncxt  to  St.  Peter,  our  Edward's  darling,  he  is 
from  St.     said  to  be  most  in  favour  with  St.  John  the  apostle, 
kTng  ^-    ^^^  i^  reported  to  have  appeared  unto  him  in  the 
''*^-        shape  of  a  begging  pilgrim ;  the  king,  not  having  at 
the  present  money  to  supply  his  wants,  plucked  off 
his  ring  from  his  finger,  and  bestowed  it  upon  him. 
This  very  ring,  some  years  after,  St.  John  sent  him 
back  again  by  two  pilgrims  out  of  Palestine;  but 
withal  telling  him,  that  he  should  die  within  six 
months  after:  a  message  more  welcome  than  the 
ring  to  such  a  mortified  man.     If  any  doubt  of  the 
truth  thereof,  it  is  but  riding  to  Havering  in  Essex, 
so  called,  as  they  say,  from  this  ring\  where,  no 
doubt,  the  inhabitants  will  give  any  sufiicient  satis- 
faction therein. 
A  virion         24.  Amougst  the  many  visions  in  this  king's  reign, 
Serving,     ouc  I  will  uot  omit,  becauso  seeming  to  have  some- 
what more  than  mere  monk  therein.     One  being 
inquisitive  what  should  become  of  England  after 
king  Edward's  death,  received  this  answer;  "The 
"  kingdom  of  England  belongeth  to  God  himself, 
"  who  will  provide  it  a  king  at  his  pleasure."  Indeed 
England    is   God's   on    several   titles :    first,   as   a 
country ;  the  earth  is  hisy  and  the  fulness  thereof; 
secondly,  as  an  island,  which  are  God's  demesnes, 

J  Gen.  xxii.  13.  Thorn.  Chron.  col.  1768.] 

^  [Built  by  a  Londoner  at  ^  Camden's  Britan.  in  Esnex, 

the  instigation  of  king  iEthel-  [p.  319.] 

bert  about  the  year  61 8.  Will. 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  883 

which  he  keeps  m  his  own  hand  of  his  daily  provi-  a.  d.  io6i. 
dence  ;  thirdly,  as  a  kingdom  on  which  he  hath  confeMora. 
bestowed  miraculous  deliverances.  Seeing  then 
England  is  his  own,  we  know  who  said,  Is  it  not 
lawful  to  do  what  I  will  with  mine  own^f  May  he 
dispose  of  his  own  to  his  own  glory,  and  the  good  of 
his  own  servants. 

25.  Amongst  the  many  resplendent  virtues  in  king  King  Ed- 

wsrd*8  COQ" 

Edward,  contempt  of  wealth  was  not  the  least,  tempt  of 
whereof  some  bring  in  this  for  an  instance.  The^  ^' 
king  lay  on  a  pallet  surrounded  with  curtains ;  by 
him  stood  a  chest  of  silver,  which  Hugolin  his  trea- 
surer, called  away  on  some  sudden  occasion,  had  left 
open.  In  comes  a  thievish  courtier,  takes  away  as 
much  money  as  he  could  carry,  and  disposeth  thereof. 
Then  cometh  he  the  second  time  for  a  new  burden, 
little  suspecting  that  the  unseen  king  saw  him  all 
the  while,  and  having  laden  himself,  departed.  Some 
add,  he  returned  the  third  time.  "  Be  content 
(quoth  the  king)  with  what  you  have,  lest,  if  Hu- 
golin come  in  and  catch  you,  he  take  it  all  from 
you."  Soon  after  the  treasurer  returning,  and 
fretting  for  loss  of  the  money,  "  Let  him  have  it 
"  quietly  (said  the  king),  he  needeth  it  more  than 
"  we  do."  Words  which  spake  him  a  better  man 
than  king,  as  accessory  to  his  own  robbing ;  who,  if 
pleased  to  have  made  this  pilfering  fellow  to  have 
tasted  of  the  whip  for  his  pains,  had  marred  a  pretty 
jest,  but  made  a  better  earnest  therein". 

26.  Posterity  conceived  so  great  an  opinion  of  King  Ed- 
king  Edward's  piety,  that  his  clothes  were  deposited  Jl^robe 

m  Matt.  XX.  15.  cated  instance  in  Ingulpb^  p. 

n  [Ailred  de  vita  Edwardi,     65.] 
p.  376.    See  a  better  authenti- 


884  The  Church  History  book  ir. 

A.D.  1061.  amongst  the  regalia,  and  solemnly  worn  by  our  Eng- 
cSnfeesoris.  l^^h  kings  on  their  coronation ;  never  counting  them- 
put  into  the  s^l^es  80  fine  as  when  invested  with  his  robes ;  the 
'^■^'  sanctity  of  Edward  the  first  wearer  excusing,  yea 
adorning  the  modem  antiqueness  of  his  apparel. 
Amongst  these  is  the  rod  or  sceptre,  with  a  dove  on 
the  top  thereof,  the  emblem  of  peace,  because  in  his 
reign  England  enjoyed  halcyon  days,  free  from 
Danish  invasions:  as  also  his  crown,  chair,  staff, 
tunic,  close  pall,  tuisni  hosen,  sandals,  spurs,  gloves, 
&c.^  Expect  not  from  me  a  conmient  on  these 
several  clothes,  or  reason  for  the  wearing  of  them. 
In  general,  it  was  to  mind  our  kings,  when  habited 
with  his  clothes,  to  be  clothed  with  the  habit  of  his 
virtuous  endowments ;  as  when  putting  on  the  gloves 
of  this  confessor,  their  hands  ought  to  be  like  his,  in 
moderate  taking  of  taxes  from  their  subjects.  In- 
deed, impositions  once  raised  are  seldom  romitted, 
pretended  necessities  being  always  found  out  for 
their  continuance.  But  our  Edward  released  to  his 
subjects  the  grievous  burden  of  Dane-gelt,  payed  to 
his  })redecessors,  conceiving  it  fit,  now  the  Danes 
were  departed,  that  the  gelt  or  tax  should  go  after 
them  P.  But  now  Edward's  staff  is  broken,  chair 
overturned,  clothes  rent,  and  crown  melted;  our 
present  age  esteeming  them  the  relics  of  super- 
stition. 
No  oonfes-  27-  And  yet  all  things  being  cast  up,  I  confess  I 
."San^'of  understand  not  how  the  name  confessor  is  proper  to 
the  word,  j^j^^g  Edward,  in  the  strict  acceptance  thereof.  For 
a  confessor  is  one  actually  persecuted  for  the  testi- 
mony of  the  truth,  and  prepared  to  lose  his  life  for 

o  See  Mille's   Catalogue   of     [ed.  1610.] 
Honour  ;    of  Nobility,  p.  59.         P  [See  Ingulph,  ibid.] 


CEKT.  XI.  of  Britain.  S85 

the  same.  He  is  a  martyr  in  bullion,  wanting  only  a.  d.  xo6i. 
the  stamp  of  a  violent  death  to  be  impressed  upon  c^fe^orii. 
him.  Now  a  great  part  of  our  Edward's  life  was 
led  by  him  in  peace  and  plenty ;  nothing  bounding 
his  abundance  but  his  own  moderation,  and  for 
twenty  years  together  having  no  visible  foe  to  offend 
him.  And  although  in  his  youth  he  lived  in  Nor- 
mandy, in  a  middle  condition,  betwixt  an  exile  and 
a  traveller,  flying  thither  for  fear  of  the  Danes,  yet 
such  his  sufferings  were  of  civil  concernment,  not 
directly  relating  to  conscience,  though  at  distance 
reducible  thereunto.  But  seeing  in  the  titles  of 
great  persons  it  is  better  to  give  too  much  than  too 
little,  a  confessor  we  found  him,  and  a  confessor  we 
leave  him. 

28.  Our  eyes  have  been  so  intent  in  beholding  stigand  the 
the  virtues  of  this  king,  we  have  been  little  at  leisure  archbishop 
to  take   notice  of  the  archbishops   of  Canterbury  bury, 
during  his  reign.     Know  then  that  about  ten  years 

since,  Robert  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  suc- 
ceeded Eadsy  therein,  fearing  some  hard  measure 
from  earl  Godwin,  notwithstanding  he  had  been  con- 
tentedly kissed  out  of  his  manor  of  Boseham,  con- 
veyed himself  away  beyond  the  seas  to  his  monastery 
in  Normandy,  whence  he  came  first  into  England^. 
After  whose  departure,  Stigand  bishop  of  Winchester 
intruded  himself  into  that  see,  eminent  only  for  vice 
and  sordid  covetousness. 

29.  As  for  the  ecclesiastical  laws  made  by  this  King  Ed- 
king  in  his  reign,  it  will  be  enough  to  affix  their  desiaaticai 
prmcipal  titles.  tion*. 

q  [He   was   outlawed   with     favour.     See  p.  374,  n.     Sax. 
other  Normans,  on  occasion  of    Chron.  an.  1052.] 
earl  Godwin  being  restored  to 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  C  C 


386  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  1061.     i.  That  every  clerk  and  scholar  should  quietly 

c^nfeasoriB.  ©^J  ^7  their  goods  and  possessions. 

ii.  What  solemn  festivals  people  may  come  and  go 
of,  without  any  lawsuits  to  disturb  them. 

iii.  That  in  all  courts  where  the  bishops'  proctor 
doth  appear,  his  case  is  first  to  be  heard  and  deter- 
mined. 

iv.  That  guilty  folk  flying  to  the  church  should 
there  have  protection,  not  to  be  reprehended  by  any, 
but  by  the  bishop  and  his  ministers. 

V.  That  tithes  be  paid  to  the  church  of  sheep,  pigs, 
bees,  and  the  like. 

vi.  How  the  ordeal  was  to  be  ordered  for  the  trial 
of  guilty  persons  by  fire  and  water. 

vii.  That  Peter-pence,  or  Romescot,  be  faithfully 
paid  to  the  pope. 

But  I  lose  time,  and  refer  the  reader  to  read 

these  constitutions  at  large,  being  three  and  twenty 

in  number,   in   the  worthy  work   of  that  no  less 

learned  than  religious  knight,  sir  Henry  Spelman**. 

'A.D.  1066.     30.  And  now  the  full  time  was  come  wherein 

How  tbo  __ 

kings  of  good  king  Edward  exchanged  this  life  for  a  better. 
come  to  Who,  as  he  was  famous  for  many  personal  miracles, 
wwa.  ®^  ^®  ^^  reported  to  have  entailed,  by  heaven's  con- 
sort, an  hereditary  virtue  on  his  successors  the  kings 
of  England,  only  with  this  condition,  that  they  con- 
tinue constant  in  Christianity,  to  cure  the  king's 
eviK.  This  disease,  known  to  the  Greeks  by  the 
name   of  -j^oipaSe^^  termed   by  Latins  strumay  and 

Q    In    his    Concil.    I.    619.  ing  for  the  evil,  narrated  by 

[Wilkins,  I.  310.]  Mahnsb.    De    Gestis,    f.    51. 

^  Jac.  Primirosius  de  vulgi  According  to  the  monkish  ac- 

in    mediciua    error,    cap.    49.  counts,  he  cured  by  his  touch 

[ed.  1638.  See  the  first  in-  other  diseases  besides  the  evil.] 
stance  of  king  £dward  touch- 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain, 


387 


scrophuUe^  hath  its  cause  from  phlegm,  its  chief  and  a.d.  1066. 
common  outward  residence,  in  or  near  the  neck  and  confessoris. 
throat,  where  it  expresseth  itself  in  knobs  and  ker- 
nels,  pregnant  oftentimes  with  corrupted  blood  and 
other  putrified  matter,  which  on  the  breaking  of 
those  bunches  floweth  forth,  equally  offensive  to 
sight,  smell,  and  touch.  And  yet  this  noisome  dis- 
ease is  happily  healed  by  the  hands  of  the  kings  of 
England  stroking  the  sore :  and  if  any  doubt  of  the 
truth  thereof,  they  may  be  remitted  to  their  own 
eyes  for  ftirther  confirmation.  But  there  is  a  sort  of 
men,  who  to  avoid  the  censure  of  over-easy  cre- 
dulity, and  purchase  the  repute  of  prudent  austerity, 
justly  incur  the  censure  of  affected  frowardness.  It 
being  neither  manners  nor  discretion  in  them,  in 
matters  notoriously  known,  to  give  daily  experience 
the  lie,  by  the  backwardness  of  their  belief". 

31.  But  whence  this  cure  proceeds  is  much  con-Sevemi 

^  .     .     opinions  or 

troverted  amongst  the  learned.     Some  recount  it  m  the  causa 
the  number  of  those  avairoSeiKra^  whose  reason  can- 
not be  demonstrated.     For  as  in  vicious  common- 


*  [It  will  appear  strange  that 
Fuller  should  have  been  at- 
tacked for  throwing  discredit 
upon  this  miraculous  cure.  See 
The  Appeal,  &c.  part  i.  p.  55, 
and  part  11.  p.  32.  That  some 
effect  was  produced  is  certain 
from  the  testimony  of  many  re- 
spectable witnesses:  nor  is  it  pro- 
iMible  that  this  ceremony  would 
have  continued  so  long,  had 
its  effects  been  merely  imagina- 
tive. Fuller  is  guilty  of  a  slight 
mistake  respecting  the  collect, 
which  does  not  consist  of  any 
portion  of  scripture.  The  form 
of  the  service,  which  is  brief, 
will  be  found  in  The  Appeal^&c. 


p.  23,  and  in  Heylyn's  Examen. 
Historicum,  p.  47,  from  which 
it  is  taken.  Till  the  time  of 
James  I.,  the  custom  had  been 
for  the  king  to  make  the  sign 
of  the  cross  over  the  tumour, 
by  whom  it  was  laid  aside,  and 
ordered  to  be  expunged  from 
the  service.  See  H.  Le  Strange 
Alliances  of  Divine  Offices, 
p.  250.  And  The  Appeal,  ib. 
This  pretension  to  the  gift  of 
healing  was  first  laid  aside  by 
queen  Anne ;  yet  prince  Charles, 
son  of  the  Pretender,  touched 
for  the  evil  in  the  celebrated 
year  1 745 ;  successfully  accord- 
ing to  some  Scottish  writers.] 

c  c  2 


388  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  1066.  wealths  bastards  are  frequent,  who  being  reputed 
OmSeuanM.filii  populi^  have  no  particular  father ;  so  man's  igno- 
ranee  increaseth  the  number  of  occult  qualities, 
which  I  might  call  chances  in  nature,  where  the 
effect  is  beheld,  but  cannot  be  certainly  referred  to 
any  immediate  and  proper  cause  thereof.  Others 
impute  it  to  the  power  of  fancy,  and  an  exalted 
imagination^.  For  when  the  poor  patient  (who  per- 
chance seldom  heard  of,  and  neyer  saw  a  king  before) 
shall  behold  his  royal  hand  dabbling  in  a  puddle  of 
putrefaction,  and  with  a  charitable  confidence  rub- 
bing,  smoothing,  chafing  those  loathsome  kernels, 
which  I  may  call  clouds  of  corruption,  dissolved  oft- 
times  into  a  feculant  shower,  I  say,  when  the  sick 
man  shall  see  an  hand  so  humble  of  an  arm  so  high, 
such  condescension  in  a  king,  to  stroke  that  sore, 
at  which  meaner  persons  would  stop  their  nostrils, 
shut  their  eyes,  or  turn  their  fieu^es;  this  raiseth, 
erecteth,  enthroneth  the  patient's  fancy,  summoning 
his  spirits  to  assist  nature  with  their  utmost  might, 
to  encounter  the  disease  with  greater  advantage. 
And  who  will  look  into  the  legend  of  the  miracles  of 
imagination,  shall  find  many  strange  and  almost  in- 
credible things  thereby  really  effected. 
Others  32.  Other  learned  men,  and  particularly  Caspar 

pemition.  Peucerus%  though  acquitting  this  cure  from  diabo- 
lical conjuration,  yet  tax  it  as  guilty  of  superstition. 
With  him  all  such  do  side  as  quarrel  at  the  cere- 
monies and  circumstances  used  at  the  healing  of 
this  malady.  Either  displeased  at  the  collect  read, 
consisting  of  the  first  nine  verses  of  the  Gospel  of 

t  Aug.  Ferrerius,  [vera  me-  ▼  [Comment,  de  prsecipuis 
dendi  method,  ii.  11.  ed.  Divinationum  generibus*  p. 
1574-]  192.  ed.  1591.] 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  889 

St.  John^,  as  wholly  improper,  and  nothing  relating  to  a.  d.  1066. 
the  occasion,  or  unresolved  of  the  efficacy  of  the  confeeaona. 
gold  pendent  about  the  patients'  neck,  (whether 
partly  completing,  or  a  bare  complement  of  the 
cure,)  or  secretly  unsatisfied  what  manner  and  mea* 
sure  of  belief  is  required,  according  to  the  model 
whereof  health  is  observed  to  come  sooner  or  later, 
or  openly  offended  with  the  sign  of  the  cross^,  which 
was  used  to  be  made  by  the  royal  hands  on  the 
place  infected.  All  which  exceptions  fall  to  the 
ground,  when  it  shall  be  avowed,  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  omission  of  such  ceremonies,  as  requisite 
rather  to  the  solemnity  than  substance  of  the  cure, 
the  bare  hands  of  our  kings  (without  the  gloves,  as  I 
may  term  it,  of  the  aforesaid  circumstances)  have  ef- 
fected the  healing  of  this  disease. 

33.  Hereupon  some  make  it  a  clear  miracle,  and  Many 
immediately  own  God's  finger  in  the  king's  hand.^re^,^ 
That  when  the  art  of  the  physician  is  posed,  the  in-*'**^*- 
dustry  of  the  chirurgeon  tired  out,  the  experience  of 
both  at  a  loss,  when  all  human  means  cry  craven, 
then  that  wound  made  by  the  hand  of  God  is  cured 
by  the  hand  of  his  vicegerent.  Hath  Heaven  endued 
vegetables  (the  worst  and  weakest  of  living  creatures) 
with  cordial  qualities?  Yea,  hath  it  bestowed  pre- 
cious properties  on  dull  and  inanimate  waters,  stones, 
and  minerals,  insomuch  that  such  are  condemned  for 
silly  or  sullen,  for  stupid   or   stubborn,  as  doubt 
thereof?  And  shall  we  be  so  narrow-hearted  as  not 
to  conceive  it  possible  that  Christian  men,  the  no- 
blest of  corporeal  creatures,  kings,  the  most  eminent 

^  [Probably  he  means  the  ^  Guil.  Tooker  in  Charis- 
seeond  Gospel,  which  was  taken  mate,  cap.  vii.  p.  96.  [ed.  1 597.] 
from  John  i.  i —  14,  inclusive.] 

C  c  3 


390  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  1066.  of  all  Christian  men,  kinirs  of  Britain,  the  first-fruits 
ciiifewiris.  of  all  Christian  kings,  should  receive  that  peculiar 
privilege  and  sanative  power,  whereof  daily  instances 
are  presented  unto  us  ?  See  here  the  vast  diflference 
betwixt  papists  and  protestants.  How  do  the  former 
court  those  miracles  which  fly  from  them ;  and  often, 
in  default  of  real  ones,  are  glad  and  greedy  to  hug 
and  embrace  empty  shadows  of  things  Msely  re- 
ported to  be  done,  or  fondly  reputed  to  be  miracles  ? 
Whereas  many  protestants,  on  the  contrary,  as  in 
the  matter  in  hand,  are  scrupulous  in  accepting  mi- 
racles truly  tendered  unto  them.  But  although  our 
religion,  firmly  founded  on,  and  safely  fenced  with 
the  scriptures,  needs  no  miracles  to  confirm  or  coun- 
tenance the  truth  thereof,  yet  when  they  are  by  the 
hand  of  Heaven  cast  into  our  scales,  not  to  make  our 
doctrine  weight,  but  as  superpondium^  or  an  overplus 
freely  bestowed ;  sure  they  may  safely  without  sin 
be  received,  not  to  say,  can  scarce  be  refused,  with- 
out, at  least,  some  suspicion  of  neglect  and  ingrati- 
tude to  the  goodness  of  God. 
The  inge-  34.  Nor  will  it  be  amiss  here  to  relate  a  passage 
fCTsion^lSra  which  happened  about  the  midst  of  the  reign  of 
«ithoiic.  q^^^jj  Elizabeth,  after  pope  Pius  did  let  fly  his  ex- 
communication against  her.  There  was  a  stiff  Roman 
catholic,  (as  they  delight  to  term  themselves,)  other- 
wise a  man  well  accomplished,  and  of  an  ingenuous 
disposition,  who  being  cast  into  prison,  (I  conceive 
for  his  religion,)  was  there  visited  in  an  high  degree 
with  the  king's  evil.  And  having  with  great  pain 
and  expense,  but  no  success,  long  used  the  advice  of 
physicians,  at  last  he  humbly  addressed  himself  unto 
the  queen's  majesty,  by  whom,  with  God's  help,  he 
was  completely  cured.  And  being  demanded,  "What 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  391 

"  news  r  "  I  perceive,"  said  he,  "  now  at  last  by  plain  a.  g^^^ 
"  experience,  that  the  excommunication  denounced  Confessona. 
**  by  the  pope  against  her  majesty  is  in  very  deed  of 

none  effect,  seeing  God  hath  blessed  her  with  so 

great  and  miraculous  a  virtue  *." 

35.  This  mention  of  queen  Elizabeth  (there  is  a  Queen  eh- 

z&beth  why 

magnetic  virtue  in  stories  for  one  to  attract  another)  displeased 
minds  me  of  a  passage  in  the  beginning  of  her^j^^® 
reign.  Making  her  progress  into  Gloucestershire,  ^^^^'" 
people  affected  with  this  disease  did  in  uncivil  crowds 
press  in  upon  her.  Insomuch  that  her  majesty,  be- 
twixt anger,  grief,  and  compassion,  let  fall  words  to 
this  effect :  "  Alas,  poor  people,  I  cannot,  I  cannot 
"  cure  you ;  it  is  God  alone  that  can  do  it !"  Which 
words  some  interpreted,  (contrary  to  her  intent  and 
practice,  continuing  such  cures  till  the  day  of  her 
death,)  an  utter  renouncing  and  disclaiming  of  any 
instrumental  efficacy  in  herself.  Whereas  she  only 
removed  her  subjects'  eyes  from  gazing  on  her,  to 
look  up  to  Heaven.  For  men's  minds  naturally  are 
so  dull  and  heavy,  that  instead  of  travelling  with 
their  thanks  to  God,  the  cause  of  all  cures,  they 
lazily  take  up  their  lodging  more  than  half  way  on 
this  side,  mistaking  the  dealer  for  the  giver  of  their 
recovery.  It  follows  not  therefore  that  the  queen 
refused  to  heal  their  bodies,  because  careful  in  the 
first  place  to  cure  their  souls  of  this  dangerous  mis- 
take. A  princess,  who  as  she  was  a  most  exact  de- 
mander  of  her  due,  (observed  seldom  or  never  to 
forgive  her  greatest  favourites  what  they  owed  her,) 
so  did  she  most  punctually  pay  her  engagements  to 
others,  as  to  all  men,  so  most  especially  to  God, 

'  Guil.  Tooker  in  Charismate,  cap.  vi.  p.  92. 

c  c  4 


392  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  1 066.  loath  that  he  should  lose  any  honour  due  unto  him, 

ConfeMorii.  bj  her  unjust  detaining  thereof. 

The  kings       36.  The  kings  of  France  share  also  with  those  of 

CTire'Se*   England  in  this  miraculous  cure.     And  Laurentius 

king's  evil,  reports  y,  that  when  Francis  the  First  king  of  France 

was  kept  prisoner  in  Spain,  he,  notwithstanding  his 

exile  and  restraint,  daily  cured  infinite  multitudes  of 

people  of  that  disease ;  according  to  this  epigram : 

Hispanos  inter  sanat  rex  chocradas,  estque 
Captivus  superis  gratus  ut  ante  fuit. 

The  captive  king  the  evil  cures  in  Spidn ; 
Dear,  as  before,  he  doth  to  God  remain. 

So  it  seemeth  his  medicinal  quality  is  affixed,  not  to 
his  prosperity,  but  person ;  so  that  during  his  durance 
he  was  fully  free  to  exercise  the  same. 
liaurentius  37.  Thus  far  WO  patiently  hear,  and  sufficiently 
niesthe  credit  this  author;  but  can  no  longer  afford  him 
En^and  either  belief  or  attention,  when  he  presumeth  to  tell 
^ring*the  ^^  *^^^  ^^^  kings  of  England  never  cured  the  king's 
king's  evu.  ^yji^  ^  virtue  appropriated  only  to  his  majesty  of 

France^.  Only  he  confesseth,  that  long  ago  some  of 
our  English  kings  of  the  Anjouan  race,  (descended 
from  Jeffery  Plantagenet),  did  heal  the  falling  sick- 
ness Yai\i  certain  consecrated  annulets,  a  custom  long 
since  disused.  Thus  he  seeks  to  deprive  our  princes 
of  their  patrimonial  virtue ;  and  to  make  them  repa- 
rations (instead  of  their  sanative  power,  whereof 
they  are  peaceably  possessed  to  them  and  their 
heirs,  holding  it  of  God  in  chief)  with  assigning 

y  [De  mirabili  strumar.  sa-  senting  the   ceremony  of  the 

naticme,  p.  18.  ed.  1609.     To  king  touching  for  the  evil.^ 
this   book   is  prefixed  a  very         2  X)e  mirabili  strumarum  cu« 

handsome    engraving,    repre-  ratione,  c.  3. 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Briiain. 


898 


them  an  old  lease,  where  the  title  at  the  best  was  a.  d.  io6(S. 
litigious,  and  the  term  long  ago  expired.  But  the  confeiioris. 
reader  may  be  pleased  to  take  notice,  that  this  Lau- 
rentius  was  physician  in  ordinary  to  king  Henry  the 
Fourth  of  France,  and  so  had  his  judgment  herein 
bowed  awry  with  so  weighty  a  relation;  flattery 
being  so  catching  a  disease,  wherewith  the  best 
doctors  of  physic  may  sometimes  be  infected.  To 
cry  quits  with  him.  Dr.  Tooker,  chaplain  to  queen 
Elizabeth,  in  a  treatise  he  wrote  of  this  subject,  de- 
nieth  the  kings  of  France  ever  originally  cured  this 
evil,  but  per  aliqtmm  propcyinem^  by  a  sprig  of 
right  derived  from  the  primitive  power  of  our  Eng- 
lish kings,  under  whose  jurisdiction  most  of  the 
French  provinces  were  once  subjected. 

38.  Between  these  two  authors,  violent  in  oppo-  The  indif- 
sition,  haply  we  may  find  the  truth,  whose  constant  op^on. 
dwelling-place  is  pleasantly  seated  in  a  moderate 
vale,  betwixt  two  swelling  extremes.  For  it  plainly 
appeareth  by  uncontrollable  arguments  and  evidences, 
that  both  the  crowns  of  England  and  France  have 
for  many  years  been  invested  with  this  miraculous 
gift;  yet  so  that  our  English  kings  are  the  elder 
brothers  in  the  possession  thereof.  For  if  St.  Lewis 
king  of  France,  who  was  contemporary  with  our 
king  Henry  the  Third,  was  the  first  of  that  royal 


a  In  his  Cbarismate,  cap.  vi. 
p.  84.  [Tooker's  work  was 
printed  many  years  before  that 
of  his  opponent,  in  which  this 
absurdity  was  first  advanced. 
The  controversy  had  at  this 
time  quite  changed  from  its 
original  grounds.  For  in  the 
time  of  Malmsbury  it  was  at- 


tributed generally  to  king  Ed- 
wards  personal  holiness :  '*  no- 
"  stro  tempore  quidam  falsam 
"  insinuunt  operam,  qui  asse- 
**  verant  istius  morbi  curatio. 
'*  nem,  non  ex  sanctitate  scd 
'*  ex  regab's  prosapia;  ha;redi- 
"tate  fluxisse."    De  Gest.  f. 

Si.] 


894  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  To66.race  which  healed  this  evil^  his  cradle  was  more 
Confenoris.  than  One  hundred  and  sixty  years  after  the  coflSn  of 
our  Edward  the  Confessor,  from  whom,  as  is  afore- 
said, our  kings  derive  this  sovereign  power  by  con- 
stant succession.  But  methinks  my  book  in  this 
discourse  begins  to  bunch  or  swell  out,  and  some 
will  censure  this  digression  for  a  struma^  or  tedious 
exuberancy,  beyond  the  just  proportion  of  our  his- 
tory; wherefore  no  more  hereof:  only  I  will  con- 
clude with  two  prayers,  extending  the  first  to  all 
good  people,  that  Divine  Providence  would  be  pleased 
to  preserve  them  from  this  painful  and  loathsome 
disease.  The  second  I  shall  confine  to  myself  alone, 
(not  knowing  how  it  will  suit  with  the  consciences 
and  judgments  of  others,)  yet  so  as  not  excluding 
any  who  are  disposed  to  join  with  me  in  my  petition ; 
namely,  that  if  it  be  the  will  of  God  to  visit  me, 
whose  body  hath  the  seeds  of  all  sickness,  and  soul 
of  all  sins,  with  the  aforesaid  malady,  I  may  have  the 
fiivour  to  be  touched  of  his  majesty,  the  happiness  to 
be  healed  by  him,  and  the  thankfulness  to  be  grate- 
ful to  God  the  author,  and  God's  image  the  instru- 
ment of  my  recovery.  I  will  only  add  this  short 
story,  and  then  proceed.  A  little  before  these  wars 
began,  a  minister  (not  over-loyally  affected)  was  ac- 
cused, and  was  like  to  have  been  troubled  for  this 
passage  in  his  sermon,  that  "oppression  was  the 
"  king's  evil."  But  being  called  to  answer  it  before 
the  commissioners,  he  expounded  his  own  ivords, 
that  he  meant  oppression  was  the  king's  evil,  not 
that  the  king  caused  it,  but  only  cured  it,  and  alone 
in  this  land  could  remedy  and  redress  the  same. 

^  So  witnesseth  Andr.  du  Chesne,  a  French  author,  and  others. 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain, 


S95 


89.  King  Edward  djdng  childless,  caused  by  hisA.D.  iod6. 

affected  chastity,  left  the  land  at  a  loss  for  an  heir '- 

in  a  direct  line,  and  opened  a  door  to  the  ambition  usmpeth 
of  collateral  pretenders.  Indeed  the  undoubted ''*®  *^'^*'^ 
right  lay  in  Edgar  -^theling,  son  to  Edward  the  out- 
law, grandchild  to  Edmond  Ironside  king  of  Eng- 
land ^:  but  he  being  tender  in  age,  and  (as  it  seems) 
soft  in  temper,  and  of  a  foreign  garb,  because  of  his 
education  in  Hungary,  (his  most  potent  alliance  in 
Grermany  out  of  distance  to  send  him  seasonable 
assistance,)  was  passed  by  by  the  English  nobility. 
These  chose  Harold  to  be  king,  whose  title  to  the 
crown  is  not  worth  our  deriving  of  it,  much  less  his 
relying  on  it*.  But  having  endeared  martialists  by 
his  valour,  engaged  courtiers  by  his  bounty,  and 
obliged  all  sorts  of  people  by  his  affability,  he  was 
advanced  to  the  crown  by  those  who  more  consi- 
dered his  ability  to  defend,  than  his  right  to  de- 
serve it. 

40.  William  duke  of  Normandy  was  competitor  WiUiam 

duke  of 


^  [He  experienced  the  fickle- 
ness of  fortune:  for  he  was 
chosen  king  by  a  party  after 
the  death  of  Harold.  Malmsb. 
De  Oestis,  f.  52.  He  was  an 
old  man,  living  retiredly  in  the 
country^  almost  decrepit  when 
Alalmsbury  wrote  his  Chroni- 
cle, which  was  as  late  as  the 
middle  of  the  twelfth  century.] 

*^  [If  however  the  chronicle 
of  Florence  of  Worcester  may 
be  trusted,  Harold  was  the  un- 
doubted heir  to  the  throne,  and 
appointed  to  it  by  Edward.  It 
is  also  observable  that  the  ex. 
pression  used  by  this  chronicler 
to  describe  Harold's  succession 


is  the  same  with  that  used  to 
denote  the  accession  of  a  law- 
ful sovereign : — "  Subregulus 
"  Ilaroldus  Godwin!  ducis  fi- 
"  lius,  quem  rex  ante  suam 
"  decessionem  regni  successo- 
'*  rem  elegerat  a  totius  Anglis 
"  primatibus  ad  regale  culmen 
"  electus."  a.  1066.  The  same 
is  stated  in  the  Hist.  Eliensis, 
ii.  43.  ed.  Grale  ;  and  both 
agree  in  commendation  of  Ha- 
rold. 

According  to  Malmsbury, 
he  appointed  WiUiam,  who  was 
his  cousin,  to  succeed  him.  De 
Gest.  f.  53,  b.] 


396  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.D.  1066.  with  Harold,  who  supplying  in  numb^  what  he 

! 1  wanted  in  strength  of  his  titles,  claimed  the  crown 

t^^M^  ^  by  alliance,  adoption,  and  donation  from  Edward  the 
"^2^ J[®^  CJonfessor ;  though  he  was  as  unable  to  give  and 
K®'**^-  bequeath,  as  William,  being  a  bastard,  in  the  strict- 
ness of  Saxon  laws,  was  uncapable  to  receive  it. 
But  his  sword  was  stronger  than  his  titles,  and  the 
sins  of  the  English  more  forcible  than  either,  to  de- 
liver that  nation  (now  grown,  as  authors  observe,  in- 
tolerably vicious)  into  his  subjection.  So  that  in  a 
pitched  field  he  overcame  and  killed  king  Harold, 
with  the  prime  of  the  English  nobility  ;  (a  just 
punishment  on  their  perjury  for  their  deserting  their 
kwful  prince ;)  and  such  as  survived  were  forced 
either  to  hold  the  stirrup,  or  lackey  by  the  side  of 
many  a  mean-bom  Norman,  mounted  to  places  of 
profit  and  honour.  This  was  the  fifth  time  wherein 
the  south  of  this  island  was  conquered;  first,  by 
Romans ;  secondly,  by  Picts  and  Scots ;  thirdly,  by 
Saxons ;  fourthly,  by  the  Danes ;  and  fifthly,  by  the 
Normans.  This  mindeth  me  of  the  prophet  Elisha's 
speech  to  Joash  king  of  Israel ;  Thou  sJiouldest  have 
smitten  Syria  five  or  sia?  times  ;  then  hadst  thou 
smitten  Syria  till  thou  hadst  consumed  it^.  It  seemeth 
five  may,  but  six  must  dispatch  a  people.  God  hath 
already  smitten  this  island  five  times  with  a  rod  of 
foreign  invasion ;  let  us  beware  the  sixth  time,  that 
final,  fatal  number,  for  fear  it  prove  the  last,  and 
utter  confusion  and  destruction  of  our  nation. 
William  re-  41.  Thus  king  William  came  in  by  conquest, 
conquering  though  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  growing  more 
sword  with  jjj||^  ^^^  moderate,  he  twisted  his  right  of  victory 


compo- 
sition. 


^  2  Kings  xiii.  19. 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  897 

with  composition  :    as  such  who  have  ravished   a  a.  d.  1066. 

woman  against  her  will   endeavour  afterwards  to 

make  her  reparation  by  wooing  and  wedding  her, 
whom  formerly  they  had  wronged  ;  so  with  love  to 
cover  their  lust,  by  the  most  excusable  way  of  mar- 
riage. So  king  William,  though  he  had  forced  this 
land,  yet  afterwards,  not  so  much  out  of  remorse  as 
policy,  to  suppress  frequent  tumults,  and  procure  se- 
curity to  himself  and  successors,  is  said  to  have 
closed  with  the  commons  in  a  fedr  way  of  agreement, 
restoring  many  ancient  privileges  unto  them.  Thus, 
though  conquest  was  more  honourable  for  his  credit, 
composition  was  comfortable  for  his  conscience,  and 
accounted  most  safe  for  his  posterity.  Witness  that 
judicial  sentence  which  king  William  in  open  court 
pronounced  against  himself,  adjudging  the  lord  of 
Shambom  in  Norfolk^,  being  an  Englishman,  true 
owner  of  that  manor,  contrary  to  that  grant  wherein 
he  had  formerly  bestowed  it  on  one  Warren  a  Nor- 
man. Herein  the  conqueror  confessed  himself  con- 
quered, submitting  his  arbitrary  power  and  pleasure 
to  be  regulated  by  justice,  and  the  ancient  rights  of 
Englishmen. 

42.  But  what  impression  the  Norman  victories  a  breviate 
made  on  the  state,  let  politicians  observe  ;   what  trine  of 
change  it  produced  in  the  laws,  we  leave  to  the^"^^" 
learned  of  that  faculty  to  prosecute  :   whilst  that  ^^"^^  ^^ 

■^  *  Norman 

which  renders  the  conquest  to  consideration  in  our  conquest, 
church-story  is,  the  manifest  change  of  religion  from 
what  formerly  was  publicly  professed  in  England. 
To  make  this  mutation  in  its  due  time  more  conspi- 
cuous, we  will  here  conclude  this  book  with  a  brief 

^  Camden's  Britannia  in  Norfolk,  [p.  350.] 


398  The  Church  History  book  ii. 

A.  D.  1066.  character  of  the  principal  doctrines  generally  taught 
and  believed  by  the  English  in  these  four  last  cen- 
turies, before  tainted  with  any  Norman  infection. 
For  though  we  must  confess  and  bemoan  that  cor- 
ruptions crept  into  the  church  by  degrees,  and  divine 
worship  began  to  be  clogged  with  superstitious  cere- 
monies, yet  that  the  doctrine  remained  still  sound 
and  entire,  in  most  material  points,  will  appear  by 
an  induction  of  the  dominative  controversies  wherein 
we  differ  from  the  church  of  Rome. 

I.  Scripture  generally  read. 
For  such  as  were  with  the  holy  bishop  Aidan,  give 
attonsi  seu  laici^y  either  clergy  or  laity,  were  tied  to 
exercise  themselves  in  reading  the  holy  word,  and 
learning  of  psalms. 

The  original  preferred. 
For  Ricemarch  a  Briton,  a  right  learned  and 
godly  clerk  ^,  son  to  Sulgen  bishop  of  St.  David's, 
flourishing  in  this  age,  made  this  epigram  on  those 
who  translated  the  psalter  out  of  the  Greek,  so 
taking  it  at  the  second  hand,  and  not  drawing  it  im- 
mediately out  of  the  first  vessel. 

Ebreis  nablam  custodit  litera  signis. 
Pro  captu  quam  quisque  suo  sermone  Latino 
Edidit,  innumeros  lingua  variante  hbellos, 
Ebreumque  jubar  sufTuscat  nube  Latina. 
Nam  tepefacta  ferum  dant  tertia  labra  saporem. 
Sed  sacer  Hieronymus,  Ebreo  fonte  repletus, 
Lucidius  nudat  verum,  breviusque  ministrat'. 


?  Bede,  Eccles.  Hist.  ill.  5.  Dr.  Powell^    page    156.    edit. 

^  Caradoc.  in  Chron.  of  Cam-  1584.] 

bridge.     [See  the  translation  i  MS.  in  the  library  of  the 

of  this  Chron.   published   by  learned  bishop,  William  Bedel^ 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  S99 

This  harp  the  holy  Hebrew  text  doth  tender,  A.D.  1066. 

Which,  to  their  power,  whilst  every  one  doth  render    I ^ 

In  Latin  tongue  with  many  variations. 
He  clouds  the  Hebrew  rays  with  his  translations. 
Thus  liquors  when  twice  shifted  out,  and  pour'd 
In  a  third  vessel,  are  both  cooPd  and  sour'd. 
But  holy  Jerome  truth  to  light  doth  bring 
Briefer  and  fuller,  fetch'd  from  the  Hebrew  spring. 

No  prayers  for  the  dead  in  the  modern  notion  of 

papists. 
For  though  we  find  prayers  for  the  dead,  yet  they 
were  not  in  the  nature  of  propitiation  for  their  sins, 
or  to  procure  relaxation  from  their  sufferings ;  but 
were  only  an  honourable  commemoration  of  their 
memories,  and  a  sacrifice  of  thanksgiving  for  their 
salvation.  Thus  St.  Cuthbert,  after  he  had  seen  the 
soul  of  one  Hadwaldus  carried  by  angels  into  heaven, 
did  celebrate  obsequies  of  prayers  in  his  behalf^. 

Purgatory y  though  newly  hatched^  not  yet  fledged. 

For  although  there  are  frequent  visions  and  reve- 
lations in  this  age  pretended,  thereon  to  build  pur- 
gatory, which  had  no  foundation  in  scripture,  yet  the 
architects  of  that  fanciful  fabric  had  not  so  hand- 
somely contrived  it,  as  it  stands  at  this  day  in  the 
Romish  belief.  For  Bede,  out  of  the  vision  of  Fur- 
seus,  relateth  certain  great  fires  above  the  air,  ap- 
pointed to  examine  every  one  according  to  the 
merits  of  his  work,  differing  from  the  papist's  purga- 
tory^; which  Bellarmine,  by  the  common  consent  of 
the  schoolmen,  determineth  to  be  within  the  bowels 

and  cited  by  the  archbishop  of        ^  Bede  in   Vita   Cuthberti, 

Armagh  in  the  Religion  of  the     cap.  34. 

Ancient  Irish,  p.  9.  ^  Hist.  Eccl.  lii.  19. 


400  The  Church  History  book  il 

AD.  1066. of  the  earth.     Thus  nothing  can  be  invented  and 
perfected  at  once. 

Communion  under  both  kinds. 
For  Bede  relateth,  that  one  Hildmer,  an  officer  of 
Ecgfrid  king  of  Northumberland,  entreated  our  Cuth- 
bert  to  send  a  priest  that  might  minister  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Lord's  body  and  blood  unto  his  wifSs, 
that  then  lay  a  dying '".  And  Cuthbert  himself,  im- 
mediately before  his  own  departure  out  of  this  life, 
received  the  communion  of  the  Lord's  body  and 
blood.  And  lest  any  should  fondly  hope  to  decline 
so  pregnant  an  instance  by  the  novel  conceit  of  con- 
comitancy,  (a  distinction  that  could  not  speak,  be- 
cause it  was  not  bom  in  that  age,)  it  is  punctually 
noted,  that  he  distinctly  received  the  cup. 

Pocula  degustat  yits,  Christique  supinum 
Sanguine  munit  iter ^ 

His  voyage  steep  the  easier  to  climb  up, 

Christ*s  blood  he  drank  out  of  life's  healthful  cup. 

So  that  the  eucharist  was  then  admitted  entire,  and 

not  maimed,  as  it  is  by  papists  at  this  day,  serving  it, 

as  Hanon  the  Ammonite  did  the  clothes  and  beards 

of  David's  ambassadors,  cutting  it  off  at  the  middle®. 

And  though  the  word  mass  was  frequent  in  that  age, 

generally  expressing  all  divine  service,  yet  was  it  not 

known  to  be  offered  as  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  for  the 

quick  and  dead. 

The  ail-         43.  But  if  any  desire  further  information  herein, 

gagement    let  him  repair  to  the  worthy  work,  which  James,  the 

l^gijop  ^  '  right  learned  and  pious  archbishop  of  Armagh,  hath 


">  De  vita  Cuthberti,  c.  15. 

^  Idem  in  vita  Cuthberti  carmine,  c  36.         »  2  Sam.  x.  4. 


CENT.  XI,  of  Briiain,  401 

written  of  the  religion  professed  by  the  ancient  Irish  a.  d.  1066. 

and  British.     From  whom  I  have  borrowed  many  a 1 

note,  (though  not  always  thanking  him  in  the  margin  anT^.' 
by  citing  his  name,)  and  therefore  now  must  make^jf^^j^ 
one  general  acknowledgment  of  my  engagement.  *'^^- 
In  cities  we  see,  that  such  as  sell  by  retail  (though 
of  less  credit)  are  of  great  use,  especially  to  poor 
people,  in  parcelling  out  pennyworths  of  commo- 
dities to  them  whose  purses  cannot  extend  to  buy  by 
wholesale  from  the  merchant.  Conceive  I  in  like 
manner  my  pains  will  not  be  altogether  unprofitable, 
who  in  this  history  have  fetched  my  wares  from  the 
storehouse  of  that  reverend  prelate,  the  Cape-mer- 
chant of  all  learning,  and  here  in  little  remnants 
deliver  them  out  to  petty-country-chapmen,  who 
hitherto  have  not  had  the  hap  or  happiness  to  under- 
stand the  original  treasuries  whence  they  are  taken. 
And  clean  through  this  work  in  point  of  chronology 
I  have  with  implicit  faith  followed  his  computation, 
setting  my  watch  by  his  dial,  knowing  his  dial  to  be 
set  by  the  sun,  and  account  most  exactly  calculated, 
according  to  the  critical  truth  of  timeP.  Long  may 
he  live  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  good  of  his  church. 
For  whereas  many  learned  men,  though  they  be  deep 
abysses  of  knowledge,  yet  (like  the  Caspian  sea,  re- 
ceiving all,  and  having  no  outlet)  are  loath  to  impart 
aught  to  others ;  this  bright  sun  is  as  bountiful  to 
deal  abroad  his  beams,  as  such  dark  dales  as  myself 
are  glad  and  delighted  to  receive  them. 

P  In  his  book  De  Brit.  Eccl.     which   work   he   has  given   a 
Primordifl.     [At   the   end   of    chronology  of  these  times.] 


FULLER,  VOL.  1.  D  d 


SEVERAL  COPIES 

OF 

BATTEL  ABBEY  ROLL. 


TO  THE  RIGHT  WORSHIPFUL  SIR  SIMON  AR- 
CHER, OP  TAMWORTH  IN  WARWICKSHIRE ». 

Some  report^  that  the  toad  befw-e  lier  death  sucks  up  i^fnoi 
prevented  with  sudden  surprisal)  the  precious  stone  {as 
yet  but  a  jelly)  in  her  head^  g^^^*^i^  mankind  the  good 
thereof.  Such  generally  the  envy  of  antiquaries y  pre- 
Jerring  that  their  rarities  should  die  with  them,  and  be 
buried  in  their  graves^  rather  than  others  receive  any 
benefit  thereby » 

You  cross  the  current  qf  common  corruption  ;  it  being 
questionable  whether  you  be  more  sktlfvl  in  knowings 
carefid  in  keepings  or  courteous  in  communicating  your 
curious  collections  in  that  kind. 

Justly  therefore  have  I  dedicated  these  several  ccpies  qf 
Battel  Abbey  roll  unto  you :  firsts  because  Iluive  received 
one  of  the  most  authentic  qf  them  from  your  own  hand^ ; 
secondly,  because  your  ancient  name  chargeth  through 
and  through  most  qf  these  catalogues.  Yea,  as  the 
archers  came  over  with  the  Conqueror,  so  the  Conqueror 

A  [Arms:  azure,  three  arrows  esq.,   by    bis   wife   Margaret, 

erect,  or,  two  and  one ;   im.  daughter  of  Simon  Rawley  of 

paling  Ferrers,  vair^,  or  and  Famborough,  co.  Wilts;  was 

gules.     Sir  Simon  Archer  of  born   in   1583,   married  Ann. 

Tamworth    in    c5.    Warwick,  daughter  of  sir  John  Ferrers 

knight,  was  descended  of  an  of    Tamworth -castle,    knight, 

ancient  family  seated  there  for  knighted  before  165 1,  and  died 

many   generations,   being   the  1664,  in  his  eighty-first  year, 

fourteenth    in    lineal    descent  See  Visitations  of  Warwick- 

from  Robert  Archer  of  Tarn-  shire,  1619-1683.    By  his  said 

worth,  by  Selida,  daughter  and  wife  he  had  issue,  three  sons 

heir  of  Roger  de  Hulehall.  He  and  as  many  daughters.  B.] 
was  the  eldest  son  and  heir  of        *>  [See  p.  429,  &c.] 
Andrew  Archer  of  Tamworth, 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbof.  403 

may  he  mid  to  come  over  with  the  archers,  {therefore 
placed  in  a  list  by  themselves^  because  tfteir  valour 
achieved  the  greatest  part  of  his  victory.  _^- 

ERUSING  the  worthy  pains  of  grave  Thadougn 
and   godly  Mr.  Fox,  in   his    Book  ofa!^itt" 
Martyrs,  I  find    him  in  the  reign  of**^" 
I  William  the  First  exemplifying  a  double 
catalogue  of  such  eminent  persons  as 
came  over  at  the  conquest.  Now,  seeing  so  reverend 
a  writer  accounted  the  inserting  thereof  no  deviation 
from  his  church-history,  we  presume  accordingly,  by 
way  of  recreation  of  the  reader,  to  present  him  with 
a  larger  list  of  those  names,  with  some  brief  notes 
thereupon. 

Here  will  I  premise  nothing  about  the  ancient  impoung 
original  of  names,  which  argued  the  undoubted  do-atniaie/* 
minion  of  him  who  first  gave  them,  over  those  on^"""""*' 
whom  they  were  imposed.  Thus  Eve  named  Cain* ; 
to  shew  the  command,  even  of  the  mother,  over  the 
eldest  (and  therefore  over  all  her)  children.  Adam 
named  Eve,  she  shall  be  called  woman*';  to  signify  the 
husband's  sovereignty  over  his  wife.  God  named 
Adam,  Lei  us  make  Adam,  or  man' ;  to  denote  his 
power  and  authority  over  man.  And  God  named 
himself,  /  AM  hath  sent  me  unto  you^;  importing 
his  absolute  and  independent  being  in,  and  from 
himself.  But  waving  what  may  be  said  of  the  be- 
ginning of  names,  we  shall  digest  what  we  conceive 
necessary  for  our  present  purpose,  into  the  following 
propositions : 

The  first  is;  surnames  were  fixed  in  fsimilies  in^«*^»>|^ 


e  Gen.  i.  36. 
d  Exod.  iii.  14. 
Dd  3 


404  •    The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey , 

long  before  England,  at  or  about  the  conquest.  I  say,  fixed, 
quest, "  Formerly,  though  men  had  surnames,  yet  their  sons 
did  not,  as  I  may  say,  follow  suit  with  their  fathers, 
the  name  descended  not  hereditarily  on  the  family. 
At  or  about.  Forty  years  under  or  over  will  break 
no  squares.  It  began  somewhat  sooner  in  the  C!on- 
fessor's  time,  fetched  out  of  France,  but  not  imiver- 
sally  settled  till  some  hundred  years  after.  When 
men  therefore  tell  us  how  their  surnames  have  been 
fastened  on  their  families  some  centuries  of  years 
before  the  conquest,  we  hear  them  say  so.  His 
chronology  was  no  better  than  bis  heraldry,  who 
boasted  that  his  ancestors  had  given  the  three  gun- 
holes  (which  indeed  were  the  three  annulets)  for 
their  arms  these  thousand  years,  when  guns  them- 
selves have  not  been  extant  three  hundred  years  in 
Europe.  The  same  solecism  in  effect  is  committed 
by  such  who  pretend  to  the  antiquity  of  surnames 
before  the  same  were  settled  in  rerum  nattira. 
Samames  Th®  sccond ;  kiugs  had  fixed  surnames  later  than 
auieVot^  common  people.  Our  four  first  Norman  kings  had 
needful  to)  jjo  sumames,  Henry  the  Second  being  the  first  of 
the  Plantagenists.  Wonder  not  that  a  genteel 
fashion  should  come  later  into  the  court  than  into 
the  country,  and  last  to  the  crown  itself.  For  names 
being  made  to  distinguish  men,  they  were  more  ne- 
cessary for  common  people,  whose  obscurities  would 
be  lost  in  a  multitude,  were  they  not  found  out  by 
the  sign  of  their  sumames,  having  no  other  emi- 
nency  whereby  they  might  be  differenced.  But 
princes  (being  comparatively  few  in  respect  of  pri- 
vate persons)  are  sufficiently  discovered  by  their  own 
lustre,  and  sovereignty  may  be  said  to  be  a  surname 
to  itself;  and  therefore  kings,  not  of  necessity,  but 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey.  405 

mere  pleasure,   have    accepted   additions  to   their 
Christian  names. 

The  third ;  many  who  came  over  out  of  Normandy  Many  of 
were  noble  in  their  native  country.     Especially  such  mans  moBt 
who  are  styled  from  their  places,  as  le  sire  de  Sote- wrth.  ^ 
ville,  le  sire  de  Margneville,  le  sire  de  Tancarville, 
&c.,  whereby  we  understand  them  lords  and  owners 
of  such  manors,  towns,  and  castles  from  whence  they 
took  their  denomination.     However,  this  particle  de 
such  a  place  (when  without  le  sire  going  before  it) 
doth  not  always  give  "livery  and  seisin,"  and  pre- 
sently put  the  person  so  named  into  possession  of  the 
place ;  sometimes  barely  importing  that  he  was  bom 
there,  and  not  owner  thereof. 

The  fourth ;  all  that  came  over  with  the  Conqueror  Yet  some 

«  .11  •  1      i_     not  10  much 

were  not  gentlemen  until  they  came  over  with  the  as  gentle- 
Conqueror.  For  instantly  upon  their  victory,  their  "•'*• 
flesh  was  refined,  blood  clarified,  spirits  elevated  to 
an  higher  purity  and  perfection.  Many  a  peasant  in 
Normandy  commenced  monsieur  by  coming  over 
into  England,  where  they  quickly  got  goods  to  their 
gentry,  lands  to  their  goods,  and  those  of  the  most 
honourable  tenure  in  capite  itself.  What  Richard 
the  Third  said,  no  less  spitefully  than  falsely,  of  the 
Woodviles,  (brethren  to  the  wife  of  his  brother  king 
Edward  the  Fourth,  by  whom  they  were  advanced,) 
that  "many  were  made  noble  who  formerly  were  not 
"  worth  a  noble,"  was  most  true  of  some  of  the  Nor- 
man soldiery,  suddenly  startmg  up  honourable  from 
mean  originals.  These  cruelly  insulted  over  the  Saxon 
ancient  gentry  whom  they  found  in  England.  Thus 
on  the  new  casting  of  a  die,  when  ace  is  on  the  top, 
sise  must  needs  be  at  the  bottom. 

The  fifth ;  besides  native  Normans,  many  of  the  Many  of 
neighbouring  countries   engaged   in   England's  in- bouring  na- 


406  The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 

tioiiB  under  vEsioii.  As  Flemings,  which  Baldwin  earl  of  Flan- 
of  Nor-°'*  ders,  and  father-in-law  unto  the  conqueror,  sent  to 
man*.  ^^j j  j^j^ .  Walloous,  with  many  from  Picardy,  Bri- 
tain, Anjou,  and  the  very  heart  of  France.  Thus 
when  a  fair  of  honour  and  profit  is  proclaimed,  chap- 
men will  flock  from  all  parts  unto  it.  Some  will 
.  wonder  that  any  would  be  such  wilful  losers  as  to 
exchange  France  for  England,  a  garden  for  a  field. 
Was  not  this  degrading  of  their  souls  in  point  of 
pleasure,  going  backward  from  wine  to  ale,  from 
wheat  to  oats,  then  the  general  bread-corn  of  Eng- 
land ?  Besides,  coming  Northward,  they  left  the  sun 
on  their  backs ;  the  sim,  who  is  a  comfortable  usher 
to  go  before,  but  bad  train-bearer  to  come  behind 
one.  But  let  such  know,  that  England  in  itself  is 
an  excellent  country,  too  good  for  the  unthankfrd 
people  which  live  therein,  and  such  foreigners,  who 
seemingly  slight,  secretly  love,  and  like  the  plenty 
and  profit  thereof.  But,  grant  England  far  short  of 
France  in  goodness,  yet  such  adventurers  hoped  to 
achieve  to  themselves  a  better  condition  in  a  worse 
country.  Many  a  younger  brother  came  over  hither 
in  hope  here  to  find  an  elder  brothership,  and  ac- 
cordingly procured  an  inheritance  to  him  and  his 
posterity.  As  for  the  great  French  nobility,  store 
was  no  sore  unto  them :  such  pluralists  retained  still 
their  old  patrimonies  in  France,  with  the  additions 
of  their  new  possessions  in  England. 
n-iiauies.  The  sixth ;  names  coming  over  with  the  conquest 
beginning  with  W  were  not  out  of  France,  but  the 
vicinage  thereof.  As  the  Britons  disclaim  Xy  the 
Latins  F,  (save  when  the  badge  of  a  Greek  word 
Latinized,)  so  the  French  disown  W.  When  we 
find  it  therefore  the  initial  letter  of  a  name,  whereof 
many  occur  in  the  ensuing  catalogue,  it  argueth  the 


\\  alloons. 


TTie  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey.  407 

same  Walloon,  or  Almain.  Yea,  I  am  credibly  in- 
formed, that  some  of  the  English  here,  wearied  with 
Harold's  usurpation,  fled  over  into  Normandy  to 
fetch  in  the  conqueror ;  so  that  when  king  William 
entered,  they  returned  into  England.  And  this  par- 
ticularly hath  been  avouched  of  the  noble  family  of 
the  Wakes,  who  were  here  before  the  conquest,  yet 
found  among  the  Norman  invaders. 

The  seventh ;  Battel-abbey  roll  is  the  best  extant  The  twi- 
catalogue  of  Norman  gentry,  if  a  true  copy  thereof  ^Battel  * 
could  be  procured.  ^^"^  ""• 

1.  Battel-abbey  roll.  Because  hung  up  in  that 
abbey,  as  fixed  to  the  freehold  thereof,  where  the 
names  of  such  as  came  over  with  the  conquest 
were  recorded. 

2.  Best  extant.  Otherwise  industry,  with  honesty, 
leisure,  and  liberty  to  peruse  Domesday-book,  might 
collect  one  more  perfect  out  of  impartial  records, 
which  neither  fear  nor  flatter.  Such  a  catalogue 
were  to  be  believed  on  its  word,  before  battle  roll  on 
its  oath. 

8.  Yet  that  abbey  roll  desei*ved  credit,  if  a  true 
copy  might  be  procured.  One  asked,  "  Which  was 
"the  best  St.  Augustine?"  to  whom  this  answer 
was  given,  (generally  true  of  all  ancient  authors,) 
"  even  that  Augustine  which  is  least  corrected." 
For  corrections  commonly  are  corruptive,  as  follow- 
ing the  fancy  and  humour  of  the  corrector. 

Battel-abbey  roll  hath  been  practised  upon  with 
all  the  figures  of  diction,  prothesis,  aphseresis,  &c.; 
some  names  therein  being  augmented,  subtracted, 
extended,  contracted,  lengthened,  curtailed.  The 
same  scruple  therefore  which  troubleth  sophisters, 
"  Whether  Jason's  weather-beaten  ship,  so  often 
"  clouted  and  i>atched  with  new  boards,  were  the 


408  The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 

•*  same  numerically  with  the  first;"  may  be  pro- 
pounded of  Battel-abbey  roll,  whether  that  extant 
with  us,  after  so  many  alterations,  be  individuallj 
the  same  with  the  original  ?  See  what  a  deadly  gash 
our  great  antiquary*  gives  to  the  credit  thereof; 
"  Whosoever  considereth  it  well,  shall  find  it  to  be 
"  forged,  and  those  names  to  be  inserted,  which  the 
**  time  in  every  age  favoured,  and  were  never  men* 
"  tioned  in  that  authentical  record." 
obj.  Then  Obj,  If  such  be  the  depraving  of  Battel-abbey  roll, 
Credit.  °"  i\iGfi  no  credit  at  all  is  due  unto  it.  Let  it  be  pil- 
loried for  a  mere  cheat,  and  be  suffered  no  longer  to 
go  about,  to  deceive  the  honest  reader  thereof;  see- 
ing we  cannot  hear  the  true  tone  of  names  therein, 
monks  have  so  set  them  to  the  tune  of  their  present 
benefactors  and  minions  of  the  age  they  lived  in. 
Ans,  How  Arts.  Though  there  be  much  adulteration  therein, 
I?im»'i?to^  yet  I  conceive  the  main  bulk  and  body  thereof  un- 
becaii-  corrupted.  As  they  therefore  overvalue  this  roll 
who  make  it  the  grammar  of  French  gentry,  the 
herald's  institutes,  and  of  canonical  credit  amongst 
them,  so  such  too  much  decry  the  same,  who  deny 
all  trust  thereunto.  Yea,  we  may  confidently  rely 
on  this  roll,  where  we  find  a  concurrence  of  ancient 
English  historians  therewith :  and  this  will  appear  in 
the  generality  of  names  which  that  roll  presenteth 
unto  us. 

We  find  in  our  English  chroniclers  two  printed 
copies  (a  manuscript  thereof  worth  mentioning  I 
have  not  met  with)  of  Battel-abbey  roll.     Wherein 

^  Camden  in   his  Remains^  English  origin.     See   another 

p.  152.  [ed.  1614.     No  doubt  copy  in   the   Scala   Chronica, 

can  exist  of  the  correctness  of  p.  12.    (Unpublished;  printed 

Camden's  assertion.     No  two  for  the  Maitland  Club.  1 836.)] 

copies  exist  alike  of  this  roll ;  I  have  ranged  similar   names 

and  most  of  them  are  interpo-  opposite  each  other.] 
la  ted  with  names  of  families  of 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


409 


such  various  lections,  they  agree  neither  in  number, 
order,  nor  spelling  of  the  names;  which,  though 
generally  digested  in  an  alphabetical  way,  are  neither 
of  them  exactly  ordered  according  to  the  same.  But 
behold  both. 


Holinshed,  p.  3. 

Stow'8Chr.p.io5. 

Holinahed,  p.  3. 

Stow*8Chr.p.io5. 

Aumarle 

Aumeic 

Bigot 

Aincourt 

Bohun 

Bohun 

Audeley 

Audeley 

Bailif 

Baylife 

Angilliam 

Angilliam 

Bondeuile 

Bondeuile 

Argentoune 

Argentoun 

Brabason 

Barbason 

Arundell 

Arundell 

Baskeruile 

Auenant 

Auenant 

Beer 

Abell 

Abel 

Bures 

Bures 

Auaerne 

Bounilainc 

Bonylayne 

Aunwers 

Bois 

Angers 

Awgers 

Botelere 

Angenoun 

Angeruoun 

Bourcher 

Archere 

Archer 

Brabaion 

Barbayon 

Anuay 

Bemers 

Berners 

Asperuile 

Asperuile 

Braibuf 

Braybuf 

Albeuile 

Brande 

Brand 

Andeuile 

Bronce 

Amouerduile 

Amonerduile 

Bonuile 

Arcy 

Arcy 

Burgh 

Burgh 

Albeny 

Albeny 

Bushy 

Busshy 

Akeny 

Akeny 

Banet 

Aybeuare 

Blondell 

Blundell 

Amay 

Breton 

Breton 

Aspermound 

Asperemound 

Belasyse 

Amerenges. 

Bowser 
Bayous 
Bulmerc 

Bertram 

Bertram 

Bluat 

Buttecourt 

Butrecourt 

Baious 

Brebus 

Brsbus 

Browne 

Broune 

Byseg 

Byseg 

Beke 

Beke 

Bardolfe 

Bardolf 

Bickard 

Basset 

Basset 

Bowlers 

410 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


HoUnshed,  p.  3. 

Stow*flChr.p.io5^ 

Holinshed,  p.  3. 

Stew's  Chr.  p.  105. 

Banastre 

Banestre 

Boranuile 

Baloun 

Browe 

Belomy 

Beleuers 

Beleners 

Belknape 

Buffard 

Buffard 

Beauchauipe 

Beauchamp 

Botelere 

Boteler 

Bray 

Bonueier 

Bandy 

Bandy 

Boteuile 

Botuile 

Bracy 

Bellire 

Boundes 

Bastard 

Bascoun 

Bainard 

Broilem 

Brasard 

Bra^ard 

Broleuy 

Broyleby 

Beelhehne 

Belhelme 

Burnell 

Burnell 

Braine 

Bellet 

Belot 

Brent 

Beufort 

Braunch 

Braunche 

Baudewin 

Baudewine 

Belesuz 

Bolesur 

Beaumont 

Blundell 

Blundel 

Burdon 

Burdon 

Burdett 

Burdet 

Berteuilay 

Berteuyley 

Bagott 

Bagot 

Barre 

Barre 

Beaupount 

Busseuile 

Busseuile 

Beauuise 

Blunt 

Blunt 

Beleniis 

Baupere 

Beawper 

Beisin 

BeuiU 

Bernon 

Barduedor 

Boels 

Bools 

Brette 

Bret 

Belefroun 

Belefroun 

Barrett 

Barret 

Brutz 

Bonrett 

Barchampe 

Barchampe 

Bainard 

• 

Barniuale 

Barueuale 

Bonett 

Camois 

Camos 

Barry 

• 

Barry 

Camuile 

Canuille 

Bryan 

Chawent 

Chawent 

Bod  in 

Bodyt 

Chauncy 

Chancy 

Berteuile 

Berteuile 

Conderay 

Couderay 

Bertin 

Bertine 

Coluile 

Coluile 

Bereneuilc 

Chamberlaine 

Chamberlaine 

Bellewe 

Belew 

Chambemoun 

Chambemoune 

Beuery 

Com  in 

Busshell 

Bushell 

Columber 

The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


411 


Holinsbed,  p.  3. 

Stow*flChr.p.io5. 

HoUnshed,  p.  4. 

Stow*tChr.p.io5 

Cribett 

Cribet 

Cherecourt 

Cherecourt 

Creuquere 

Cammile 

Chaunuile 

Corbine 

Corbine 

Clerenay 

Clereney 

Corbett 

Corbet 

Curly 

Curley 

Coniers 

Cuily 

Chaundos 

Chaundos 

Clinels 

Coucy 

Chaundos 

Chaworth 

Chaworthe 

Courteney 

Cleremaus 

Claremaus 

Clifford 

Clifford 

Clarell 

Clarell 

Chopis 

Denauille 

Deanuile 

Camuine 

Dercy 

Dercy 

Chaunduit 

Chaunduyt 

Dine 

Dine 

Claruays 

Dispencere 

Dispencer 

Chantelow 

Chantilowe 

.  Daubeny 

Chamberay 

i  Daniell 

Daniell 

Colet 

1  Deuise 

Deuyse 

Creasy 

Cressy 

Druell 

Druell 

Curtenay 

Courtenay 

Deuaus 

Deuaus 

Conestable 

Constable 

Dauers 

Dauers 

Chaucer 

Dodingsels 

Doningsels 

Cholmeley 

Cholmelay 

;  Darell 

1 

Darell 

Champney 

Champeney 

'  Delaber 

De  la  Berc 

Chawnos 

Chawnos 

Delapole 

De  la  Pole 

Coiniuile 

Cornevile 

Delalinde 

De  la  Lind 

Champaine 

Champaine 

DelahiU 

De  la  HiU 

Carew 

Delaware 

De  la  Ware 

Careuile 

Claruaile 

Delauache 

De  la  Watch 

Carbonelle 

Carbonell 

Dakeny 

Dakeny 

Charles 

Charles 

Dauntre 

Dauntre 

Cherebergc 

Chareberge 

Desny 

Desnye 

Chawnes 

Chawnes 

Daberuounc 

Dabemoune 

Chaumont 

Chawmont 

Damry 

Damry 

Caperoun 

1  Daueros 

Daueros 

Cheine 

Cheyne 

1  Dauonge 

Curson 

Cursen 

;  Duilby 

CouiUe, 

Couell 

i  Delauerc 

De  la  Vere 

Chaiters 

Chayters 

Delahoid 

Cheines 

Cheyncs 

Durange 

Cateray 

Cateray 

Delee 

De  Liele 

41S 


7%e  RoU  of  Battel  Abbey. 


lloKnibed,  p.  4. 

Stow*flChr.p.i05. 

HoHnshed,  p.  4. 

Stow*tChr.p.io5. 

Delaund 

Fitz- Pain 

Fitz-Payne 

Delaward 

De  la  Warde 

Fitz-Auger 

Delaplanch 

De  la  Planch 

Fitz-Aleyn 

Fitz-Alyne 

Damnot 

Fitz.Rauff 

Fitz-Raulfe 

Dan  way 

Dan  way 

Fitz -Browne 

Fitz-Browne 

Dehense 

De  Hewse 

Fouke 

Foke 

Deuile 

Freuil 

Freuile 

Disard 

Disard 

Front  de  Boef 

Doiuille 

Facunberge 

Faconbridge 

Durant 

Durant 

Fort 

Drury 

Drury 

FriseU 

Frissell 

Dabitott 

Fitz- Simon 

Dunsteniile 

Fitz-Fouk 

Dunchampe 

Filioll 

Filioll 

Dambelton 

Fitz-Thomas 

Fitz-Thomas 

Fitz-Morice 

Fitz-Morice 

Estrange 

Estrange 

Fitz-Hugh 

Fitz-IIughc 

Estuteuile 

Estutauile 

Fitz-Henrie 

Ensaine 

Engayne 

Fitz-Warren 

Fitz-Warren 

Estriels 

Estriols 

Fitz-Rainold 

Euers 

Flamuile 

Faunuile 

Esturney 

Esturney 

Formay 
Fitz-Eustach 

Formay 

Ferrerers 

Fitz-Laurencc 

Foluille 

Foluile 

Formiband 

Formiband 

Fitz-Water 

Fitz-Water 

Frisound 

Frison 

Fitz-Marma- 

Fitz-Marma- 

Finere 

Finer 

duke 

duke 

Fitz-Robert 

Fitz-Robert 

Fleucz 

Fitz-Urc)' 

Filberd 

Fibert 

Furniuale 

Fumiuall 

Fitz- Roger 

Fitz- Roger 

Fitz-Geffrey 

Fanecourt 

Fanecourt 

Fitz-Herbert 

Fitz- Herbert 

Ferrers 

Fitz-Peres 

Fitz-Philip 

Fitz-Philip 

Fichet 

Filiot 

Fitz-Rewes 

Fumiueus 

Fitz-Fitz 

Furniuaus 

Fitz-John 

Fitz-John 

Fitz-Otes 

Fleschampe 

Fitz- William 

Fitz-William 

Fitz-Roand 

Gurnay 

The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


418 


llolinshed,  p.  4* 

Stow*ii  Chr.  p.  106. 

Holinshed,  p.  4. 

Stow*flChr.p.io6. 

Gressy 
Graunson 

Gargraue 
Graunson 

Hercy 

Herionn 

Heme 

Heme 

Gracy 
Georges 

Gracy 
Glaunvile 

Harecourt 

Henoure 

HoueU 

Gower 
Gaugy 
Goband 

Gouer 

Hamelin 

Harewell 

Harden 

Hamelyn 
Harewell 
Hardel 

Gray 
Gaunson 

Gascoyne 
Gray 

Haket 

Hamound 

Harcord 

Hecket 

Hamound 

Harecord 

Golofre 

Golofer 

Gobion 

Jarden 

Jarden 

Grensy 
Graunt 

Grauns 

Jay 
Jeniels 

Jay 

Greile 

Jerconuise 

Greuet 

Januile 

Janvile 

Gurry 

Gurley 

Grauimori 

Gurly 

Jasperaile 
Kaunt 

Jasper  vile 

Gernoun 

Karre 

Karre 

Grendon 

Karrowe 

Karron 

Gurdou 

Gurdon 

Keine 

Gines 

Kimaronne 

Griuel 

Greneuile 

Glateuile 

Kiriell 

Kancey 

Kenelre 

Kyriell 

Gumey 
Giffard 
Gouerges 
Gamages 

Gamages 
Gaunt 

Loueny 

Lacy 

Linneby 

Latomer 

Levony 
Lestrange 

Latomere 

Hannteney 
Haunsard 

Hansard 

Loueday 

Loueday 
Lc^enton 

Hastings 

Haulay 

HaureU 

Hastings 
Haulay 

Louell 
Lemare 

Levell 
Le  Scrope 
Lemare 

Husee 

Husie 

Leuetot 

414 


Tke  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


Holinshed,  p.  4* 

Lucy 
Luny 

Longespes 

Louerace 

Longechampe 

Lascales 

Lacy 

Louan 

Leded 

Logeuile 
Luse 

Loterell 

Loruge 

Longueale 

Loy 

Lorancourt 

Loions 

Limers 

Longepay 

Laumale 

Lane 

Louetot 


Stow*iiChr.p.io6. 

Litterile 
Lucy 

Lislay  or  Liele 
Longspes 

Longschampe 
Lascels 


Mohant 

Mowne 

Maundeuile 

Mannilon 

Moribray 

Moruile 

Miriell 

Manlay 

Malebraunch 

Malemaine 

Mortimere 


Lindsey 


Le  Vawse 
Loterell 

Longuaile 
Loy 


Lane 


Le  Dispenser 


Marmilon 
Moribray 
Morvile 

Manley 

Malebranch 

Malemaine 

Muschampe 


HoUnahed,  p.  4. 


Mortimaine 

Muse 

Mountbother 

Maleuile 

Marteine 

Mountsoler 

Malet 

Mounteney 

Monfichet 

Maleherbe 

Mare 

Musegros 

Musarde 

Moine 

Montrauers 

Merke 

Murres 

Mortiuale 

Moncbenesy 


Mallory 

Marny 

Mountagu 

Mountford 

Maule 

Monbermon 

Musett 

Meneuile 

Manteuenant 

Manfe 

Menpincoy 

Maine 

Mainard 

Morell 

Mainell 


Stow*flChr.p.io6w 

Musgraue 

Menilebillers 

Mortmaine 

Muse 

Mountbocher 

Malevile 

Marteine 


Mountney 

Maleberbe 

Musgros 
Musard 

Mautravers 

Merke 

Murres 


Montague 

Mantalent 

Manle 

Malory 

Memy 


Mauley 
Muffet 


Menpincoy 

Mainard 

MoreU 

Morley 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


415 


Holinshed,  p.  4. 

Stow*8Chr.p.io6. 

Hotinshfld,  p.  4. 

Stow'sChr.  p.106. 

Maleluse 

Noers 

Memorous 

Neuile 

Nevile 

Morreis 

Newmarch 

Neumarch 

Morleian 

Norton 

Maine 

Norbet 

Norbet 

Maleuere 

Norice 

Norece 

Mandut 

Mandute 

Newborough 

Newborough 

Mountmarten 

Mountmartin 

Neiremet 

Mantelet 

Neile 

Neele 

Miners 

Myners 

Normauile 

Norman  vile 

Mauclerke 

Neofmarche 

Maunchenell 

Nermitz 

Mouet 

Nembmtz 

Meintenore 

Meletak 

Oteuel 

Oteuel 

Manuile 

Olibet 

Olibef 

Mangisere 

■ 

Olifant 

Olifauib 

Maumasin 

Osenel 

Mountlouel 

Oisell 

Oysell 

Mawrewarde 

Olifard 

Oliford 

Mouhaut 

OrinaU 

MeUer 

OrioU 

Oryoll 

Mountgomeric 

Manlay 

Pigot 

Pigot 

Maularde 

Per[c]y 

Percy 

Mainard 

Perepount 

Perepount 

Menere 

Pershale 

Pershale 

Martinast 

Power 

Power 

Mare 

Paineil 

Pa3rnel 

Main  waring 

Mainwaring 

Perche 

Peche 

Matelay 

Pauey 

Mantell 

Peurell 

Peverell 

Malemis 

Perot 

Perot 

Maleheire 

Picard 

Picard 

Moren 

Pudsey 

Melun 

Pinkenie 

Marceans 

Pomeray 

Pimeray 

Maiell 

Mayel 

Pounce 

Pounsey 

Morton 

Morton 

Pauely 

• 

Paifrere 

416 


The  RoH  of  Battel  Abbey. 


Holiniihed,  p.  4. 

Stow^sChr.  p.io6. 

Holinshed,  p.  4. 

Stow'aChr.p.io(. 

Plukenet 

Risers 

Phuars 

Randuile 

Punchardoun 

Punchardon 

Roselin 

Pinchard 

Pynchard 

Rastoke 

Placy 

Placy 

Rinuill 

Pugoy 

Rougere 

Patefinc 

Rait 

Place 

Ripere 

Patine 

Rigny 

Pampilioun 

Pampilioii 

Richemound 

Richmond 

Percelay 

Rochford 

Rochford 

Perere 

Raimond 

Reymond 

Pekeny 

Pekeney 

Poterell 

Poterell 

Souch 

Seuche 

Peukeny 

Sheaile 

Peccell 

Seucheus 

Pinell 

Senclere 

PutrUl 

Sent  Quintin 

Seint  Quintine 

PetivoU 

Sent  Omere 

Seint  Omer 

Preaus 

Sent  Amond 

Seint  Amond 

Pantolf 

Sent  Legere 

Seint  Leger 

Peito 

Someruile 

Somervile 

Pervinke 

Si  ward 

Penecord 

Penicord 

Saunsouere 

Prendirlegast 

Sanford 

Sanford 

Percivale 

Sanctes 
Sauay 

Quincy 

Quincy 

Saulay 

Quintiny 

Quintine 

Sules 
Sorell 

R08 

Rose 

Somerey 

Somery 

Ridell 

Ridle 

Sent  John 

Riuers 

Sent  George 

Seint  George 

Riuell 

Ryuel 

Sent  Les 

Seint  Les 

Rous 

Rous 

Sesse 

Rushell 

Russel 

Saluin 

Savine 

Rahand 

Say 

Ronde 

Rond 

Solers 

Rie 

Saulay 

Rokell 

Seint  Glo 

The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


417 


HoKiiihed,  p.  5. 

Stow'tChr.p.107. 

Holhiahed,  p.  5. 

Stow*8Chr. 

Sent  Albin 

Seint  Albine 

Tolet 

Tolet 

Sent  Martin 

Travers 

Travers 

Sourdemale 

Taverner 

Taverner 

Seguin 

Trenchevile 

Sent  Barbe 

Seint  Barbe 

Trenchelion 

Sent  Vile 

Sandevile 

Tankenrile 

Souremount 

Tirel 

Tirel 

Soreglise 

Trivet 

Sandvile 

Tardevile 

Sauncey 

Turburvile 

Sirewast 

Tinevile 

Sent  Cheyerel 

Torel 

Torel 

Sent  More 

Seint  More 

Tortechappel 

Sent  Scude- 

Seint  Scude- 

Trusbote 

more 

more 

Treverel 
Tenwis 

Totelles 

Totels 

Towrs 

Toget 

Toget 

Tercy 

Vere 

Vere 

Talybois 

Vemoun 

Vemoune 

Tuchet 

Tuchet 

Vescy 

Tracy 

Verdoune 

Verdon 

Truslot 

Valence 

Valence 

Trousbut 

Trusbut 

Vancord 

Trainel 

Traynel 

Verdeire 

Verder 

Taket 

Taket 

Vavasour 

Vavasour 

Trison 

Vendore 

Vender 

Talbot 

Talbot 

Verlay 

Verlay 

Touny 

Valenger 

Traies 

Venables 

Venables 

Trussel 

Troasel 

Venoure 

Venoure 

ToUemacb 

Vilan 

Vilan 

T0I0U8 

Verland 

Verland 

Tanny 

Tanny 

Valers 

Touke 

Veimy 

Vemy 

Tibtote 

Tibtote 

Vavurvil 

Turbevile 

Turbevile 

Veniels 

Turvile 

Turvile 

Verrere 

Tomy 

Uschere 

FULLER,  VOL.  I. 

B  e 

418 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


HoIinBhed,  p.  5. 
VeiFay 
Vanay 
Vian 

Stow'sChr.p.io;. 

HoUnahed,  p.  5. 
Valenges 

Wardebois 

8low*iChr.] 
Wardebos 

Vernoys 

Venioi« 
Umframvile 

Ward 

Walenger 
Warde 

Urnal 

Umall 

Wafre 

Unket 

Unket 

Wake 

Wake 

Umaful 

\N  areine 

Waren 

Vasderol 

Wate 

Wate 

Vaberon 

Watelin 

Wateline 

Valingford 

Venicorde 

Valive 

Watevile 

Wely 

Werdonel 

Watevile 
Woly 

Viville 
Vancorde 

Vancord 

V^  espaile 
Wivell 

Wvvel. 

The  total  sum  of  all  in  Ralph  Holinshed,     629. 
The  total  sum  of  all  in  John  Stow,  407. 


Besides  this  roll  of  Battel-abbey,  there  is  another 
extant,  not,  as  this,  alphabetically  modelled,  the 
work  of  some  monk  well  at  leisure,  but  loose,  with- 
out any  literal  order.  An  argimient,  in  my  opinion, 
of  the  more  native  purity  thereof,  less  soiled  with 
partial  fingers,  as  not  so  much  tampered  with  by  art 
and  industry.  It  is  reputed  by  many  to  be  the 
muster-roll  of  such  principal  soldiers  as  embarked 
with  duke  William  at  St.  Valeries :  and  it  is  said 
that  after  the  fight  ended,  this  list  was  called  over, 
and  all  persons  solemnly  summoned  to  answer  to 
their  names  therein;  though  many  made  no  vous- 
aveZf  as  either  sick  of  their  wounds,  or  slain  outright 
amongst  the  six  thousand  and  odd  which  lost  their 
lives  on  the  place.  Were  we  assured  hereof,  we 
would  prefer  this  before  the  former  roll,  believing  a 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey, 


419 


French  muster-master  rather  than  any  English  monk» 
(though  the  abbot  of  Battel  himself,)  as  not  so  subject 
to  the  suspicion  of  English  flattery  herein.  This  cata- 
logue is  taken  out  of  Guilliaume  Tayleur,  a  Norman 
chronicler  of  good  credit ;  but  the  worst  is,  we  want 
Tayleur's  French  original,  and  I  fear  it  hath  passed 
through  some  botcher's  hands  before  it  came  to  us. 
For  there  be  three  editions  thereof  in  our  English 
historians,  which,  like  the  feet  of  a  badger,  fall  out 
of  unequal  length,  if  the  reader  be  pleased  to  mea- 
sure them,  so  different  the  number  of  names  therein. 
However,  because  this  catalogue  may  conduce  to  the 
supplying  of  defects,  clearing  of  doubts,  and  amend- 
ing of  faults  in  that  former,  we  here  present  the 
several  copies  thereof*. 


A  [I  have  ventured  to  diverge 
a  little  from  the  text  in  print- 
ing the  following  names.  The 
lists  as  given  by  Fox  and  Stow 
stand  in  the  same  order  as  be- 
fore, but  the  arrangement  of 
that  Arom  Holinshed  has 
been  slightly  varied,  in  order 
that  like  names  might  stand 
on  the  same  line,  and  so  the 
reader  be  enabled  at  a  glance 
to  observe  the  discrepancies 
of  the  various  chroniclers.  The 
list  from  Fox  agrees,  as  ^eir  as 
I  can  discover,  more  nearly 
than  the  others  with  the  an- 
cient copies  of  the  Roll;  and 


next  to  this,  the  one  from  Ho- 
linshed. The  greater  number 
of  names  in  the  last  mentioned 
writer  is  remarkable;  some  are 
merely  repeated  with  a  slight 
variation  in  the  spelling :  and 
these  have  been  placed  toge- 
ther for  the  convenience  of  the 
reader.  Stow's  Ijst  is  full  of 
misprints;  the  grossest  of  which 
I  have  ventured  to  correct. 
Other  copies  of  the  Roll  and 
lists  of  names  will  be  found  at 
the  end  of  Du  Chesne's  Scrip- 
tores  Normanici,  and  in  Wace's 
Chronicle,  which  has  of  late 
been  very  judiciously  edited.] 


E  e  S 


4^0 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


Fox,  Acts  and  Mon.p.356. 
Odo  bishop  of  Bayeux 
Robert  count  de  Mor- 
taigne,    duke    Wil- 
liam's half  brethren. 
Baudwin  de  Buillon 
Roger  count  de  Beau- 
mont,surnamed  with 
the  beard. 
Guillaume  Malet 

Le  sire   de  Monfbrt 

sur  Rille 
Guil.  de  Viexpont 
Neel    de    S.   Saveur 

le  Viconte 
Le  sire  de  Fougiers 
Henry    Seigneur    de 

Ferieres 
Le  sire  Daubemare 
Guil.  sire  de  Romare 
Le  sire  de  Lithehare 
Le  sire  de  Touque 
Le  sire  de  la  Mare 
Le  sire  de  Neauhou 
Le  sire  de  Peirou 
Rob.  sire  de  Beaufou 
Le  sire  Danou 
Le  sire  de  Stoteville 
Le  sire  deMargneville 

Le  sire  de  Tancarville 

Eustace  Dabeville 


Stow,  Chron.  p.  10^ 

Odo  bishop  of  Bayon 
Robert  earl  of  Mor. 
taigne 

Bandonni  de  Buillon 
Roger  earl  of  Beamont 
with  the  beard 

Guilliam  Mallet 
Guil.  Fitz  Osberne 
Le  sire  de  Montfort 

sus  RiUe 
Guil.  de  Vielz  pont 
Neel  de  Saint  Saveur 

le  vicont 
Le  sire  de  Feugiers 
Henry  sire  de  Ferrers 

Le  sire  Dambemare 
Guil.  sire  de  Romare 
Le  sire  de  Lithare 
Le  sire  de  Touque 
Le  sire  de  la  Mare 
Le  sire  de  Nahalhou 
Le  sire  de  Pirou 
Le  sire  de  Beaufou 
Le  sire  de  Damnou 
Le  sire  de  Stoteville 
Le   sire   de  Margne- 

ville 
Le  sire    de   Tanker- 

ville 
Eustace  Dambleville 


Le  sire  de  Magneville     Le  sire  de  Magneville 


Le  sire  de  Grantmesnil 

Guil.  Crespin 

Le  sire  de  S.  Martin 


Le  sire  de  GrimsviUe 

Guil.  Crespin 

Le  sire  de  S.  Martin 


HoUndMdy  Chitm.  p.  s. 
Odo  bishop  of  Bayeulx 
Robert  earl  of  Mor. 

taing 


Roger  earl  of  Beau- 
mont, sumamed  a  la 
Barbe 

Guillaume  Mallet 

seig.  de  Montfort 

GuiL  de  Vepont 
Neel  le  viconte 

seig.  de  Fougieres 
Henry  seign.  de  Fer- 
rers 
Guil.  d'Aubellemare 
Guil.    de    Roumare 
seig.  de  Luthare 
Le  seig.  d(  Touque 
Le  seig.  de  la  Mare 
Le  seig.  de  Neausboa 
Le  seig.  de  Perou 
Robert  de  Beaufou 
Le  seig.  Deauvon 
Le  seig.  de  Stotevile 
Le  seig.  de  Maanevile 

The  earl  of  Tanquer- 
vile 

Eustace  de  Amble- 
vile 

Le  seig.  de  Magne- 
ville 

Le  seig.  de  Grosmentl 

Guil.  Crespin 

Le  seig.  de  S.  Martin 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


421 


Fox,  Acts  and  Mon. p.  336. 

Guil.  de  Moulins 
JjQ  sire  de  Puis 
GeofiVay  sire  de  May- 

enne 
Onfrei  de  Bohon 
Onfrei,    et    Maugier 

de  Cartrai 
Guil.  de  Grarcnne 
Hue  de  Gournay,  sire 

de  Bray 

Le     conte    Hue    de 

Groumay 
Euguemont  de  T  Aigle 

le  viconte  de  Touars 
Rich.  Dauverenchin 

Le  sire  de  Biars 
Le  sire  de  Solligny 
Le    Bouteiller    Dau- 

bigny 
Le  sire  de  Maire 
Le  sire  de  Vitry 
Le  sire  de  Lacy 
Le  sire  du  val  Desaire 
Le  sire  de  Tracy 

Hue  sire  de  Montfort 
Le  sire  de  Piquegny 
Hamon  de  Kayen 
Le  sire  Despinay 
Le  sire  de  Port 
Le  sire  de  Corey 
Le  sire  de  lort 
Le  sire  de  Reviers 
Gruil.  Moyonne 
RaoulTaisson  de  Cin. 
gueleiz 


Stow,  Chnm.  p.  103. 

Guil.  de  Moulinous 
Le  sire  de  Pins 
Gieflray  sire  de  May- 

enne 
Anfroy  de  Bohunt 
Anfroy  et  Maugier  de 

Cartraict 
Guil.  de  Garennes 
Hue  de  Gournay,  sire 

de  le  Bray 

Le    conte    Hue     de 

Gournay 
Enguemount  deLaigle 

Le  vicont  de  Touars 
Rich.  Douremchin 

Le  sire  de  Biars 
Le  sire  de  Solligny 
Le    Boutellier    Dau- 

bigny 
Le  sire  de  Marre 
Le  sire  de  Victry 
Le  sire  de  Lacy 
Le  sire  du  vail  Darie 
Le  sire  de  Tracy 

Hue  sire  de  Montfort 
Le  sire  de  Piqgny 
Hamon  de  Kayen 
Le  sire  Despinay 
Le  sire  de  Port 
Le  sire  de  Corchy 
Le  sire  de  Jort 
Le  sire  de  Rivers 
Guil.  Moyon 
Raoul    Tesson    de 
Chinguelois 


Holinshed,  Cbron.  p.  a. 
Guil.  Desmoullins 
Le  seig.  de  Puis 
Geoffray  de  Maienne 
Geoffray  Boumom 

Aunfray  and  Mauger 

de  Carterey 
Guil.  Desgarennes 
Hue  de  Gourney,  alias 

Genevay  le  seig.  de 

Bray 
Hue  earl  of  Gourney 

Egremont  de  Laigle 
le  seig.  de  Laigle 
Le  seig.  de  Touarz 
Richard  d*Aurenchin 
le  seig.  de  Aurenchin 
Le  seig.  de  Biarz 
Le  seig.  de  Soulligny 
Boutellier  d'Aubigny 

Le  seig.  de  Marcey 
Le  seig.  de  Vitrey 
Le  seig.  de  Lachy 
Le  seig.  de  Valdere 
Le   seig.   de   Trassy, 

alias  Tracy 
Eulde  de  Montfort 
Le  seig.  de  Picquigny 
Henoyn  de  Cahien 
Le  seig.  d'Espinay 
Osmond  seig.  du  Port 
Le  seig.  de  Corchy 

Guil.  de  Movion 
Guil.  de  Moyenne 
Raoul  Tesson  de  Cin- 
glois 


422 


The  RoU  of  Battel  Abbey, 


Fox,  Acts  and  Mon.  p.  336. 
Roger  Marmion 
Raoul  de  Ghiel 
Avenal  des  Byars 
Hubert  Paiennel  des 

Monstiers 
Rob.  Bertran  le  Tort 

Le  sire  de  Seulle 
Le  sire  de  Dorival 
Le  sire  de  Brehal 
Le  sire  de  S.  Jehan 
Le  sire  de  Bris 
Le  sire  du  Homme 
Le  sire  de  Sauchhoy 
Le  sire  de  Cailly 
Le  sire  de  Semilly 
Le  sire  de  Tilly 
Le  sire  de  Romelli 
Mar.  de  Basqueville 

Le  sire  de  Praels 
Le  sire  de  Oovis 
Le  sire  de  Sainteals 
Le  sire  de  Moulloy 
Le  sire  de  Monceaulx 

The  archers  du  val  de 

Reul,  and   of  Bre- 

theul,  and  of  many 

other  places. 

Le  sire  de  S.  Saen,  i. 

de  S.  Sydonio 
Le  sire  de  la  Riviere 
Le    sire    de    Salnar- 

ville 
Le  sire  de  Tony 
Eude  de  Beaugieu 
Le  sire  de  Oillie 
Le  sire  de  Lacie 
Le  sire  de  Nassie 


Stow,  Chron.  y,  103. 
Rogier  Marmion 
Raoul  de  Grael 
Avenel  de  Biars 
Parnel  du  Monstier 
Robert  Hubert 

Bertram  le  Tort 

Le  sire  de  Seulle 
Le  sire  de  Doriual 
Le  sire  de  Breuall 
Le  sire  de  S.  Jehan 
Le  sire  de  Bris 
Le  sire  de  Homme 
Le  sire  de  Saussay 
Le  sire  de  Cailly 
Le  sire  de  Semilly 
Le  sire  de  Tilly 
Le  sire  de  Romely 
Martell  de  Basquevill 

Le  sire  de  Praux 
Le  sire  de  Govys 
Le  sire  de  Sainteaulx 
De  Mulloiv 


These  archers  of  the 
vale  of  Rueill,  and 
of  Bretviel,  and  of 
many  other  places. 

Le  sire  de  S.  Saen 

Le  sire  de  la  Rivier 
Le  sire  de  Salnaruille 

Le  sire  de  Tony 
Eude  de  Beaugieu 
Le  sire  de  Oillie 
Le  sire  de  Sacy 
Le  sire  de  Nassie 


flolinshiwl,  Chroo.  p.  s. 

Roger  Marmion 
Raoul  de  Gkuel 
Avenal  de  Biers 
Paunel    du    Montier 

Hubert 
Rob.  Bertram  le  Tort 


Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  sieg. 
Le  si^. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 

ville 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Le  seig. 
Leseig. 


de  Seulle 
Dorival 
de  Brehal 
de  S.  John 
de  Brys 
de  Houme 
de  Souchoy 
deCally 
de  Semilly 
de  TiUy 
de  Roumilly 
.  de  Basque* 

de  Preaux 
de  Gouy 
de  Senlys 
de  Meuley 
de  Monceaux 


The  archers  of  Bret- 

uile 
The  archers  of  Vau- 

dreuile 
Le  seig.  de  S.  Sain 

Le  seig.  de  la  Rivere 


Le  seig.  de  Tony 
Euldes  de  Beavieu 

Le  seig.  de  Sassy 
Le  seig.  de  Nassy 


The  RoU  ofBatUl  Abbey. 


423 


Foi,  Acta  uid  Hon.  p.  3  36. 
Le  ViBdams  de 

Chajmes 
Le  sire  da  Sap 
Le  sire  de  Glos 
Le  sire  de  Mine 

Le  sire  de  Glandlle 
Le  sire  de  Breencon 

Le  Vidam  de  Partay 
Raonl  de  Morimont 
Pierre  de  Bailleal 
sire  de  Fiscamp 

Le  sire  de  Beau^eialt 
Le  sire  de  Tillieres 
Le  sire  de  Pacy 
Le  Seneschal  de  Corey 


Le  sire  de  Ghu;y 
Le  sire  de  Doully 
Le  sire  de  Sacy 
Le  sire  de  Vacy 
Le  sire  de  Toumeeur 
Le  sire  de  Praeres 
Guil.de  Coulombieres 


Hue  sire  de  BoUebec 
Rich,  sire  d'Orbec 
Le  sire  de  Bonneboz 


Stow,  Chroo.  p.  103. 

Le  Visduams    de 

Chaymes 
Le  sire  de  Sap 
Le  sire  Duglosse 
Le  sire  de  Nime 

Le  sire  de  Blamyille 
Le  sire  de  Brencon 

Le  vidam  de  Partenay 
Raoult  de  Mormont 
Pierre  de  Bailleul 
sire  de  Fescamp 

Le  sire  de  Beau^eiult 
Le  sire  dc  Tillieres 
Le  sire  de  Pacy 
Le  seneschall  de  Cor- 
chy 

Le  sire  de  Gacy 
Le  sire  de  Doully 
Le  sire  de  Sancy 
Le  sire  de  Vacy 
Le  sire  de  Tourneur 
Le  sire  de  Praores 
Guilliam   de   Colom- 
bieres 

Hue  sire  de  Bollebec 
Richart  sire  Dorbec 
Le  sire  de  Bonnebos 


Le  sire  de  Tresgoz 
Le  sire  de  Montfiqaet 
Hue  le  Bigot  de  Ma- 

letot 
Le  sire  de  la  Have 


Le  sire  de  Troisgots 
Le  sire  Mont  Fiquet 
Hue   le   Bigot,   alias 

Bigot  de  Maletot 
Le  sire  de  la  Haye 


Holinahed,  Chron.  p.  3. 
lie  Vidam  de  Chames 

Le  seig.  du  Sap 
Le  seig.  de  Glots 

Le  seig.  de  Vanville 
Le  seig.  de  Blainvile 
Le  seig.  Branchou 
Le  seig.  de  Breansou 
Le  Vidam  du  Passais 

Pierre     du     Ballieul 

seig.  de  Fescampe 
Le  seig.  BaUeul 
Le  seig.  de  Beaufault 
Le  seig.  de  Telleres 
Le  seig.  de  Passy 
Le  seneschal  de  Cor- 

chy 
Le  seig.  Torchy 
Le  seig.  de  Ghusey 

Le  seig.  de  Saussy 
Le  seig.  de  Vassey 
Le  seig.  de  Tourneur 
Le  seig.  de  Preaux 
Guil.  de  Colombieres, 

le  seig.  de  Colom- 

bieres 
Le  seig.  de  Bollebec 
Richard  Dorebec 
Le   seig.  de  Bonne- 

bauz 
Le  seig.  de  Bamabost 

Le  seig.  du  Monfiquet 
Le  seig.  de  Malletot 

Le  seig.  de  la  Hay 


424 


The  Roll  of  Baud  Abbey. 


Fox,  Aoti  and  Mod.  p.  336.  Stow,  Chron.  p- 103. 


Le  sire  de  Breey 
Le  sire  de  Moabray 
Le  sire  de  Saye 
Le  sire  de  la  Ferte 
Boateviilain 
Troussebout 
OoiUaume  Patric  de 
la  Laund 

Hae  de  Mortemer 
Le  sire  Dauviller 
Le  sire  Donnebaut 
Le  sire  de  S.  Cler 
Rob.  fils  Herneys  due 

d'Orleans 
Le  sire  de  Harecourt 

Le  sire  de  Crevecoeur 
Le  sire  de  Dryncourt 
Le  sire  de  Brencort 
Le  sire  de  Combray 
Le  sire  Daunay 
Le  sire  de  Fontenay 
Le  conte  Deureux 
De  sire  de  Reberchil 
Alain  Fergant,  conte 

de  Bretaigne 
Le  sire  de  S.  Vallery 

Le  conte  Dou 
Gualtier  Giffard  conte 
de  Longueville 

Le  sire  Destouteville 
Le     conte,    Thomas 

Daubmalle 
Guii.contedeHuymes, 

et  Darques 


Le  sire  de  Braey 
Le  sire  de  Moubray 
Le  sire  de  Say 
Le  sire  de  Lafert 
Bontevillain 
TrouasiAxmt 
Gailliam  Patrit  de  la 
Land 

Hue  de  Mortimer 
Le  sire  Donviller 
Le  sire  Donnebaut 
Le  sire  de  S.  Cler 
Robert  le  Fitz  Her. 
neys  duke  Dorleans 
Le  sire  de  Harecourt 

Le  sire  Crevecure 
Le  sire  de  Drencourt 
Le  sire  de  Bremetot 
Le  sire  de  Cambray 
Le  sire  Dauney 
Le  sire  Fonteney 
Le  counte  Deureux 
Le  sire  de  Roberchil 
Alan  Fergent  counte 

de  Britaigne 
Le     sire     de     sainct 

Wallery 
Le  counte  Dedeu 
Gualter      Giffart. 
counte  de  Longue- 
ville 
Le  sire  de  Stouteville 
Le     counte    Thomas 

Daubmale 
Gull,  de  Hoimes    et 
Darques 


HoUnihady  Chroo.  p.  s. 

Le  sag.  de  la  Hais 

Malerbe 
Le  seig.  de  Breaey 
Le  seig.  de  Moabray 

Le  seig.  de  la  Ferte 


GhiiL  Patris,  seig.  de 

la  Lande 
Le  seig.  de  la  Lande 
Eulde  de  Mortimer 
Le  seig.  de  Danrillers 
Le  seig.  de  Ennebault 
Le  seig.  de  S.  Cler 
Rob.  fils  HemaySyduc 

de  Orleans 
Errand  earl  of  Har- 

court 
Le  seig.  de  Creveceur 

Le  seig.  de  Bremetot 


Le  seig.  de  Fontnay 
The  earl  of  Eureux 

Alain  Fergant  earl  of 

Britaigne 
Le  seig.  de  S.  Valery 

The  earl  d'Eu 
Le  seig.  de  Longue- 
ville 
Le  seig.  de  Longveile 
Le  seig.  deEstoutevile 
Thomas    earl    d'Au- 

male 
The  earl  de  Hiesmes 


The  RoU  qfBatUl  Abbey. 


485 


Fox,  Acti  and  MoQ.p.  336. 
Le  sire  de  Bereville 
Le  sire  de  Breante 
Le  sire  de  Freanville 
Le  sire  de  Pavilly 
Le  sire  de  Clere 
Toustan  du  Bac 
Le  sire  de  Maugny 
Roger  de  Montgomery 

Amaory  de  Touars. 


Stow,  Chron.  p.  103. 

Le  sire  de  Barrevile 
Le  sire  de  Breaute 
Le  sire  de  Freanvile 
Le  sire  de  Pauilly 
Le  sire  de  Clere 
Tostam  du  bee 
Le  sire  de  Maugny 
Roger     da    Montgo- 
mery Comes 
Almary  de  Touaers. 


Holinsbedy  Chxtm.  p.  4. 

Le  seig.  de  Bervile 
Le  seig.  de  Breaute 
Le  seig.  de  Freanvile 
Le  seig.  de  Pavilly. 
Le  seig.  de  Clere 

Le  seig.  de  Magny 
Roger  de  Montgomery 

Amaury  de  Touars. 


There  is  still  another  catalogue,  late  in  the  pos- 
session of  Thomas  Scriven,  esquire.  I  confess,  qtian' 
tus  author^  tanta  fides ;  and  the  gentleman,  long  since 
dead,  being  generally  unknown,  some  will  question 
the  authority  thereof.  But  know  he  was  a  good 
promus-^ondus  of  ancient  records.  Condus^  in  keep- 
ing them  faithfully  himself,  and  promfis^  in  imparting 
them  freely  to  others.  This  his  catalogue  is  exem- 
plified by  John  Stow  in  his  chronicle.  Of  whom 
though  a  Cambridge  comedian  was  pleased  pleasantly 
to  say,  that  ^^  Mendacio  now  and  then  jogged  on  the 
"  elbow,"  yet  indeed  he  deserveth  Camden's  com- 
mendation of  a  famous  chronicler,  lacking  learning 
rather  than  truth,  seldom  omitting  what  is,  some- 
times recording  what  is  not  observable^.  But  see 
the  catalogue*^. 


a  [The  name  of  Thomas 
Scriven,  esq.  occurs  in  Blow's 
Survey,  p.  470,  as  a  benefactor 
to  the  parish  of  St.  Leonard's 
Shoreditch.] 

^    Camden    in    Middlesex, 


[P-3H] 

t  Stow's    Chron.    p.    107. 

[This  list  is  printed  most  in- 
accurately in  Stow.  The  more 
remarkable  blunders  have  been 
corrected  in  the  text.] 


426 


The  RoU  qfBaUd  AVtey. 


Achard 

Bracy 

Curthose 

Foaaard 

Averenges 

Brenenile 

Chamlin 

Freael 

Aielard 

Bounttuile 

Costentin 

Frevile 

Alard 

Butevile 

Comthense 

Fressevile 

Aubeney 

Beauchampe 

Cozmit 

Folenile 

Avenel 

Bumel 

Chalenges 

Firmunde 

Asprevil 

Bussel 

Chastlem 

Fizgeffray 

Audeny 

Beleice 

Courtney 

Firpera 

Akine 

Bonere 

Chawerd 

Fitzwatera 

Arcy 

Bodler 

Curcy 

Feskampe 

Amile 

Botiler 

Connn 

Fizhu 

Amnndivile 

Bigod 

Crioile 

Fizurs 

Abbevile 

Burle 

Clialers 

Ferrer 

Andvile 

Baul 

Cben 

Fomitall 

Albemarle 

Brenbe 

Chaucer 

Fienea 

Aubrey 

Brua 

Chandos 

Fitzbrian 

Archer 

Butelem 

Cunly 

Frison 

Bastarde 

Bricourt 

Curly 

Ferera 

Baignard 

Brian 

Crely 

Foljambe 

Barvile 

Botes 

Colerile 

Frignea 

Brassard 

Bohun 

Cabot 

Fitzgariz 

Berad 

Bion 

Chamel 

Formentin 

Boygnard 

Bailiol 

Chamel 

Orange 

Baskarvile 

Brocheris 

Clarel 

Grevile 

Baret 

Bardulfe 

Cheinie 

Gienuile 

Basset 

Bancan 

Darcy 

Gomuvile 

Bars 

Bussey 

Dunstervile 

Gemule 

Belet 

Beamuis 

Douchampe 

Gerard 

BeU 

Bleis 

Despenser 

Giffard 

Breit 

Baventre 

Duredent 

Gondrel 

Boneit 

Cavile 

DriveU 

Gorger 

Bluet 

Carevile 

Duket 

Gomer 

Brachet 

Cardevile 

Dreward 

Gigod 

Buket 

Condrey 

Delamare 

Gaibit 

Biset 

Cresey 

Druvall 

Giptot 

Blundel 

Caution 

Dela 

Gkurin 

Burdet 

Caily 

Deincourt 

Gunter 

Blete 

Corbet 

D*£ureus 

Gray 

Barry 

Clare 

f^tetkirke 

Grauntson 

Berri 

Curtais 

Faherburt 

Goumay 

The  RoU  ofBcatel  Abbey. 


427 


Greis 

Lovell 

Morley 

Pales 

Gamage 

Lescei 

Martinas 

Prouz 

Gautere 

Lambert 

Murdacke 

Pirim 

Gorge 

Lenn 

Metun 

Peisim 

Hainule 

Limare 

Mameisin 

Parteben 

Hantvile 

Lisle 

Mohan 

Puntfrait 

Humchampe 

Lo 

Mare 

Quinci 

Herebrace 

Maignard 

Molins 

Quatrimare 

Henile 

Maureward 

Neumarch 

Russel 

Herenile 

Mountford 

Nepunt 

Ryvel 

Havel 

Mountague 

Omiall 

Rivers 

Hachet 

Mountbray 

Osevile 

Rochvile 

Haket 

Maundevile 

Orware 

Rooz 

Harvy 

Mortimer 

Passemer 

Richmoant 

Hanesy 

Mansel 

Passenaunt 

Seintevile 

Hussy 

Maschy 

• 

Pigot 

Somery 

Hai 

Mungomer 

Poorvanger 

Say 

Hasard 

Morvile 

Pers 

Soneli 

Hansard 

Meisy 

Purcel 

Sorel 

Hasser 

Munty 

Pichard 

Seteplace 

Hubert 

Mountein 

Pypard 

Spivenile 

Hamelin 

Mulet 

Pamel 

Saundervile 

Harecurte 

Mumfitchet 

Panel 

Sonule 

Hus 

Martell 

Piterel 

Soler 

Hense 

Morell 

Peverel 

Sourrile 

lardin 

Musard 

Pleisy 

Stutevile 

Kernes 

Mallet 

PaVeli 

Soleny 

Keines 

Milere 

Pilet 

Spigumel 

Kosin 

Molevorer 

Parly 

Seintbrevel 

Kamais 

Mautravers 

Palet 

Soylard 

Laci 

Moreiis 

Piket 

Swywar 

Liar 

Muelent 

Percy 

Saucer 

Lunecy 

Meigne 

Punchet 

Sansaver 

Luret 

Melvil 

Pachet 

Seniler 

Lucy 

Manne 

Ponis 

Saintcler 

Lidet 

Mareis 

Pandulfe 

Seintomer 

Longuevile 

Marmion 

Pulem 

Seintleger 

Levener 

Mortem 

Penir 

Saundenal 

Licot 

Maufey 

Penne 

Savage 

Lonecot 

Maresthall 

Phanecourt 

Seintion 

4S8 


The  RoU  ofBatld  Abbey. 


Saint-martin 

Toret 

Trussebut 

Venur 

Saucei 

Tavit 

Toe 

Vayasur 

Sal 

Turpet 

Tailpas 

Vaus 

Seignes 

TMamel 

Truan 

Wodeyile 

Seintlis 

Torchapel 

Tener 

Wimle 

Seintmoris 

Tonny 

Tisiure 

Wilby 

Seintgorge 

Trussel 

Tayleboys 

Watvile 

Seintiore 

Tuchet 

Verer 

Ward 

Seint-quintin 

Torevile 

Vilers 

Wyschard 

Seintmore 

Trevet 

Vescy 

Waldeboef 

Sauntpire 

Tirel 

Vmfravile 

Wastueis 

Saintchy 

Trans 

VeUy 

Warer 

Setuans 

Talebot 

Valens 

Weirim 

Seinte-royiz 

Turbevile 

Veisin 

Yuoire. 

Seintelnie 

Tracy 

Vorill 

To  these  six  catalogues  let  me  add  one  more ;  not 
that  I  am  an  affecter  of  a  septenary  number,  but  be- 
cause confident  it  is  the  best  and  most  authentic  of 
all  the  rest.  I  find  it  in  Mr.  Fox*;  but  surely  col- 
lected by  some  more  skilful  than  himself  in  this 
kind,  out  of  several  ancient  chronicles.  It  containeth 
such  persons  who  after  the  battle  were  advanced  to 
seignories  in  this  land.  It  presenteth  us  only  with 
the  initial  letters  of  their  Christian  names,  save  for 
the  first  seven  therein.  And  although  hereby  we 
are  left  at  an  uncertainty  as  whether  G.  signifieth 
George  or  Gilbert,  J,  James  or  John,  yet  more  than 
a  conjecture  may  be  made  by  observing  what  Chris- 
tian name  was  predominant  in  their  posterity. 


^  Acts  and  Mou.  I.  237.  [ed.  1641.] 


The  Roll  of  BaUel  Ahbey. 


4S9 


John  de  Maunderile 
Adam  Vndevile 
Bernard  de  Frevile 
Rich,  de  Rochvile 
Gilbert  de  Frankvile 
Hugo  de  Dovile 
Symond  de  Rotevile 
R.  de  Evile 

B.  de  Kneuvile 
Hugo  de  Morvile 
R.  de  Cole^ile 
A.  de  Warvile 

C.  de  Kandle 
R.  de  Rotevile 
S.  de  Stotevile 
H.  Bohum 

I.  Mohum 
W.  de  Vignoum 
K.  de  Vispount 
W.  Bailbeof 
8.  de  Baleyn 
H.  de  Marreys 
I.  Aguleyne 

0.  Agilon 

R.  Chamburlayne 
N.  de  Vendres 
H.  de  Verdon 
H.  de  Verto 
C.  de  Vernon 
H.  Hardnl 
C.  Cappan 
W.  de  Camvile 

1.  de  Gamoyea 
R.  de  Roz 

R.  de  Boys 
W.  de  Waren 
T.  de  Wardboys 
R.  de  Boys 
W.  de  Audely 
K.  Djrnham 


R.  de  Vaures 

0.  de  Argenteen 

1.  de  Hastings 

0.  de  Hastank 
L.  de  Burgee 
R.  de  Butvileyn 
H.  de  Malebranch 
S.  de  Malemain 
G.  de  Hautevile 
H.  Hauteyn 

R.  de  Morteyn 
R.  de  Mortimer 
G.  de  Kanovile 
£.  de  Columb 
W.  Paynel 
C.  Fanner 
H.  Pontrel 

1.  de  Rivers 
T.  de  Reuile 

W.  de  Beauchamp 
R.  de  Beaupale 
£.  deOu 

F.  Lovel 

S.  de  Troys 

I.  de  Artel 

I.  de  Montebru^^ 

H.  de  Mountesorel 

W.  Trussebut 

W.  Trussell 

H.  Byset 

R.  Basset 

R.  Molet 

H.  Malovile 

G.  Bonet 

P.  de  Bonvile 
S.  de  Rovile 
N.  de  Norbeck 
I.  de  Comeux 
P.  de  Corbet 
W.  de  Monntagne 


S.  de  Mountfychet 
I.  de  G^evyle 
H.  Gyffard 
I.  de  Say 
T.  Gilbard 
R.  de  Chalons 
S.  de  Chauward 
H.  Ferret 
Hugo  Pepard 
I.  de  Harecourt 
H.  de  Haunsard 
I.  de  Lamare 
P.  de  Mautrevers 
G.  de  Ferron 
R.  de  Ferrers 
I.  de  D'esty 
W.  do  Werders 
H.  de  Bomevile 
I.  de  Saintdenys 
S.  de  Synder 
R.  de  Gorges 
£.  de  Gomere 
W.  de  Fens 
S.  de  Filberd 
H.  de  Turbervile 
R.  Troblemer 
R.  de  Angon 
T.  de  Morer 
T.  de  Rotelet 
H.  de  Spencer 
R.  de  St.  Quentin 
I.  de  Saint  Martin 
G.  de  Custan 
Saint  Constantin 
Saint  Leger  e/  Sain 

Med. 
M.  de  Cronu  ti  de 

S.Viger 
S.  de  Crayel 
R.'de  Crenker 


4S0 


The  R6U  qfBaUd  Abbey. 


N.  Meyvel 

I.  de  Beraers 

S.  de  Chumly 

£.  de  Charers 

I.  de  Grey 

W.  de  Grangers 

S.  de  Grangers 

S.  Baudevyn 

H.  Vamgers 

£.  Bertram 

R.  Bygot 

S.  Treoly 

I.  Trigos 

G.  de  f*eme8 

H.  Foliot 

R.  Taperyn 

S.  Talbot 

H.  Sauntsaver 

T.  de  Samford 

G.  de  Vandieu 

C.  de  Vautort 

G.  de  Mountague 

Tho.  de  Chambernon 

S.  de  Montfort 

R.  de  Fernevaulx 

W.  de  Valence 

T.  Clarel 

S.  de  Clenraus 

P.  de  Aubermale 

H.  de  Saint  Arvant 

£.  de  Auganuteys 

S.  de  Gant 

G.  de  Malearbe 

H.  Mandut 

W.  de  Chesun 

L.  de  Chandut 


R.  Fitzurz 

B.  Vicount  de  Low 

G.  de  Cantemere 

T.  de  Cantlow 

R.  Breaunce 

T.  de  Broxeboof 

S.  de  Bolebec 

B.  Mol  de  Boef 

I.  de  Muelis 

R.  de  Brus 

S.  de  Brewes 

I.  de  Lille 

T.  de  BeUUe 

I.  de  Water  vile 

G.  de  Nevile 

R.  de  Neuburgh 

H.  de  Burgoyne 

G.  de  Bourgh 

S.  de  Lymogee 
L.  de  Lyben 
W.  de  Helyoun 
W.  de  Hilderbron 
R.  de  Loges 
S.  de  Saint  Low 
I.  de  Maubank 
P.  de  Saint  Malow 
R.  de  Leofern 
I.  de  Lovetot 
G.  de  Dabbevile 
H.  de  Appetot 
W.  de  Percy 
H.  de  Lacy 
G.  de  Quincy 
E.  Tracy 
R.  de  la  Souche 


V.  de  Somery 
L  de  Saint  John 
T.  de  Saint  Gory 
P.  de  Boyly 
R.  de  Saint  Valenr 
P.  de  Pinkeny 
S.  de  Pavely 
G.  de  Monthaut 
T.  de  Moontchesy 
R.  de  Lymozy 
G.  de  Lucy 
I.  de  Artois 
N.  de  Arty 
P.  de  Grenidle 
I.  de  Greys 
V.  de  Crescy 

F.  de  Courcy 
T.  de  Lamar 
H.  de  Lymastz 
I.  de  Moubray 

G.  de  Morley 
S.  de  (Forney 
R.  de  Courtenay 
P.  de  Goumey 
R.  de  Cony 

I.  de  la  Huse 
R.  de  la  Huse 
V.  de  Longevile 
E.  Longespy 
I.  Ponchardon 
R.  de  la  Pomercy 
I.  de  Pountz 
R.  de  Pontlarge 
R.  Estraunge 
Tho.  Sayage 


The  Boa  of  BaUel  Abbey.  481 

I  presume  the  reader  sufficiently  wearied  with  so 
many  dull  prose  catalogues,  and  now  we  will  refresh 
him  a  little  with  an  old  song,  as  I  find  their  names 
metrically  composed  in  the  chronicle  of  John  Bromp- 
ton  the  abbot.  Indeed  the  rhythmes  may  be  said  to 
make  themselves,  such  is  the  like  cadency  of  many 
Norman  names ;  and  if  the  verses  do  but  chime  and 
tinck  in  the  close,  it  is  enough  to  the  purpose. 

Vous  qe  desyrez  assaver 

Les  nouns  de  grauntz  dela  la  mer 

Qe  vindrent  od  le  oonquerour 

William  Bastard  de  graunt  vigoure, 

Lours  sumouns  issi  vous  denys, 

Gome  je  les  trova  en  esoris. 

Gar  les  propres  nouns  force  ny  a, 

Parce  qillis  sent  chaunges  sa  et  la ; 

Gome  de  Edmond  en  Edwarde, 

De  Baldwyne  en  Barnard, 

De  Godwyne  en  Godard, 

De  Elys  en  Edwyn  : 

Et  issint  des  touz  autrez  nouns. 

Gome  ils  sont  levez  du  founs. 

Parce  lour  sumouns  qe  sont  usez, 

Et  ne  sont  pas  sovent  chaungez, 

Vous  ay  escript ;  ore  escotez, 

Si  vous  oier  les  wylleth. 

Maundevyle  et  Daundevyle  Baylon  et  Bayloun 

Owmfrayyle  et  Dawmfrevyle  Maris  et  Marmyoun 

Boelyyle  et  Baskarvile  Agulis  et  Aguloun 

Euyle  et  Cleuyle  Chaumberleyn    et   Ghaumber- 

Morevyle  et  Golevyle  soun 

Warbevyle  et  Carvyle  Vere  et  Veraoun 

Botevyle  et  Stotevyle  Verdyen  et  Verdoun 

Deverous  ei  Cavervyle  Cryel  et  Gardoun 

Mooun  et  Boun  Dummer  et  Dommoun 

Vipoun  et  Vinoun  Hastyng  et  Cammois 


4S2 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 


Bardolfe»  Botes  ^  Boys 
Warenne  ei  Wardeboys 
Rodes  et  Deverois 
Auris  et  Argenteyn 
Botetour  et  Botevyleyn 
Malebouch  et  Malemeyn 
Haatevyle  et  Hauteyn 
Denney  el  Dyveyn 
Malins  et  Malvesyn 
Morten  et  Mortimer 
Braiinz  et  Columber 
Seynt  Denis  et  Seynt  Cler 
Seint  Aubyn  et  Seynt  Omer 
Seynt  Fylbert^  Fyens  et  Gomer 
Turbevyle  et  Turbemer 
Oorges  et  Spenser 
Brus  et  Boteler 
Crevequel  et  Seynt  Quinteyn 
Deverouge  et  Seynt  Martyn 
Seynt  Mor  et  Seynt  L^r 
Seynt  Vigor  et  Seynt  Per 
Avynel  et  Paynell 
Peyvere  et  Peverell 
Rivers  et  Rivel 
Beauchamp  et  Beaupel 
Lou  et  Lovell 
Ros  et  Druell 

Mountabouns  et  Mountsorell 
Trussebot  et  Trussell 
Bergos  et  Bumell 
Bray  et  Boterell 
Biset  et  Basset 
Malevyle  et  Malet 
Bonevyle  et  Bonet 
Nervyle  et  Narbet 
Coynale  et  Corbet 
Mountayn  et  Mounfychet 
Geynevyle  et  Ojrffard 
Say  et  Soward 
Chary  et  Chaward 


Pyryton  et  Ffpaid 
Hareoonrt  et  Hannaard 
Musegrave  et  Mosard 
Mare  et  Mautravers 
Fernz  et  Ferers 
Bemeyyle  et  Bemers 
Cheyne  et  Chalers 
Daand(Hi  et  Daangera 
Vessi,  Ghray  et  Ghraungers 
Bertram  et  Bygod 
Traylliz  et  Traygod 
Penbri  et  Pypotte 
Freyn  et  Folyot 
Dapisoun  et  Talbote 
Sanzaver  et  Saunford 
Vadu  et  Vatorte 
Montagu  et  Mounford 
Fomeus  et  Fomyvause 
Valens,  Yle  et  Vans 
Clarel  et  Claraus 
Aubevyle  et  Seint  Amauns 
Agantez  et  Dragans 
Malerbe  et  Maudut 
Brewes  et  Chaudut 
Fizowres  et  Fiz  de  Lou 
Cantemor  et  Cantelou 
Braybuffe  et  Holdbynse 
Bolebeke  et  Molyns 
Moleton  et  Besyle 
Rochforde  et  Desevyle 
Watervyle  et  Dayvyle 
Neburs  et  Nevyle 
Hynoys,  Bnrs^  Burgenoun 
Ylebone^  Hyldebrond.Helyoun 
Loges  et  Seint  Lou 
Maubank  et  Seint  Malou 
Wake  et  Wakevyle 
Coudree  et  Knevyle 
Scales  et  Clermount 
Beauvys  et  Beaumont 


The  Roll  ofBaitd  Abbey. 


433 


Mouns  et  Mountchampe 
Nowers  et  Nowchampe 
Percy*  Crus  et  Laci 
Quyncy  et  Traci 
Stoke8  et  Somery 
Seynt  Jehan  et  Seynt  Jay 
Greyle  et  Seynt  Walry 
Pynkeney  et  Panely 
Mohaunt  et  Mountchensy 
Loveyn  et  Lucy 
Artoys  et  Arcy 


Grevyle  et  Courcy 
Arras  et  Cressy 
Merle  et  Moubray 
Gomay  et  Cowrtnay 
Haustlayng  et  Tomay 
Hunee  et  Ilusay 
Pounchardon  et  Pomeray 
Longevyle  et  Longespay 
Peyns  et  Pountlarge 
Straunge  et  Sauvage*. 


Pass  we  now  from  poetry  to  painting,  seeing  great 
the  affinity  betwixt  them,  fancy  being  predominant 
in  both.  Present  we  here  the  reader  with  the  names 
and  arms  of  forty  soldiers  of  king  William  the  Con- 
queror, matched  with  as  many  monks ;  but  how,  and 
on  what  occasion,  the  ensuing  writing  will  acquaint 


us^ 


"  In  the  time  of  Thurston,  our  abbot  of  Ely,  bom 
of  worshipful  parentage  in  the  village  of  Wichford 
near  Ely,  king  Harold,  son  of  Godwin,  and  to- 
gether with  him  all  the  states  of  England  almost, 
•*  were  slain  by  the  soldiers  of  William  duke  of 
"  Normandy,  nephew  to  St.  Edward  the  king,  upon 
"  the  feast  of  St.  Calixt  the  pope,  in  the  year  of  our 
''  Lord  God  one  thousand  sixty  and  six. 


«« 


it 


(« 


«  [Bronipt.  p.  963,  collated 
with  the  MS.  in  the  Cotton 
Library. 

f  I^The  outline  of  this  paper 
will  be  found  in  the  Chro- 
nicle of  Thomas  of  Ely,  pub- 
lished by  Wharton  in  his  Ang. 
Sac.  I.  609.     But  who  is  the 

FULLER,  VOL.  1. 


earl  of  Margary  and  Edward 
Byam  ?  It  should  almost  seem 
that  Edward  was  a  mistake 
for  Her  ward  or  Here  ward,  the 
Saxon  who  took  refuge  in  Ely, 
and  earl  Margary  for  earl  Mor- 
car.  See  Flor.  Wigorn.  an. 
1071.] 

rf 


484  The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 

"  Whereupon  iEgelwine  bishop  of  Durham,  Eg- 
"  fride  abbot  of  St.  Alban's,  the  earl  of  Margary, 
"  and  Edward  Byam,  with  sundry  other  chief  of  the 
"  land,  together  with  their  friends,  laden  with  great 
"  treasures,  fled  unto  us,  desirous  to  withstand,  so 
"  far  as  lay  in  them,  the  enterprise  of  the  bastard : 
"  by  whose  aid  we  withstood  the  tempestuous  threats 
of  the  Normans  seven  years,  until  such  a  time  as 
Belase,  who  at  that  time  was  general  of  the  king's 
"  army,  and  from  whom  the  circuit  of  certain  hills 
"  at  the  south  end  of  Alderhithe-causey,  which  at 
"  this  day  are  corruptly  called  Belsar's  hills,  took 
"  their  name,  being  cast  up  on  purpose  that  the  army 
"  in  the  night-time  might  lodge  there  safely,  astonied 
us  by  the  means  of  an  huge  number   of  boats 
gathered  together  upon  a  sudden.     A  council  then 
"  being  called,  it  seemed  good  to  our  captains  in 
"  convenient  time  to  crave  the  king's  mercy.  Where- 
**  upon  certain  were  sent  to  the  king's  court,  being 
"  then  at  Warwick,  carrying  with  them  to  the  king 
"  a  mighty  treasure,  a  competent  price  and  satisfac- 
tion to  pacify  him  concerning  an  unadvised  at- 
tempt.    Wherewith  the  honourable  king  was  ap- 
peased, yet  with  this  covenant  and  condition,  that 
so  long  as  it  pleased  him,  forty  of  the  king's  sol- 
"  diers  should  be  maintained  at  the  charge  of  the 
"  monastery.     For  the  king  feared,  lest  that  whilst 
"  he  bent  his  forces  against  the  Scots  not  yet  sub- 
"  dued,    the    Isle   of    Ely,    being   then   a   dreadful 
"  strength,  should  again  revolt  to  his  great  danger. 
"  The  soldiers  with  their  retinue  are  sent,  they  come 
"  and  here  abide.     Whereof  each  one  is  delivered  to 
"  some  principal  monk,  as  a  captain  to  his  lieutenant, 
**  or  a  guest  to  his  host.     Now  the  king  decreed 


4( 


The  Roll  (f  Battel  Abbey,  485 

that  Bertwolde  the  butler  should  minister  food  to 
the  soldiers  and  monks  jointly  together,  one  with 
another,  in  the  common  hall  of  the  monastery. 
What  need  many  words  ?  These  captains  to  their 
lieutenants,  these  guests  to  their  hosts,  these  sol- 
diers to  their  monks  were  most  welcome :  for  all 
of  them  entertained  each  one,  each  one  enter- 
tained  all,  and  every  one  nmtually  one  another, 
with  all  duties  of  humanity.  At  length  the  fire  of 
the  civil  war  being  quenched,  and  the  king  esta- 
blished according  to  his  heart's  desire,  five  years 
after,  his  severity  in  punishing  being  in  godly 
manner  pacified,  it  pleased  the  king  to  withdraw 
his  yoke,  wherewith  the  pride  of  the  monks  was 
now  sufficiently  abated.  And  the  conqueror  re- 
claimed his  soldiers  to  punish  the  ungodly  inso- 
lency  of  his  son  Robert,  who  at  that  time  in  out- 
rageous manner  kept  riot  in  Normandy.  But  our 
monks  (which  is  a  wonder  to  report)  did  not  only 
Avith  tears  bewail  the  departure  of  their  dearest 
mates^  the  heroical  soldiers  and  welcome  guests, 
but  howled  out  most  fearfully,  and  beat  their 
breasts  as  destitute  of  hope,  after  the  manner  of  a 
new-married  wife,  whose  husband  is  violently  taken 
away,  at  an  unseasonable  time,  out  of  her  sweet 
arms  unto  the  wars.  For  they  doubted  lest  that, 
being  thus  forsaken,  they  should  be  subject  to  the 
spoil;  whereas  they  had  lived  securely  at  ease, 
with  their  armed  guests,  to  whose  trust  they  had 
committed  themselves  and  their  goods.  They 
being  now  all  ready  for  their  journey,  every  one  of 
our  monks,  many  in  number,  investured  in  their 
copes,  in  dutiful  manner  accompanied  these  gentle- 
men departing  unto  Hadenham,  with  songs,  crosses, 

Ff  2 


4S6  The  RoU  of' Battel  Abbey . 

"  censers,  processions,  and  all  solemnity  that  might 
"  be  used.  And  returning  home,  took  order  that 
"  the  arms  of  each  soldier  should  be  lively  depainted 
"  upon  the  wall  of  the  common  hall,  where  they 
"  took  their  repast  together,  to  the  perpetual  memory 
"  of  the  customed  kindness  of  their  soldier-like 
"  guests,  the  which  from  time  to  time,  from  the  pre- 
"  decessors  to  the  successors,  and  from  obscure  an- 
"  tiquity  to  our  posterity  at  this  day,  are  curiously 
"  set  forth  to  be  viewed  of  all  men,  not  without  a 
"  pleasant  delight,  in  such  manner  as  they  glitter 
'*  and  shine  honourable  in  the  margent  of  this 
"  table." 

This  writing  was  composed  about  the  reign  of 
king  Henry  the  Seventh,  but  the  arms  set  up  in 
Ely-hall  (as  may  appear  by  inserting  the  coat  of 
Robert  Orford,  the  fourteenth  bishop  of  Ely)  about 
the  year  1306.  Which  hall  was  destroyed  at  the 
dissolution;  but  another  transcript  of  the  arms  of 
these  knights  being  depicted  on  the  wall  of  the 
dean's  dining-room,  was  lately  extant,  whence  our 
draught  here  presented  was  taken,  (rather  truly  than 
neatly  done,  out  of  desire  to  conform  to  the  original,) 
and  communicated  to  me  by  that  worthy  knight  and 
able  antiquary,  sir  Simon  Archer  of  Warwickshire  p. 
Some  will  wonder  that  Mr.  Camden  maketh  no 
mention  hereof,  whose  omnisciency  in  these  things 
may  be  presumed  of.  Yea,  which  is  more,  "  there 
is,"  saith  he,  "  a  rampire  of  mean  height,  but  of 
very  large  compass,  which  they  call  Belsar's  hills, 
of  one  Belsar,  I  wot  not  who**;"  taking  no  notice 


a 


ff  [See  a  copy  of  it  in  Ben-  h  Camden's     Britannia     in 

tham's  Ely,  p.  io6.]  CamhridgeHhire,  [p.  361.] 


The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey,  487 

of  Belasis,  the  Norman  general  who  subdued  Elie, 
and  from  whom  our  late-produced  writing  attesteth 
those  hills  to  be  so  named.  But  besides  that  Cam- 
dentis  no7i  videt  omnia^  great  antiquaries  are  some- 
times subject  to  fits  of  suUenness,  and  will  not  see 
what  they  do  see,  when  resolved  to  take  no  notice 
thereof. 

And  now  we  have  presented  the  reader  with  eight 
several  catalogues,  two  of  Holinshed's,  two  of  Stow's, 
two  of  Mr,  Fox,  one  of  Scriven's,  one  of  friar 
Brompton's,  besides  the  list  of  Elie  knights ;  I  could 
wish  a  good  herald  would  make  a  mono^gdoon^  that 
is,  "  one  out  of  eight,*'  and  alphabetically  digest  the 
same  ;  also  note  what  names  are  extant,  and  which, 
how,  and  when  extinct. 

By  names  which  I  call  extinct,  understand,  not 
existent  in  any  signal  and  remarkable  lustre  propor- 
tionable to  their  former  greatness,  though  possibly 
some  obscure  under-boughs,  truly  derived  thence, 
may  still  be  in  being.  That  worthy  doctor'  hath 
made  many  converts  in  physic  to  his  seeming  para- 
dox, maintaining  the  circulation  of  blood  running 
round  about  the  body  of  man.  Nor  is  it  less  true, 
that  gentle  blood  fetcheth  a  circuit  in  the  body  of  a 
nation,  running  from  yeomanry  through  gentry  to 
nobility,  and  so  retrograde,  returning  through  gentry 
to  yeomanry  again.  My  father  hath  told  me  from 
the  mouth  of  sir  Robert  Cotton,  that  that  worthy 
knight  met  in  a  morning  a  true  and  undoubted  Plan- 
tagenet  holding  the  plough  in  the  country. 

He  might  add  arms  to  ancient  names,  where  he 
could  recover  any  certainty  therein ;  for  I  am  con- 
fident that  hereditary  arms  are  not  so  ancient  as  the 

*  Dr.  Hervey. 


438  The  RoU  of  Battel  Abbey. 

conquest,  but  fixed  in  families  about  the  beginning 
of  Henry  the  Third,  finding  before  that  time  the 
warlike  devices  of  the  sons  not  the  same  vdth  the 
fancies  of  their  fathers,  and  their  grandchildren  dif- 
fering from  both. 

If  any  say  that  I  have  already  gone  too  fer  in  this 
subject,  who  am  no  herald  by  profession,  but  only 
Kfipv^^  prcBCOy  a  crier  in  the  spiritual  acceptation  of 
the  office;  yea,  that  this  favours  of  revenge,  as  if 
because  so  many  in  this  age  invade  my  calling,  I  in 
requital  have  made  incursion  into  other  men's  pro- 
fessions; like  men  that  take  letters  of  mart,  not 
caring  whom  they  wrong,  so  they  repair  themselves 
for  their  former  sustained  or  pretended  losses:  let 
such  know  that  I  adventure  on  heraldry  not  as  a 
calling,  but  as  an  accessory  quality  for  recreation. 
And,  in  evidence  of  my  loyalty  to  the  king  of  arms, 
I  submit  what  here  I  have  written  to  their  censure 
and  correction,  who  have  obliged  me  unto  them  with 
their  many  and  great  civilities. 

Only  I  will  add  some  corollaries  to  this  roll,  and 
so  conclude. 

The  prefix-     First  coTolL  When  any  name  begins  \iith  a  vowel 

fore  names,  or  an  H,  the  prefixing  of  D'  createth  a  (seeming) 
new  name ;  as,  Arcy,  D'Arcy ;  Ann  vers,  D'Aunvers ; 
Haurel  or  Hairel,  D'Hairel. 

French  sur-     SecoTid  coTolL  Frcuch  sumames  are  generally  dis- 

cerned  by   ccmible  by  their  termmations : 

their  termi- 


nations.        jp  ^^^ 

as,  Savage. 

ers. 

83,  Danvers. 

ard, 

GifFard. 

eux, 

Devereux. 

chanipe, 

Beauchampe. 

et. 

Barret. 

court. 

Harcourt. 

lay. 

Cholmelav* 

cy, 

Darcy. 

nay, 

Courtnay. 

ell, 

Terrell. 

ol, 

Talbot. 

er. 

A  rcher. 

vile, 

Nevile. 

Tk€  RM  tf  Baud  Abbey.  499 

Some  few  names  whose  endings  are  exceptions  from 
these  roles  are  easily  observed  by  reading*  and 
known  to  be  of  French  extraction. 

Third  coroH.  Wivil  is  the  last  name  in  most  cata-  y»^a  ^ 
logues.     First  fixed  at  Stanton  Wivil  in  Leicester- cata^gwe. 
shire,  where  thev  continued   in  the  twentv-fourth 
year  of  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the  Sixth,  on  this 
token,  that   William  Wivil,  being  sworn  and   ex- 
amined, did  depose  that  he  could  expend  twenty 
pounds  a  year  of  old  rents  besides  all  charges.     Of 
this  house  was  Robert  de  Wivil  bishop  of  Salisbury, 
one  neither  handsome  nor  learned,  but  eminent  for 
his  long  life  (forty-five  years  bishop  there)  and  high 
spirit,  that  he  would  not  suffer  the  castle  of  Sarum 
to  be  parted  from  his  see,  challenged  by  William 
Mountacute  earl  of  Salisbury,  without  putting   it 
upon  trial  of  battle.     Liong  since  the  Wivils  here 
are  extinct,  bearing  gules,  frettey  vary,  a  chief  or. 
But  there  is  extant  an  ancient  family  of  that  name 
in  the  north,  (though  different  in  arms,)  augmented 
in  state  and  honour  bv  matches  with  the  heirs  of 
Pigot,  Scroope  of  Upsal,  and  Bointon :  whereof  sir 
Marmaduke  Wivil   of  Constable-Burton   in  Rich- 
mondshire   was    created    baronet   by   king  James, 
whose  grandchild  Marmaduke  baronet  Wivil  mar- 
ried the  daughter  of  Couiers  lord  Darcy.    And  I  am 
glad  that  I  may  auspiciously  close,  and  conclude  my 
catalogue   with   so   worthy   a  gentleman;    bearing 
gules,  three  cheveronels  braced  in  base,  gobonee  ar- 
gent and  azure,  a  chief  or. 

Fourth  corolL  All  names  of  gentry  which  by  au-  The  famiiv 
thentical  records  came  over  at  the  conquest  are  not  g,T»t«. 
expressed  in  any  of  these  catalogues ;  as  Saukvil  or 


440  The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 

Sackvil,  and  Waldgrave,  we  finding  two  of  that  sur- 
name. 

One  John  Waldgrave  a  Saxon,  Uving  at  Wald- 
grave in  Northamptonshire,  and  possessed  of  that 
manor  before  the  conquest. 

The  other  a  Walloon  of  that  name,  coming  over 
with  the  conqueror,  and  employed  by  him  in  many 
services. 

The  latter  of  these,  on  the  former  his  consent 
that  he  should  marry  his  only  daughter,  procured 
from  the  conqueror  a  pardon  for  his  father-in-law, 
that  he  might  quietly  enjoy  his  lands  and  livings, 
descending  on  this  Walloon  Waldgrave  after  the 
other  his  death.     Which  pardon,  legible  in  French, 
was  anno  1612  in  the  possession  of  the  Waldgraves, 
still  flourishing  in  Suffolk*^. 
After  the        Fifth  cotvlL  Let  none  wonder  if  some  names  of 
AmnOn).  worshipful  and  honourable  families,  undoubtedly  of 
French  in   French  original,  (but  since  the  conquest,)  have  not 
England,    appeared    in  the  aforesaid   catalogues.     For   know 
that  after  the  conquest,  sundry  Frenchmen  of  signal 
worth  entered  England  at  several  times,  chiefly  at 
the  marriage,   first,  of  king  Henry  the  Second  to 
queen  Eleanor,  who  brought  the  dukedom  of  Aqui- 
tain   and    earldom    of    Poictiers   for  her    dowry  : 
secondly,  of  Edward  the  Second  to  Isabella  daughter 
to  Philip  the  Fair,  king  of  France,  when  three  thou- 
sand French  came  over  with  her,  (complained  of  as  a 

• 

great  grievance,)  and  many  settled  there.  Not  to 
speak  of  the  conquests  of  king  Edward  the  Third 
and  Henry  the  Fifth  in  France,  causing  such  an  in- 

^  Attested   by  John  R^iveri   Richmond.    See   Weaver's  Fu- 
neral Monuments,  p.  757. 


The  Roll  of  BaUel  Abbey.  441 

tercourse  of  the  nations,  that  then  England  and 
France  may  be  said  to  have  bom  oounterchangeably 
each  other's  natives. 

Sitth  coroU.  Many  will  admire  no  mention  of  Trademieii 
tradesmen  in  all  these  catalogues,  being  of  absolute ^^^d^' 
necessity  both  in  war  and  peace.     For  soon  would  ^^^p 
the  head  of  the  best  monsieur  ache  without  a  capper:  '^'^  **'®™- 
hands  be  tanned  without  a  glover ;  feet  be  foundred 
without  a  tanner,  currier,  shoemaker;  whole  body  be 
starved,  cold,  without  weaver,  fuller,  tailor;  hungry, 
without  baker,  brewer,  cook;  harbourless,  without 
mason,  smith,  and  carpenter.  Say  not  it  was  beneath 
the  French  gallantry  to  stoop  to  such  mean  employ- 
ments, who  found  all  these  trades  here  amongst  the 
English  their  vassals.     For  (besides  that  nothing  is 
base  which  is  honest,  and  necessary  for  human  so- 
ciety) such  as  are  acquainted  with  the  French  both 
ancient  and  modem  finical  humour,  know  they  ac- 
count our  tailors  botchers,  shoemakers  cobblers,  cooks 
slovens,  compared  to  the  exactness  of  their  fEUicy 
and  palate ;  so  that  certainly  such  trades  came  over 
with  them. 

Seventh  corolL  But  hear  what  our  great  antiquary*  ^  ^Sm^ 
saith  herein.  "In  that  most  authentical  register, day-book. 
Domesday-book  in  the  exchequer,  ye  shall  have 
cociLSy  aurifabeTy  jnctor^  pistor^  accipitraritiSy  came^ 
rariuSy  venatOTj  pisctUor^  medicus ;  cook,  goldsmith, 
painter,  baker,  falconer,  chamberlain,  huntsman, 
"  fisher,  leach,  marshall,  porter,  and  others,  which 
"  then  held  land  in  capite^  and  without  doubt  left 
"  these  names  to  their  posterity ;  albeit  haply  they 
"  are  not  mentioned  in  those  tables  of  Battel-abbey 
"  of  such  as  came  in  at  the  conquest." 

1  Camden  his  Remains^  p.  153. 

FULLER,  VOL.  I.  O  g 


442  The  Roll  of  Battel  Abbey. 

^*5ui  Eighth  caroll.  Now  let  me  bespeak  the  reader^s 
English,  pity  (though  possibly  his  ingenuous  symp^y  hath 
given  it  before  it  was  requested)  for  those  poor 
Englishmen  who  were  to  find  free  quarters  for  aU 
those  French.  Where  could  their  landlords  lodge 
them?  Or  rather,  how  could  they  long  continue 
landlords,  when  such  potent  guests  came  to  their 
houses?  O  the  several  ways  which  their  necessities 
dictated  unto  them !  Some  fought,  as  the  Kentish, 
who  capitulated  for  their  liberty :  some  fled,  as  those 
in  the  north  into  Scotland :  some  hid  themselves,  as 
many  in  middle  England  in  the  Isle  of  Ely :  some, 
as  those  of  Norfolk,  traversed  their  title  by  law,  and 
that  with  good  success  in  the  old  age  of  king  Wil- 
liam the  Conqueror.  Most  betook  themselves  to 
patience,  which  taught  many  a  noble  hand  to  work, 
foot  to  travel,  tongue  to  intreat ;  even  thanking  them 
for  their  courtesy  who  were  pleased  to  restore  a 
shiver  of  their  own  loaf  which  they  violently  took 
from  them. 


END  OF  VOL.  I.